City life in the village of ghosts: A case study of popular housing in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam

Habitat International

Volumn 20, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 175-190

  Vinh, Nguyen Quang ^a   Leaf, Michael ^b  

^a Institute of Social Sciences   (Viet Nam)

^b UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEVELOPING COUNTRY; DOI MOI; ECONOMIC REFORM; HOUSING POLICY; INFORMAL HOUSING; POLICY IMPACT; URBAN DEVELOPMENT;

VIETNAM, HO CHI MINH CITY, XOM MA;

EID: 0030460272     PISSN: 01973975     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/0197-3975(95)00048-8     Document Type: Article

References (35)

1. The issue of legality is here taken to be the defining characteristic of popular housing; those houses which do not fully comply with legal requirements are to one degree or another within the popular sector. However, this term also implies a number of other characteristics regarding such aspects as processes of construction, building materials and social status of residents. For further elaboration of this point, see: M. Leaf, "Urban Housing in Third World Market Economies: an Overview of the Literature", Asian Urban Research Network Working Paper No. 1 (UBC Centre for Human Settlements, Vancouver, 1993); and M. Leaf, "Legal Authority in an Extralegal Setting: the Case of Land Rights in Jakarta, Indonesia", Journal of Planning Education and Research 14, 1 (1994), pp. 101-107. The specific characteristics of popular housing within the context of Vietnamese urbanism are detailed in the second section of this paper.
2. The issue of legality is here taken to be the defining characteristic of popular housing; those houses which do not fully comply with legal requirements are to one degree or another within the popular sector. However, this term also implies a number of other characteristics regarding such aspects as processes of construction, building materials and social status of residents. For further elaboration of this point, see: M. Leaf, "Urban Housing in Third World Market Economies: an Overview of the Literature", Asian Urban Research Network Working Paper No. 1 (UBC Centre for Human Settlements, Vancouver, 1993); and M. Leaf, "Legal Authority in an Extralegal Setting: the Case of Land Rights in Jakarta, Indonesia", Journal of Planning Education and Research 14, 1 (1994), pp. 101-107. The specific characteristics of popular housing within the context of Vietnamese urbanism are detailed in the second section of this paper.
3. A concise summary of this line of reasoning is given in S. Mayo, S. Malpezzi and D. Gross, "Shelter Strategies for the Urban Poor in Developing Countries", The World Bank Research Observer 1, 2 (1986), pp. 183-203.
4. There is no single summary of the range of arguments from this position. However, one particularly cogent analysis along these lines is given in A. Gilbert, "The Costs and Benefits of Illegality and Irregularity in the Supply of Land", in P. Baross and J. van der Linden, The Transformation of Land Supply Systems in Third World Cities (Gower, Aldershot, 1990), pp. 17-36; a broader treatment of the implications of this perspective may be found in J. Hardoy and D. Satterthwaite, Squatter Citizen: Life in the Urban Third World (Earthscan, London, 1989).
5. There is no single summary of the range of arguments from this position. However, one particularly cogent analysis along these lines is given in A. Gilbert, "The Costs and Benefits of Illegality and Irregularity in the Supply of Land", in P. Baross and J. van der Linden, The Transformation of Land Supply Systems in Third World Cities (Gower, Aldershot, 1990), pp. 17-36; a broader treatment of the implications of this perspective may be found in J. Hardoy and D. Satterthwaite, Squatter Citizen: Life in the Urban Third World (Earthscan, London, 1989).
6. For an overview of the principal problems confronting Third World socialist governments with regard to implementing housing and urban development programmes, see K. Mathey, "Socialist Housing: some Key Issues", in K. Mathey (ed.), Housing Policies in the Socialist Third World (Mansell, London, 1990), pp. 13-17.
7. In the context of Vietnam, the adoption of a 'market economy with a socialist direction' is justified theoretically as an attempt to exploit market forces in order to boost the productive capacity of the nation to the point where it is ready for the transition to true socialism. The adoption of this new orientation is an explicit recognition of the insufficiency of an agrarian economy as the basis for a socialist nation. In practice, however, it has turned out to be a highly adaptive and open-ended process of economic and social change (W. Turley, "Introduction", in W. Turley and M. Selden (eds), Reinventing Vietnamese Socialism: Doi Moi in Comparative Perspective (Westview, Boulder, CO, 1993)).
8. This research is one component of an ongoing project undertaken by Vietnam's National Center for the Social Sciences, working in conjunction with researchers from the University of British Columbia in Canada. The team of sociologists involved directly in this case study include Nguyen Quang Vinh, Nguyen Vi Nhuan, Luu Phuong Thao, Ngo Thi Kim Dung and a number of other contributors.
9. The promulgation of doi moi policy in 1986 was the culmination of a variety of economic experiments over the course of the early 1980s. A good overview of the these pre-doi moi reforms is presented in R. Shaplen, Bitter Victory (Harper & Row, New York, 1986). More extensive treatments of the socio-economic effects of doi moi policies are given in Turley and Selden (eds), (1993), see note 5; N. Jamieson, Nguyen Manh Hung and A.T. Rambo (eds), The Challenges of Vietnam's Reconstruction (The Indochina Institute, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, 1992); and P. Boothroyd and B. Wiesman (eds), Socio-Economic Policy Reforms: Toward a Multisector Economy in Vietnam, Research Monograph Series No. 1. (UBC Centre for Southeast Asian Research, Vancouver, 1993).
10. The promulgation of doi moi policy in 1986 was the culmination of a variety of economic experiments over the course of the early 1980s. A good overview of the these pre-doi moi reforms is presented in R. Shaplen, Bitter Victory (Harper & Row, New York, 1986). More extensive treatments of the socio-economic effects of doi moi policies are given in Turley and Selden (eds), (1993), see note 5; N. Jamieson, Nguyen Manh Hung and A.T. Rambo (eds), The Challenges of Vietnam's Reconstruction (The Indochina Institute, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, 1992); and P. Boothroyd and B. Wiesman (eds), Socio-Economic Policy Reforms: Toward a Multisector Economy in Vietnam, Research Monograph Series No. 1. (UBC Centre for Southeast Asian Research, Vancouver, 1993).
11. The promulgation of doi moi policy in 1986 was the culmination of a variety of economic experiments over the course of the early 1980s. A good overview of the these pre-doi moi reforms is presented in R. Shaplen, Bitter Victory (Harper & Row, New York, 1986). More extensive treatments of the socio-economic effects of doi moi policies are given in Turley and Selden (eds), (1993), see note 5; N. Jamieson, Nguyen Manh Hung and A.T. Rambo (eds), The Challenges of Vietnam's Reconstruction (The Indochina Institute, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, 1992); and P. Boothroyd and B. Wiesman (eds), Socio-Economic Policy Reforms: Toward a Multisector Economy in Vietnam, Research Monograph Series No. 1. (UBC Centre for Southeast Asian Research, Vancouver, 1993).
12. The promulgation of doi moi policy in 1986 was the culmination of a variety of economic experiments over the course of the early 1980s. A good overview of the these pre-doi moi reforms is presented in R. Shaplen, Bitter Victory (Harper & Row, New York, 1986). More extensive treatments of the socio-economic effects of doi moi policies are given in Turley and Selden (eds), (1993), see note 5; N. Jamieson, Nguyen Manh Hung and A.T. Rambo (eds), The Challenges of Vietnam's Reconstruction (The Indochina Institute, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, 1992); and P. Boothroyd and B. Wiesman (eds), Socio-Economic Policy Reforms: Toward a Multisector Economy in Vietnam, Research Monograph Series No. 1. (UBC Centre for Southeast Asian Research, Vancouver, 1993).
13. The billions of dollars of American aid and supplies which were pumped into the South Vietnamese economy through programmes such as the Commercial Import Programme led to highly dependent service economies in the cities of the south, particularly Saigon. One indication of the degree of this imbalance is from trade figures reported by N. Thrift and D. Forbes, The Price of War: Urbanization in Vietnam 1954-1985 (Allen and Unwin, London, 1986), p. 123, which show that by the early 1970s the proportion of imports to exports was more than 60 to 1.
14. The establishment of the NEZs was also promoted as a means of putting more labour into agricultural production in the effort to increase productivity in the Mekong Delta. For various perspectives on the urbanisation implications of the NEZs, see: D. Forbes and N. Thrift, "Territorial Organization, Regional Development and the City in Vietnam", in D. Forbes and N. Thrift (eds), The Socialist Third World (Basil Blackwell, London, 1987), pp. 98-128; Nguyen Due Nhuan and K. Mathey, "Vietnam", in Mathey (ed.), (1990), see note 4, pp. 275-287; and Dao Van Tap, "On the Transformation and New Distribution of Population Centres in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam", International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 4, 4 (1980), pp. 503-515.
15. The establishment of the NEZs was also promoted as a means of putting more labour into agricultural production in the effort to increase productivity in the Mekong Delta. For various perspectives on the urbanisation implications of the NEZs, see: D. Forbes and N. Thrift, "Territorial Organization, Regional Development and the City in Vietnam", in D. Forbes and N. Thrift (eds), The Socialist Third World (Basil Blackwell, London, 1987), pp. 98-128; Nguyen Due Nhuan and K. Mathey, "Vietnam", in Mathey (ed.), (1990), see note 4, pp. 275-287; and Dao Van Tap, "On the Transformation and New Distribution of Population Centres in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam", International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 4, 4 (1980), pp. 503-515.
16. The establishment of the NEZs was also promoted as a means of putting more labour into agricultural production in the effort to increase productivity in the Mekong Delta. For various perspectives on the urbanisation implications of the NEZs, see: D. Forbes and N. Thrift, "Territorial Organization, Regional Development and the City in Vietnam", in D. Forbes and N. Thrift (eds), The Socialist Third World (Basil Blackwell, London, 1987), pp. 98-128; Nguyen Due Nhuan and K. Mathey, "Vietnam", in Mathey (ed.), (1990), see note 4, pp. 275-287; and Dao Van Tap, "On the Transformation and New Distribution of Population Centres in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam", International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 4, 4 (1980), pp. 503-515.
17. This overall figure obscures the effects of concentration of the city's squatter settlements. In the most central districts, the proportion of squatters is therefore much higher. For further information on current development patterns in Ho Chi Minh City, see Nguyen Quang Vinh, "Urban Growth and Restructuring in Ho Chi Minh City", in B. van Horen (ed.), Planning and Governance of the Asian Metropolis, Asian Urban Research Network International Workshop Proceedings (UBC Centre for Human Settlements. Vancouver, 1995).
18. Formally there are three administrative levels in the Ho Chi Minh City municipal government (as in other Vietnamese cities as well): city level, district level (including inner-city districts and suburban districts), and ward level (in the inner city) or commune level (in suburban districts). Currently, Ho Chi Minh City has 18 districts, of which 12 of urban and 6 are in the suburbs. These districts contain 182 wards and 100 communes, for a total of 282 third-level units.
19. In urban districts, there are two further subdivisions below the level of the ward. These are: the Block Committee (Khu Phó, also translated as 'urban block community') which includes about 20-30 Street Committees, and the Street Committee (Tô Dân Phô, or 'street household grouping') which comprises about 50-60 households.
20. The population density for the urban districts overall is 232 persons per ha; the most dense district has 607 persons per ha.
21. The problem of returnees from NEZs is of particular concern to Vietnamese authorities. In order to improve living conditions and thereby decrease the number of reverse migrants to the city, the planners of NEZs now place a much greater emphasis on such amenities as the improved provision of social infrastructure and support for the economic initiatives of local residents. An example of this new phase of NEZ development may be seen in the settlement of Tan Hiep, in southeastern Vietnam not far from Ho Chi Minh City.
22. Under current state regulations, there are three main categories of residence status in Vietnamese cities: permanent resident, temporary resident and resident without formal status. Each urban household maintains a formal registration document, on which permanent residents are listed. In contrast, temporary residents are registered with ward-level authorities and are given time-limited permits to stay in the city. Many newcomers do not register with local authorities for either permanent or temporary status and hence are considered residents without formal status. Periodically, city authorities undertake reviews aimed at upgrading the status of non-permanent residents.
23. At current (1994) prices, 1 tael of gold is worth 5,000,000 VND (approximately US$500). In 1994 the exchange rate for Vietnamese dong is approximately 10,000 VND to US$1.
24. This research was carried out by a team of researchers from Ho Chi Minh City's Land and Housing Service and reported on in Tran Ngoc Phuong and Survey Team, "Results of a Sociological Survey of the Xom Ruong Area, Ward 12 of District 8, Ho Chi Minh City," unpublished report in Vietnamese, Ho Chi Minh City Land and Housing Service (1992).
25. For a description of the origins of the Hiep Thanh community project and its relationship to international NGO activities, see M. Hosaka, "Sharing Local Development Experiences Transnationally: Networking in Support of Community and Local Initiatives", Environment and Urbanization 5, 1 (1993), pp. 132-147.
26. Tran Ngoc Phuong and Survey Team (1992), see note 17.
27. The city's Land and Housing Service has set the goal of guaranteeing the provision of basic infrastructure, electricity and water and to ameliorate the conditions of slum dwellers by the year 2000. According to policy (paraphrased from Nguyen Minh Dung, "Objectives, Policies and Programs for Housing in Ho Chi Minh City from 1994-1995 until 2000", unpublished paper in Vietnamese presented at a Symposium on Housing Policy, Ho Chi Minh City, 21-22 March, 1994), the principle mechanism for achieving this goal is to be the activities of the residents themselves, working through community organisations. Only those areas which cannot be tolerated by local residents and city officials are to be demolished. In the majority of cases, these popular settlements are to be accepted as transitional housing areas, serving to accommodate the urban population until such time as the nation's income levels have risen to such a point where the existence of such settlements are no longer in the interest of serving the common good of society. In the meantime it is necessary to provide minimal infrastructure in order to ameliorate the residents' living conditions.
28. According to Nguyen Duc Nhuan and Mathey (1990), see note 9, state-sector housing accounts for as much as 30% of Vietnam's total urban housing stock. Figures given by Trinh Duy Luan, "Urban Development Patterns in Hanoi", in B. van Horen (ed.), Planning and Governance of the Asian Metropolis, Asian Urban Research Network International Workshop Proceedings (UBC Centre for Human Settlements, Vancouver, 1995) show this proportion to be much higher (48%) in the case of Hanoi.
29. Le Van Nam, "Urban Housing in the Implementation of Ho Chi Minh City's Master Plan", paper presented at the Seminar on Urbanization and Urban Development, Hanoi, May 1993 and published in Vietnamese in Xa Hoi Hoc (Sociological Review), 43, 3 (1993), pp. 32-35.
30. Although many of the redevelopment projects in the city are arranged through district level offices, the larger canal-side projects, which often pass through or border on a number of districts are being developed through municipal level offices.
31. See "Restoration will lead to Evictions", South China Morning Post (6 October, 1993), p. 10.
32. According to Forbes and Thrift (1987), see note 9, decentralisation of much decision-making authority to local levels has been a characteristic of Vietnamese political culture for centuries, even during periods of strong, centralised administrations.
33. The natural growth rate in the countryside was 3.14% p.a. in 1988, while in the cities it was only 1.75% p.a. (National Institute for Urban and Rural Planning, National Urban Data Book (Ministry of Construction, NIURP, Hanoi, 1992).
34. United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects 1990 (United Nations, New York, 1991).
35. An illustration of the probable outcome of a shift to a market system in the context of previously restricted population movement may be seen in the present circumstances of Vietnam's northern neighbour, China. There, the recent rapid expansion of coastal urban economies coupled with the relaxation of rural residence requirements has resulted in an explosion of what is termed the 'floating population' - unregistered and therefore nominally illegal migrants from the countryside and from China's inland provinces. In many of the southern coastal cities, this floating population now constitutes up to one third or more of total populations. The crucial lesson from the case of China is that market-oriented reforms undermined the continued viability of residence requirements by undercutting household-level subsidies and creating the need from a free labour market.