Immigration and national identity: Constructing the nation

Review of International Studies

Volumn 22, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 235-255

  Doty, Roxanne Lynn ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0030499949     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0260210500118534     Document Type: Article

References (108)

1. Jacques Derrida, The Other Heading - Reflections on Today's Europe (Bloomington, 1992), p. 5.
2. Derrida is, of course, not the only one to have raised these questions. See also Anthony D. Smith, 'National Identity and the Idea of European Unity', International Affairs, 68:1 (1992), pp. 55-76, and Ole Waever et al., Identity, Migration, and the New Security Agenda in Europe (London, 1993).
3. Derrida is, of course, not the only one to have raised these questions. See also Anthony D. Smith, 'National Identity and the Idea of European Unity', International Affairs, 68:1 (1992), pp. 55-76, and Ole Waever et al., Identity, Migration, and the New Security Agenda in Europe (London, 1993).
4. Quotes are from Sir David Maxwell Fyfe, leading Tory opponent of the 1948 British Nationality Act (453 H. C. Deb., 405, 7 July 1948).
5. My thoughts on this have benefited immensely from conversations with Richard Ashley, though I certainly cannot claim here to represent his thoughts accurately and without distortion.
6. Zig Layton-Henry, The Politics of Race In Britain (London, 1984), pp. 25-7, points out that migration from the South occurred earlier in Britain than in Europe. Initially, Britain experienced more hostility to immigrants because they were entitled to full social and welfare benefits and were entitled to participate in the political process. However, as recent evidence suggests, many of the original 'guest workers' and their families and subsequent generations have stayed in European countries, raising questions similar to the ones that arose in post-World War II Britain. While being cautious about making generalizations, we can, perhaps, nonetheless gain important insights from this particular case. I discuss this in the conclusion.
7. For literature that highlights this, see Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 'Summary of Main Results of Conference of OECD Working Party on Migration', The Future of Migration (Paris, 1987); William Rogers Brubaker, Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London, 1989); idem, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); Martin O. Heisler, 'Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology', International Migration Review, 26:2 (1992), pp. 596-622; Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora (Spring 1991), pp. 8-23. Waever et al., Identity, p. 5, suggest that Europe is undergoing a socio-political revolution involving the migration of peoples and the forging of new social identities that has potentially threatening implications for the process of governance both domestic and international.
8. For literature that highlights this, see Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 'Summary of Main Results of Conference of OECD Working Party on Migration', The Future of Migration (Paris, 1987); William Rogers Brubaker, Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London, 1989); idem, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); Martin O. Heisler, 'Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology', International Migration Review, 26:2 (1992), pp. 596-622; Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora (Spring 1991), pp. 8-23. Waever et al., Identity, p. 5, suggest that Europe is undergoing a socio-political revolution involving the migration of peoples and the forging of new social identities that has potentially threatening implications for the process of governance both domestic and international.
9. For literature that highlights this, see Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 'Summary of Main Results of Conference of OECD Working Party on Migration', The Future of Migration (Paris, 1987); William Rogers Brubaker, Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London, 1989); idem, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); Martin O. Heisler, 'Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology', International Migration Review, 26:2 (1992), pp. 596-622; Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora (Spring 1991), pp. 8-23. Waever et al., Identity, p. 5, suggest that Europe is undergoing a socio-political revolution involving the migration of peoples and the forging of new social identities that has potentially threatening implications for the process of governance both domestic and international.
10. For literature that highlights this, see Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 'Summary of Main Results of Conference of OECD Working Party on Migration', The Future of Migration (Paris, 1987); William Rogers Brubaker, Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London, 1989); idem, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); Martin O. Heisler, 'Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology', International Migration Review, 26:2 (1992), pp. 596-622; Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora (Spring 1991), pp. 8-23. Waever et al., Identity, p. 5, suggest that Europe is undergoing a socio-political revolution involving the migration of peoples and the forging of new social identities that has potentially threatening implications for the process of governance both domestic and international.
11. For literature that highlights this, see Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 'Summary of Main Results of Conference of OECD Working Party on Migration', The Future of Migration (Paris, 1987); William Rogers Brubaker, Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London, 1989); idem, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); Martin O. Heisler, 'Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology', International Migration Review, 26:2 (1992), pp. 596-622; Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora (Spring 1991), pp. 8-23. Waever et al., Identity, p. 5, suggest that Europe is undergoing a socio-political revolution involving the migration of peoples and the forging of new social identities that has potentially threatening implications for the process of governance both domestic and international.
12. For literature that highlights this, see Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 'Summary of Main Results of Conference of OECD Working Party on Migration', The Future of Migration (Paris, 1987); William Rogers Brubaker, Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London, 1989); idem, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); Martin O. Heisler, 'Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology', International Migration Review, 26:2 (1992), pp. 596-622; Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora (Spring 1991), pp. 8-23. Waever et al., Identity, p. 5, suggest that Europe is undergoing a socio-political revolution involving the migration of peoples and the forging of new social identities that has potentially threatening implications for the process of governance both domestic and international.
13. Indeed much of the literature on nation-building implicitly recognizes this as a perpetual problem in the Third World, in its aim of 'understanding the current problems of political development in the new nations'. See Lucian W. Pye, Foreword, in Charles Tilly (ed.), The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, 1975). The value of studying nation-building in the West during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has, in large part, been for the purpose of comparing these processes to the tasks faced by countries in the South. See also Reinhard Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship-Studies of our Changing Social Order (New York and London, 1964).
14. Indeed much of the literature on nation-building implicitly recognizes this as a perpetual problem in the Third World, in its aim of 'understanding the current problems of political development in the new nations'. See Lucian W. Pye, Foreword, in Charles Tilly (ed.), The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, 1975). The value of studying nation-building in the West during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has, in large part, been for the purpose of comparing these processes to the tasks faced by countries in the South. See also Reinhard Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship-Studies of our Changing Social Order (New York and London, 1964).
15. Ann Dummett and Andrew Nicol, Subjects, Citizens, Aliens and Others: Nationality and Immigration (London, 1990), p. 53.
16. See Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, pp. 33-5.
17. Stephen Blank, 'Britain: The Politics of Foreign Economic Policy, Economic Policy, the Domestic Economy, and the Problem of Pluralistic Stagnation', in Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Between Power and Plenty: Foreign Economic Policies of Advanced Industrialized States (Madison, WI, 1978); Joseph Frankel, British Foreign Policy 1945-1973 (London, 1975), pp. 96, 157, 222.
18. Stephen Blank, 'Britain: The Politics of Foreign Economic Policy, Economic Policy, the Domestic Economy, and the Problem of Pluralistic Stagnation', in Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Between Power and Plenty: Foreign Economic Policies of Advanced Industrialized States (Madison, WI, 1978); Joseph Frankel, British Foreign Policy 1945-1973 (London, 1975), pp. 96, 157, 222.
19. Chuter Ede, 653 H. C. Deb., 273, 6 February 1962.
20. Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, p. 33.
21. See for example Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (London, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, 1992).
22. See for example Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (London, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, 1992).
23. See for example Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (London, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, 1992).
24. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, pp. 5-6, 8.
25. Waever et al., Identity.
26. Homi K. Bhabha, 'DissemiNation: Time, Narrative, and the Margins of the Modern Nation', in Homi K. Bhabha (ed.), Nation and Narration (London, 1990), pp. 297-8.
27. R. B. J. Walker has written extensively about the problematic nature of the inside/outside dichotomy. See especially Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge, 1993), ch. 8.
28. Ibid., pp. 179-80.
29. Ernesto Laclau and Chantai Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy - Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London and New York, 1985), p. 96.
30. Ibid., ch. 3.
31. Waever et al., Identity, ch. 2.
32. Andersen, Imagined Communities. Conceptualizing the nation as a discourse is consistent with Hobsbawm's proposal (Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 8) that agnosticism is the best initial posture for students of national identity. See also Anthony D. Smith, 'The Nation: Invested, Imagined, Reconstructed?', Millennium 20:3 (1991), pp. 353-68. Smith critiques Anderson's understanding on the grounds that it cannot give us a causal explanation for the rise, timing, and scope of a given nation nor does it address the question, 'Who is the nation?'. While this study does not seek to give a causal explanation, it does seek to address the question, 'Who is the nation?', in the case of Britain. I do not provide a definitive answer to this question, because the theoretical framework taken here suggests that there is no definitive answer. The issue is, rather, the practices that are implicated in the production of ostensibly definitive answers regarding the identity of the nation.
33. Andersen, Imagined Communities. Conceptualizing the nation as a discourse is consistent with Hobsbawm's proposal (Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 8) that agnosticism is the best initial posture for students of national identity. See also Anthony D. Smith, 'The Nation: Invested, Imagined, Reconstructed?', Millennium 20:3 (1991), pp. 353-68. Smith critiques Anderson's understanding on the grounds that it cannot give us a causal explanation for the rise, timing, and scope of a given nation nor does it address the question, 'Who is the nation?'. While this study does not seek to give a causal explanation, it does seek to address the question, 'Who is the nation?', in the case of Britain. I do not provide a definitive answer to this question, because the theoretical framework taken here suggests that there is no definitive answer. The issue is, rather, the practices that are implicated in the production of ostensibly definitive answers regarding the identity of the nation.
34. Andersen, Imagined Communities. Conceptualizing the nation as a discourse is consistent with Hobsbawm's proposal (Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 8) that agnosticism is the best initial posture for students of national identity. See also Anthony D. Smith, 'The Nation: Invested, Imagined, Reconstructed?', Millennium 20:3 (1991), pp. 353-68. Smith critiques Anderson's understanding on the grounds that it cannot give us a causal explanation for the rise, timing, and scope of a given nation nor does it address the question, 'Who is the nation?'. While this study does not seek to give a causal explanation, it does seek to address the question, 'Who is the nation?', in the case of Britain. I do not provide a definitive answer to this question, because the theoretical framework taken here suggests that there is no definitive answer. The issue is, rather, the practices that are implicated in the production of ostensibly definitive answers regarding the identity of the nation.
35. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, pp. 8-11; Smith, 'National Identity'.
36. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, pp. 8-11; Smith, 'National Identity'.
37. It might be helpful here to give a brief illustration of a 'nodal point'. We can, for example, imagine a discourse on democracy in which capitalist market principles serve as nodal points. In such a discourse the meaning of democracy becomes fixed around these nodal points so that democracy and capitalism are inextricably linked and we cannot imagine democracy where these principles are absent.
38. See Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, pp. 48-9.
39. See Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 10.
40. See John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (New York, 1982), p. 374.
41. Smith, 'The Nation', p. 240. Smith also suggests that 'in many parts of Africa and Asia, it is the state itself, through its economic policies, its political patronage and mass education systems, that seeks, with varying success, to create and narrate the emergent nation'. I would not argue with this, but would add that it is not only in Africa and Asia that this takes place.
42. Gianfranco Poggi, The State: Its Nature, Development and Prospects (Cambridge, 1990), p. 30.
43. Paul Gilroy, There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack - The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (Chicago, 1987), p. 74; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and tr. Quinton Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York, 1987), p. 246.
44. Paul Gilroy, There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack - The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (Chicago, 1987), p. 74; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and tr. Quinton Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York, 1987), p. 246.
45. See Martin O. Heisler and Zig Layton-Henry, 'Migration and the Links Between Social and Societal Security', in Waever et al., Identity, pp. 148-66. They suggest that this issue is one of current relevance to Europe and North America. States are not losing the ability to control their borders in a physical sense. The important issues revolve around the social and moral costs of doing so.
46. Michel Foucault, History of Sexuality, vol. 1 (New York, 1980), p. 144.
47. Rabbi Jacobovits, 'Discovering a New National Purpose', The Times, 17 January 1968, p. 11.
48. Frankel, British Foreign Policy, pp. 221-2; Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, pp. 7-9.
49. Frankel, British Foreign Policy, pp. 221-2; Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, pp. 7-9.
50. Gary P. Freeman, Immigrant Labor and Racial Conflict in Industrial Societies. The French and British Experiences 1945-1975 (Princeton, 1979), p. 290.
51. Former colonies provided much of the post-World War II immigration into Western industrialized countries. This was especially the case with the Netherlands, France, and Britain. See Tomas Hammar, European Immigration Policy (Cambridge, 1985), p. 5. Charles P. Kindleberger, Europe's Postwar Growth - The Role of Labor Supply (Cambridge, 1967), p. 172, also suggests a 'special relation' between these countries and their former colonies, in which labour from former colonies was a major factor shaping postwar economic growth in Europe.
52. Former colonies provided much of the post-World War II immigration into Western industrialized countries. This was especially the case with the Netherlands, France, and Britain. See Tomas Hammar, European Immigration Policy (Cambridge, 1985), p. 5. Charles P. Kindleberger, Europe's Postwar Growth - The Role of Labor Supply (Cambridge, 1967), p. 172, also suggests a 'special relation' between these countries and their former colonies, in which labour from former colonies was a major factor shaping postwar economic growth in Europe.
53. Winston Churchill, 1954. Quoted in Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, p. 32.
54. Winston Churchill, 1954. Quoted in Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, p. 32.
55. See Paul Gordon, Policing Immigration (London, 1985), p. 14. It should, however, be noted that Britain did not actively recruit 'New Commonwealth' immigrants for the purpose of providing labour, though they ended up providing needed labour nonetheless. Freeman, Immigrant Labor, ch. 6, points out that, while some (notably The Economist and the Liberal Party) favoured open immigration for economic reasons, in general the immigration issue in Britain was not discussed in economic terms at all. 'In general, neither the leaders of the Tory or Labour parties showed any appreciation or interest in the economic side of immigration' (p. 183).
56. See Paul Gordon, Policing Immigration (London, 1985), p. 14. It should, however, be noted that Britain did not actively recruit 'New Commonwealth' immigrants for the purpose of providing labour, though they ended up providing needed labour nonetheless. Freeman, Immigrant Labor, ch. 6, points out that, while some (notably The Economist and the Liberal Party) favoured open immigration for economic reasons, in general the immigration issue in Britain was not discussed in economic terms at all. 'In general, neither the leaders of the Tory or Labour parties showed any appreciation or interest in the economic side of immigration' (p. 183).
57. Ibid., pp. 37, 46; Vaughan Bevan, The Development of British Immigration Law (London, 1986), p. 77.
58. Ibid., pp. 37, 46; Vaughan Bevan, The Development of British Immigration Law (London, 1986), p. 77.
59. Sheila Patterson, Immigration and Race Relations in Britain 1960-1967 (London, 1969), p. 17.
60. Frankel, British Foreign Policy, p. 225; John Strachey, The End of Empire (New York, 1959), p. 204.
61. Frankel, British Foreign Policy, p. 225; John Strachey, The End of Empire (New York, 1959), p. 204.
62. 649 H. C. Deb., 706, 16 November 1961.
63. Ibid., 709.
64. Nigel Fisher, ibid., 780.
65. Gordon, Policing Immigration, p. 16; Freeman, Immigrant Labor, p. 55; Bevan, Development of British Immigration Law, p. 79; 1965 White Paper, Command Paper 2739, Immigration from the Commonwealth.
66. Gordon, Policing Immigration, p. 16; Freeman, Immigrant Labor, p. 55; Bevan, Development of British Immigration Law, p. 79; 1965 White Paper, Command Paper 2739, Immigration from the Commonwealth.
67. Gordon, Policing Immigration, p. 16; Freeman, Immigrant Labor, p. 55; Bevan, Development of British Immigration Law, p. 79; 1965 White Paper, Command Paper 2739, Immigration from the Commonwealth.
68. Gordon, Policing Immigration, p. 16; Freeman, Immigrant Labor, p. 55; Bevan, Development of British Immigration Law, p. 79; 1965 White Paper, Command Paper 2739, Immigration from the Commonwealth.
69. Bevan, Development of British Immigration Law, pp. 80-1.
70. Ibid., p. 83.
71. The term 'settled' refers to those who have ordinary residence without a time limit on their stay (ibid., p. 115). This excluded from the birthplace rule children of illegal entrants and all others whose residence was not permanent, e.g. persons admitted for asylum but not yet permanently, work-permit holders, students, and other legal but temporary residents. See Dummett and Nicol, Subjects, Citizens, Aliens, p. 244.
72. The term 'settled' refers to those who have ordinary residence without a time limit on their stay (ibid., p. 115). This excluded from the birthplace rule children of illegal entrants and all others whose residence was not permanent, e.g. persons admitted for asylum but not yet permanently, work-permit holders, students, and other legal but temporary residents. See Dummett and Nicol, Subjects, Citizens, Aliens, p. 244.
73. Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, p. 86.
74. Gordon, Policing Immigration, pp. 14-24.
75. Paul Foot, Immigration and Race in British Politics (London, 1965); Frank Reeves, British Racial Discourse (Cambridge, 1983).
76. Paul Foot, Immigration and Race in British Politics (London, 1965); Frank Reeves, British Racial Discourse (Cambridge, 1983).
77. Frankel, British Foreign Policy, p. 223.
78. Dummett and Nicol, Subjects, Citizens, Aliens, p. 140.
79. Derrida, Other Heading, p. xxvi.
80. Conservative Central Office, June 1949, in Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, p. 14.
81. 649 H. C. Deb., 16 November 1961. Emphasis mine.
82. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony, p. 125.
83. Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time (London, 1990), p. 17.
84. Sir C. Osborne, 709 H. C. Deb., 402, 23 March, 1965.
85. R. A. Butler, Conservative Home Secretary, 649 H. C. Deb., 695, 16 November 1961. Emphasis mine.
86. Frank Tomney, 596 H. C. Deb., 1589, 5 December 1958.
87. Sir C. Osborne, 645 H. C. Deb., 1320-1, 1 August 1961.
88. Robert Miles and Annie Phizacklea, White Man's Country - Racism in British Politics (London, 1984), p. 41.
89. Sir J. Smyth, 634 H. C. Deb., 1955, 17 February, 1961.
90. Quotes are respectively Patricia Hornsby-Smith, Joint Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, 585 H. C. Deb., 1422, 3 April, 1958, and Norman Pannell, 634, H. C. Deb., 1967, 17 February, 1961.
91. Quotes are respectively Patricia Hornsby-Smith, Joint Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, 585 H. C. Deb., 1422, 3 April, 1958, and Norman Pannell, 634, H. C. Deb., 1967, 17 February, 1961.
92. Gilroy, There Ain't No Black, supports this notion.
93. Bhabha (ed.), Nation and Narration, p. 4.
94. The Tablet, Catholic publication. Quoted in 596 H. C. Deb., 1563, 5 December 1958.
95. The Tablet, Catholic publication. Quoted in 596 H. C. Deb., 1563, 5 December 1958.
96. Frank Soskice, Secretary of State for the Home Department, 711 H. C. Deb., 934, 3 May 1965.
97. J. Vaughan-Morgan, 709 H. C. Deb., 359, 23 March, 1965.
98. Bhabha, 'DissemiNation', p. 296.
99. Margaret Thatcher, in a television interview with Gordon Burns on Granada Television's World in Action, 30 January 1978. Quoted in 943 H. C. Deb., 240, 31 January 1978.
100. Margaret Thatcher, in a television interview with Gordon Burns on Granada Television's World in Action, 30 January 1978. Quoted in 943 H. C. Deb., 240, 31 January 1978.
101. See Freeman, Immigrant Labor, ch. 3; and Cathie Lloyd and Hazel Waters, 'France: One Culture, One People?', Race and Class, 32:3 (1991).
102. See Freeman, Immigrant Labor, ch. 3; and Cathie Lloyd and Hazel Waters, 'France: One Culture, One People?', Race and Class, 32:3 (1991).
103. Freeman, Immigrant Labor, p. 308.
104. For example, see 'Anti-Immigrant Platform Helps French Right', Migration News, 2, no. 5 (May 1995). This article reports that Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the National Front, received about 15 per cent of all votes cast in the first round of the French Presidential elections on 23 April. Jacques Chirac, newly elected French President, appealed for votes from Le Pen supporters by playing upon their fears of immigrants. Germany also continues to struggle with racial tensions revolving around its immigrant populations, especially those from Turkey. See 'Turkey and Germany Struggle with Racial Tensions', Migration News, 2, no. 4 (April 1995).
105. For example, see 'Anti-Immigrant Platform Helps French Right', Migration News, 2, no. 5 (May 1995). This article reports that Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the National Front, received about 15 per cent of all votes cast in the first round of the French Presidential elections on 23 April. Jacques Chirac, newly elected French President, appealed for votes from Le Pen supporters by playing upon their fears of immigrants. Germany also continues to struggle with racial tensions revolving around its immigrant populations, especially those from Turkey. See 'Turkey and Germany Struggle with Racial Tensions', Migration News, 2, no. 4 (April 1995).
106. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 191.
107. See, for example, Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class - Ambiguous Identities (London, 1988). Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 170, suggests that xenophobia has become the most widespread mass ideology in the world.
108. See, for example, Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class - Ambiguous Identities (London, 1988). Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, p. 170, suggests that xenophobia has become the most widespread mass ideology in the world.