Women's consumption and the industrial classes of eighteenth-century England

Journal of Social History

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 414-434

  Berg, Maxine ^a  

^a Department of History ^*  (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0030525177     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/30.2.415     Document Type: Article

References (116)

1. See L. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture, 1660-1760 (London, 1988); C. Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford 1990); B. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite. The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain 1660-1800 (Oxford, 1991).
2. See L. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture, 1660-1760 (London, 1988); C. Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford 1990); B. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite. The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain 1660-1800 (Oxford, 1991).
3. See L. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture, 1660-1760 (London, 1988); C. Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford 1990); B. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite. The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain 1660-1800 (Oxford, 1991).
4. See J. Benson, The Rise of Consumer Society in Britain, 1880-1930 (London, 1994); B. Fine and E. Leopold, The World of Consumption (London, 1993); J. Brewer and R. Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993); G. McCracken, Culture and Consumption (Bloomington, Indiana, 1988).
5. See J. Benson, The Rise of Consumer Society in Britain, 1880-1930 (London, 1994); B. Fine and E. Leopold, The World of Consumption (London, 1993); J. Brewer and R. Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993); G. McCracken, Culture and Consumption (Bloomington, Indiana, 1988).
6. See J. Benson, The Rise of Consumer Society in Britain, 1880-1930 (London, 1994); B. Fine and E. Leopold, The World of Consumption (London, 1993); J. Brewer and R. Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993); G. McCracken, Culture and Consumption (Bloomington, Indiana, 1988).
7. See J. Benson, The Rise of Consumer Society in Britain, 1880-1930 (London, 1994); B. Fine and E. Leopold, The World of Consumption (London, 1993); J. Brewer and R. Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1993); G. McCracken, Culture and Consumption (Bloomington, Indiana, 1988).
8. See the argument made by J. de Vries for an "industrious revolution" preceding the industrial revolution. See J. de Vries, "The Industrial Revolution and the Industrious Revolution," Journal of Economic History 54 (1994): 249-270. Also see his longer article, "Between Purchasing Power and the World of Goods: Understanding the Household Economy in Early Modern Europe" in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds., Consumption and the World of Goods, 85-132.
9. See the argument made by J. de Vries for an "industrious revolution" preceding the industrial revolution. See J. de Vries, "The Industrial Revolution and the Industrious Revolution," Journal of Economic History 54 (1994): 249-270. Also see his longer article, "Between Purchasing Power and the World of Goods: Understanding the Household Economy in Early Modern Europe" in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds., Consumption and the World of Goods, 85-132.
10. See N. McKendrick, J. Brewer, and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society (London, 1983); N. McKendrick, "Home Demand and Economic Growth. A New View of the Role of Women and Children in the Industrial Revolution," in N. McKendrick ed., Historical Perspectives. Studies in English Thought and Society (London, 1974).
11. See N. McKendrick, J. Brewer, and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society (London, 1983); N. McKendrick, "Home Demand and Economic Growth. A New View of the Role of Women and Children in the Industrial Revolution," in N. McKendrick ed., Historical Perspectives. Studies in English Thought and Society (London, 1974).
12. See Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, 70-90; also Weatherill, "Consumer Behaviour and Social Status in England, 1660-1750," Continuity and Change 1 (1986): 191-216, especially 200, 204; Weatherill, "A Possession of One's Own: Women and Consumer Behaviour in England, 1660-1740," Journal of British Studies 25 (1986): 131-156.
13. See Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, 70-90; also Weatherill, "Consumer Behaviour and Social Status in England, 1660-1750," Continuity and Change 1 (1986): 191-216, especially 200, 204; Weatherill, "A Possession of One's Own: Women and Consumer Behaviour in England, 1660-1740," Journal of British Studies 25 (1986): 131-156.
14. See Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, 70-90; also Weatherill, "Consumer Behaviour and Social Status in England, 1660-1750," Continuity and Change 1 (1986): 191-216, especially 200, 204; Weatherill, "A Possession of One's Own: Women and Consumer Behaviour in England, 1660-1740," Journal of British Studies 25 (1986): 131-156.
15. Weatherill, "A Possession": 155.
16. C. Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer, 180-1.
17. E. Hopkins, "The Trading and Service Sectors of the Birmingham Economy 1750-1800," in R. P. T. Davenport-Hines and J. Liebenau, Business in the Age of Reason (London, 1987), 77-97, esp. 83-87. Also E. Hopkins, Birmingham the First Manufacturing Town in the World (London, 1989), 65-7; On Sheffield see Dennis Smith, Conflict and Compromise. Class Formation in English Society 1830-1914. A Comparative Study of Birmingham and Sheffield (London, 1982), 25-7, 75; R.E. Leader, Sheffield in the Eighteenth Century (Sheffield, 1901).
18. E. Hopkins, "The Trading and Service Sectors of the Birmingham Economy 1750-1800," in R. P. T. Davenport-Hines and J. Liebenau, Business in the Age of Reason (London, 1987), 77-97, esp. 83-87. Also E. Hopkins, Birmingham the First Manufacturing Town in the World (London, 1989), 65-7; On Sheffield see Dennis Smith, Conflict and Compromise. Class Formation in English Society 1830-1914. A Comparative Study of Birmingham and Sheffield (London, 1982), 25-7, 75; R.E. Leader, Sheffield in the Eighteenth Century (Sheffield, 1901).
19. E. Hopkins, "The Trading and Service Sectors of the Birmingham Economy 1750-1800," in R. P. T. Davenport-Hines and J. Liebenau, Business in the Age of Reason (London, 1987), 77-97, esp. 83-87. Also E. Hopkins, Birmingham the First Manufacturing Town in the World (London, 1989), 65-7; On Sheffield see Dennis Smith, Conflict and Compromise. Class Formation in English Society 1830-1914. A Comparative Study of Birmingham and Sheffield (London, 1982), 25-7, 75; R.E. Leader, Sheffield in the Eighteenth Century (Sheffield, 1901).
20. E. Hopkins, "The Trading and Service Sectors of the Birmingham Economy 1750-1800," in R. P. T. Davenport-Hines and J. Liebenau, Business in the Age of Reason (London, 1987), 77-97, esp. 83-87. Also E. Hopkins, Birmingham the First Manufacturing Town in the World (London, 1989), 65-7; On Sheffield see Dennis Smith, Conflict and Compromise. Class Formation in English Society 1830-1914. A Comparative Study of Birmingham and Sheffield (London, 1982), 25-7, 75; R.E. Leader, Sheffield in the Eighteenth Century (Sheffield, 1901).
21. H. Mui and L. H. Mui, Shops and Shopkeeping in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1989), 66-72.
22. P. Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance. Culture and Society in the Provincial Town 1660-1770 (Oxford, 1989), 337, 345, 350.
23. M. Berg, "Women's Property and the Industrial Revolution," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24 (1993): 233-250, 237.
24. These percentages were calculated from a catalogue made from the occupations of all those leaving wills Birmingham and Sheffield from 1700-1800, and from manuscripts probate documents in Lichfield Joint Record Office and in the Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, University of York.
25. Berg, "Womens Property": 237; A. Erickson, "The Comfortable Estate of Widowhood is the Only Hope that Keeps us a Wife's Spirits: the Economic Fortunes of the Widowed from the late Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century," Paper to the Berkshire Conference on Women's History, 1990; cf. A. Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (London, 1993), 205-6.
26. Berg, "Womens Property": 237; A. Erickson, "The Comfortable Estate of Widowhood is the Only Hope that Keeps us a Wife's Spirits: the Economic Fortunes of the Widowed from the late Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century," Paper to the Berkshire Conference on Women's History, 1990; cf. A. Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (London, 1993), 205-6.
27. Berg, "Womens Property": 237; A. Erickson, "The Comfortable Estate of Widowhood is the Only Hope that Keeps us a Wife's Spirits: the Economic Fortunes of the Widowed from the late Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century," Paper to the Berkshire Conference on Women's History, 1990; cf. A. Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (London, 1993), 205-6.
28. Berg, "Women's Property": 237.
29. The argument has been made for both nineteenth-century England and for colonial America that women had more personal possessions and bequeathed these with care because they did not own real property. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987), 211; Gloria Main, "Widows in Rural Massachusetts on the Eve of the Revolution," in R. Hoffman and P. J. Albert eds., Women in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville, 1989), 88-9. Alice Hanson Jones, "The Wealth of Women, 1774" also finds detailed descriptions of clothing and other personal belongings in women's wills in colonial America, in C. Goldin and H. Rockoff, eds., Strategic Factors in Nineteenth-Century American History (Chicago, 1992), 243-263. But see Berg, "Women's Property": 242. Compare this to the much smaller proportions of rural women bequeathing land in the seventeenth century. See Erickson, Women and Property, 216.
30. The argument has been made for both nineteenth-century England and for colonial America that women had more personal possessions and bequeathed these with care because they did not own real property. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987), 211; Gloria Main, "Widows in Rural Massachusetts on the Eve of the Revolution," in R. Hoffman and P. J. Albert eds., Women in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville, 1989), 88-9. Alice Hanson Jones, "The Wealth of Women, 1774" also finds detailed descriptions of clothing and other personal belongings in women's wills in colonial America, in C. Goldin and H. Rockoff, eds., Strategic Factors in Nineteenth-Century American History (Chicago, 1992), 243-263. But see Berg, "Women's Property": 242. Compare this to the much smaller proportions of rural women bequeathing land in the seventeenth century. See Erickson, Women and Property, 216.
31. The argument has been made for both nineteenth-century England and for colonial America that women had more personal possessions and bequeathed these with care because they did not own real property. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987), 211; Gloria Main, "Widows in Rural Massachusetts on the Eve of the Revolution," in R. Hoffman and P. J. Albert eds., Women in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville, 1989), 88-9. Alice Hanson Jones, "The Wealth of Women, 1774" also finds detailed descriptions of clothing and other personal belongings in women's wills in colonial America, in C. Goldin and H. Rockoff, eds., Strategic Factors in Nineteenth-Century American History (Chicago, 1992), 243-263. But see Berg, "Women's Property": 242. Compare this to the much smaller proportions of rural women bequeathing land in the seventeenth century. See Erickson, Women and Property, 216.
32. The argument has been made for both nineteenth-century England and for colonial America that women had more personal possessions and bequeathed these with care because they did not own real property. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987), 211; Gloria Main, "Widows in Rural Massachusetts on the Eve of the Revolution," in R. Hoffman and P. J. Albert eds., Women in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville, 1989), 88-9. Alice Hanson Jones, "The Wealth of Women, 1774" also finds detailed descriptions of clothing and other personal belongings in women's wills in colonial America, in C. Goldin and H. Rockoff, eds., Strategic Factors in Nineteenth-Century American History (Chicago, 1992), 243-263. But see Berg, "Women's Property": 242. Compare this to the much smaller proportions of rural women bequeathing land in the seventeenth century. See Erickson, Women and Property, 216.
33. The argument has been made for both nineteenth-century England and for colonial America that women had more personal possessions and bequeathed these with care because they did not own real property. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987), 211; Gloria Main, "Widows in Rural Massachusetts on the Eve of the Revolution," in R. Hoffman and P. J. Albert eds., Women in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville, 1989), 88-9. Alice Hanson Jones, "The Wealth of Women, 1774" also finds detailed descriptions of clothing and other personal belongings in women's wills in colonial America, in C. Goldin and H. Rockoff, eds., Strategic Factors in Nineteenth-Century American History (Chicago, 1992), 243-263. But see Berg, "Women's Property": 242. Compare this to the much smaller proportions of rural women bequeathing land in the seventeenth century. See Erickson, Women and Property, 216.
34. See M. Spufford, "The Limitations of the Probate Inventory," in J. Chartres and D. Hey eds., English Rural Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1990), 139-174; N. Cox and J. Cox, "Probate Inventories: the Legal Background," Local Historian 16 (1984): 133-145, 217-227.
35. See M. Spufford, "The Limitations of the Probate Inventory," in J. Chartres and D. Hey eds., English Rural Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1990), 139-174; N. Cox and J. Cox, "Probate Inventories: the Legal Background," Local Historian 16 (1984): 133-145, 217-227.
36. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, 2-4.
37. R. Hoffman and P. J. Albert, "Inheritance and the Social History of Early American Women," in Hoffman and Albert, Women in the Age, 45-66, 47.
38. Weatherill, "A Possession": 149-151.
39. Erickson in Women and Property mentions personal attachments to goods and to people as these were expressed in people's wills, but does not in this study investigate these through bequests.
40. The budget covering food, rent and fuel for a family of five in the late eighteenth century was calculated at £35 2s. per annum. See Mui and Mui, Shops and Shopkeeping, 154. Most of the Birmingham and Sheffield metalworkers with insurance policies were insured for £100 to £500. Those with over £1000 were among the wealthiest. This places these middling orders well below the levels of wealth found in Earle's sample of comparable groups in London. Peter Earle The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660-1730 (Berkeley, 1989), 32. Cf. M. Berg, "Small Producer Capitalism in Eighteenth-Century England," Business History 35 (1993): 17-39, 28. Schwarz calculates that the median insurance policy for the metal trades in London was £400 to £500, and that the minimum required to set up in a trade in London in the mid eighteenth century was £100 in contrast to the £50-£60 it cost to do so in most towns. No journeyman on £40 a year could have afforded to do so. See L. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1992), 61, 66, 166.
41. The budget covering food, rent and fuel for a family of five in the late eighteenth century was calculated at £35 2s. per annum. See Mui and Mui, Shops and Shopkeeping, 154. Most of the Birmingham and Sheffield metalworkers with insurance policies were insured for £100 to £500. Those with over £1000 were among the wealthiest. This places these middling orders well below the levels of wealth found in Earle's sample of comparable groups in London. Peter Earle The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660-1730 (Berkeley, 1989), 32. Cf. M. Berg, "Small Producer Capitalism in Eighteenth-Century England," Business History 35 (1993): 17-39, 28. Schwarz calculates that the median insurance policy for the metal trades in London was £400 to £500, and that the minimum required to set up in a trade in London in the mid eighteenth century was £100 in contrast to the £50-£60 it cost to do so in most towns. No journeyman on £40 a year could have afforded to do so. See L. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1992), 61, 66, 166.
42. The budget covering food, rent and fuel for a family of five in the late eighteenth century was calculated at £35 2s. per annum. See Mui and Mui, Shops and Shopkeeping, 154. Most of the Birmingham and Sheffield metalworkers with insurance policies were insured for £100 to £500. Those with over £1000 were among the wealthiest. This places these middling orders well below the levels of wealth found in Earle's sample of comparable groups in London. Peter Earle The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660-1730 (Berkeley, 1989), 32. Cf. M. Berg, "Small Producer Capitalism in Eighteenth-Century England," Business History 35 (1993): 17-39, 28. Schwarz calculates that the median insurance policy for the metal trades in London was £400 to £500, and that the minimum required to set up in a trade in London in the mid eighteenth century was £100 in contrast to the £50-£60 it cost to do so in most towns. No journeyman on £40 a year could have afforded to do so. See L. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1992), 61, 66, 166.
43. The budget covering food, rent and fuel for a family of five in the late eighteenth century was calculated at £35 2s. per annum. See Mui and Mui, Shops and Shopkeeping, 154. Most of the Birmingham and Sheffield metalworkers with insurance policies were insured for £100 to £500. Those with over £1000 were among the wealthiest. This places these middling orders well below the levels of wealth found in Earle's sample of comparable groups in London. Peter Earle The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660-1730 (Berkeley, 1989), 32. Cf. M. Berg, "Small Producer Capitalism in Eighteenth-Century England," Business History 35 (1993): 17-39, 28. Schwarz calculates that the median insurance policy for the metal trades in London was £400 to £500, and that the minimum required to set up in a trade in London in the mid eighteenth century was £100 in contrast to the £50-£60 it cost to do so in most towns. No journeyman on £40 a year could have afforded to do so. See L. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1992), 61, 66, 166.
44. Clothing was frequently insured as a separate item in the Royal Exchange and Sun Insurance Records. It was sometimes recorded in inventories, but not consistently. In both types of record individual items of clothing were not separately itemised.
45. Weatherill, "Consumer Behaviour, Textiles and Dress in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries," in N.B. Harte ed., Fabrics and Fashions. Studies in the Economic and Social History of Dress, Textile History 22 (1991): 297-310, 308-9.
46. See Table 1. Numbers of lots containing clothing were divided by number of lots left by women and men respectively.
47. Table 2.
48. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Probate records, Prudence Bryan (7 June, 1703).
49. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Probate Records, Sarah Birch (10 February, 1725).
50. Borthwick Institute, University of York, Probate Records, Sarah Furniss (June, 1772).
51. ibid., Ann Carr (October, 1768).
52. ibid., Ann Ibbotson (May, 1789).
53. ibid., Katherine Bragg (April, 1774).
54. ibid., Anne Waterhouse (January, 1788).
55. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Probate Records, Sarah Dunn (22 August, 1764).
56. ibid., Elizabeth Lynes (3 August, 1739).
57. ibid., Hannah Owen (10 July, 1778).
58. ibid., Sarah Dunn.
59. ibid., Sarah Skidmore (14 October, 1800).
60. Borthwick Institute, University of York, Probate Records, Ann Allen (August, 1794).
61. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite, 61-76; B. Lemire, "The Theft of Clothes and Popular Consumerism in Early Modern England," Journal of Social History 24 (1990): 256-76; J. Styles, "Clothing the North: the Supply of non-elite Clothing in the Eighteenth-Century North of England," Textile History 25 (1994): 139-166.
62. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite, 61-76; B. Lemire, "The Theft of Clothes and Popular Consumerism in Early Modern England," Journal of Social History 24 (1990): 256-76; J. Styles, "Clothing the North: the Supply of non-elite Clothing in the Eighteenth-Century North of England," Textile History 25 (1994): 139-166.
63. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite, 61-76; B. Lemire, "The Theft of Clothes and Popular Consumerism in Early Modern England," Journal of Social History 24 (1990): 256-76; J. Styles, "Clothing the North: the Supply of non-elite Clothing in the Eighteenth-Century North of England," Textile History 25 (1994): 139-166.
64. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite, 64, 87; Earle, The Making, 283.
65. Lemire, Fashion's Favourite, 64, 87; Earle, The Making, 283.
66. Earle, The Making, 288-290.
67. A. Vickery, "Women and the World of Goods: a Lancashire Consumer and her Possessions, 1751-81," in J. Brewer and R. Porter, Consumption and the World of Goods, 274-301.
68. Borthwick Institute, University of York, Probate Records, Joseph Leech, (July, 1717).
69. ibid., Isaac Stretch (5 April, 1716).
70. Lichfield Joint Records Office, Probate Records, Richard Coleburne (October, 1756).
71. Borthwick Insitute, Probate Records, John Smith (February, 1754); John Vaughan (April, 1793).
72. Memoirs of James Bisset (b. 1763), 1818, Warwick County Record Office.
73. ibid.
74. Royal Exchange and Sun Insurance Registers, Guildhall Library. This is based on an analysis of insurance policies taken out by Birmingham and Sheffield metalworkers 1775-1787.
75. Vickery, "Women and the World of Goods": 290.
76. Weatherill, "A Possession": 142.
77. ibid.
78. See wills of John Twigg (1772) and Samuel Bolton (1799), Birmingham, Lichfield Joint Record Office.
79. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Probate Records, Eleanor May (21 September, 1721).
80. ibid., Elizabeth Lynes (3 August, 1739).
81. ibid., Sarah Loome (12 April, 1755).
82. ibid., Elizabeth Farquaharson (31 May, 1796).
83. Borthwick Institute, Grace Genn (April, 1769) and Sarah Furness (June, 1772).
84. ibid., Elizabeth Anderton (September, 1798).
85. ibid., Isabella Dawson (April, 1785).
86. Weatherill, "A Possession": 140, 150.
87. Borthwick Institute, Isaac Ratcliffe (1791), Jonathan Wragg (1793); Lichfield Joint Record Office, Humphrey Moore (1765), John Richardson (1789).
88. Borthwick Institute, Isaac Ratcliffe (1791), Jonathan Wragg (1793); Lichfield Joint Record Office, Humphrey Moore (1765), John Richardson (1789).
89. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Anne Wright (1773); Borthwick Institute, Mary Kennington (1767), Grace Genn (1769), Isabella Dawson (1785), Ann Carr (1768).
90. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Anne Wright (1773); Borthwick Institute, Mary Kennington (1767), Grace Genn (1769), Isabella Dawson (1785), Ann Carr (1768).
91. Borthwick Insitute, Dorothy Ridgeway (December, 1775).
92. Borthwick Institute, Grace Genn (April, 1769).
93. See H. Clifford, "Parker and Wakelin: the Study of an Eighteenth-Century Goldsmithing Firm c. 1760-76 with particular reference to the Garrard Ledgers" (PhD thesis, Royal College of Art, London 1988). But note Weatherill's inventories, where more women than men had silver or gold. She argues these were accumulated for use during widowhood or were the family residue of high-value items. See "A Possession": 142-3.
94. See H. Clifford, "Parker and Wakelin: the Study of an Eighteenth-Century Goldsmithing Firm c. 1760-76 with particular reference to the Garrard Ledgers" (PhD thesis, Royal College of Art, London 1988). But note Weatherill's inventories, where more women than men had silver or gold. She argues these were accumulated for use during widowhood or were the family residue of high-value items. See "A Possession": 142-3.
95. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Prudence Bryan (1703)
96. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Prudence Bryan (1703); Sarah Birch (1794).
97. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Ann Wright (1773); Borthwick Institute, Dorothy Ridgeway (1775).
98. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Ann Wright (1773); Borthwick Institute, Dorothy Ridgeway (1775).
99. ibid., Elizabeth Lynes (3 August, 1739).
100. Borthwick Institute, Elizabeth Wadsworth (October, 1774); Isabella Dawson (April, 1785).
101. Borthwick Institute, Elizabeth Wadsworth (October, 1774); Isabella Dawson (April, 1785).
102. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Mary Withers (28 May, 1777).
103. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Sarah Birch (10 February, 1725) Prudence Bryan (7 June, 1703).
104. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Mary Hopkins (8 November, 1714).
105. ibid., Sarah Dunn (22 August, 1764).
106. Borthwick Institute, Dorothy Ridgeway (December, 1775) Isabella Dawson (April, 1785).
107. Lichfield Joint Record Office, Joseph Ashford (21 September, 1704).
108. ibid., William Silk (16 November, 1731).
109. See Weatherill, "A Possession": 155-6.
110. These arguments are raised by Vickery, "Women and the World of Goods," 294. They are also used by Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, chap. 4 to explain middle-class property arrangements in the nineteenth century.
111. These arguments are raised by Vickery, "Women and the World of Goods," 294. They are also used by Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, chap. 4 to explain middle-class property arrangements in the nineteenth century.
112. See M. Berg, "Women's Work, Mechanization and the Early Phases of Industrialization in England," P. Joyce ed., The Historical Meanings of Work (Cambridge, 1987), 65-98, 85-8,97-8; J. R. Harris, "Michael Alcock and the Transfer of Birmingham Technology to France before the Revolution," Journal of European Economic History, 15 (1986): 7-57.
113. See M. Berg, "Women's Work, Mechanization and the Early Phases of Industrialization in England," P. Joyce ed., The Historical Meanings of Work (Cambridge, 1987), 65-98, 85-8,97-8; J. R. Harris, "Michael Alcock and the Transfer of Birmingham Technology to France before the Revolution," Journal of European Economic History, 15 (1986): 7-57.
114. For this conservative position on ordinary women's consumption see Weatherill, "A Possession": 155-6.
115. E. Gilboy, "Demand as a Factor in the Industrial Revolution" (1932) in R.M. Hartwell ed., The Causes of the Industrial Revolution in England (London, 1967), 121-138.
116. De. Vries, "The Industrious Revolution" : 262.