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Volumn 95, Issue 380, 1996, Pages 379-400

The disintegration of the catholic church of Rwanda: A study of the fragmentation of political and religious authority

(1)  Van Hoyweghen, Saskia a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CATHOLIC CHURCH; GENOCIDE; INSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESS; POLITICAL CRISIS; RELIGION;

EID: 0030446049     PISSN: 00019909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007739     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (26)

References (107)
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    • Material is mainly based on interviews conducted in June, July and August 1995 with Catholic relief workers, White Fathers and Rwandese refugees. In a second instance, sparse, original documentary sources have been used.
  • 4
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    • The definitive book on the Catholic Church in colonial Rwanda has been written and the historical background of this article owes a lot to it: Linden, Church and Revolution.
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    • Bayart argues that in African societies access to wealth or, in other words, control over the economy is determined by one's position within the state apparatus, rather than the other way around. While inequality has always existed, the colonial bureaucracy has handed over to local elites an instrument, namely the state, that enabled them to facilitate their access to wealth. Colonialism introduced the 'element of scale' as so many authors have called it. A position of extraversion is therefore a position in which one is able to 'capitalise' one's power position. J. F. Bayart, The State in Africa: the politics of the belly (Longman, London, 1993), pp. 60-86.
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    • C. Newbury, The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship and ethnicity in Rwanda 1860-1960 (Columbia University Press, New York, 1988). Chrétien's opinion that ethnicity is a pure colonial invention should therefore be approached with care; J.-P. Chrétien, 'L'alibi ethnique dans les politiques africaines', Esprit, 7-8 (1981), pp. 109-115.
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    • C. Newbury, The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship and ethnicity in Rwanda 1860-1960 (Columbia University Press, New York, 1988). Chrétien's opinion that ethnicity is a pure colonial invention should therefore be approached with care; J.-P. Chrétien, 'L'alibi ethnique dans les politiques africaines', Esprit, 7-8 (1981), pp. 109-115.
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    • Most post-colonial political landscapes originated out of what Bayart calls the reciprocal assimilation of elites. While the colonial state introduced a new instrument to guarantee the acquisition of wealth by traditional elites (cf. note 8), the school system made way to the rise of a new elite, the so-called évolués. In most countries, the contemporary political class is constituted out of a coalition of both old and new elites. In Rwanda, this is not the case. Elites spring up along ethnic lines and the 'new' elites wiped out the 'old'. See Bayart, The State in Africa, pp. 122-123.
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    • It is crucial to understand the importance of these international Christian networks, because they have always exerted a great influence on Rwandese politics. Rearguard actions within Christian trade unions or parties in Belgium, for instance, have often had an impact on Rwanda, cf. R. Lemarchand, Rwanda and Burundi (Pall Mall, London, 1970), pp. 258-262.
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    • In support of national stability, leaders of African post-colonial states foster alliances with the elites of the 'centre', in order to establish, what Bayart calls, a post-colonial historic bloc. This is not typically African but African leaders of the state are more heavily dependent on these relationships to guarantee their position of extraversion (cf. note 5). Examples are plenty. French presidents have, for instance, always maintained privileged relationships with African heads of state. According to Bayart, access to wealth, means control over international (cashflow) relationships. Habyarimana was very good at fostering financially beneficial relationships, especially in Christian democratic circles. To give just one example with respect to Rwanda, it was only after the death of the very Catholic Belgian King Baudouin in 1993 that a re-orientation of Belgian policy towards Rwanda could be discussed. President Habyarimana was a personal friend of the King and could count on his unconditional support. Bayart, The Stale in Africa, pp. 105, 180.
    • The Stale in Africa , pp. 105
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    • note
    • The majority of the secondary schools were in the hands of the Catholic Church and in principle free to anyone who passed the entry exam. In reality the state (read the MRND committee) set up the examinations and it was the circles around the power centre that approved these and that benefited from secondary education. This story is confirmed by several Belgian missionaries.
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    • Braeckman, Rwanda, pp. 85-89. For some figures understating this cf. Reyntjens, L'Afrique des Grands Lacs en crise, pp. 33-34.
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    • Vatican II was the victory of the modernist strand within Catholicism, the choice for a Church which has an open mind to the world and chooses to be a servant of the poor and docile. Social justice is at the centre of this vision.
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    • This argument is developed by: M. Bratton, 'Beyond the State: Civil society and associational life in Africa', World Politics, 41, (1989), pp. 407-430.
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    • Braeckman has evidence pointing towards the possibility of the French military shooting down the presidential plane in April 1994. C. Braeckman, 'L'avion ruiandais abattu par deux Français?', in Guichaoua, Les crises politiques au Burundi et au Rwanda, pp. 683-684. The first detailed and serious investigation to establish responsibility for shooting down the presidential plane has been published only recently. And again France has been implicated. F. Reyntjens, 'Rwanda Trois jours qui ont fait basculer l'histoire', Cahiers Africaines, 16 (1995).
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    • Tutsi refugees enjoyed varying positions under the different regimes in Uganda: appreciated under Idi Amin and repressed under Obote, which made several of them join Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Army in the bush. They made up 20 per cent of the NRA. In Uganda the dream to retake Kigali was fostered after continued refusal of the MRND to consider their right to return. The idea 'FPR=NRA and Habyarimana=Obote' was very strong. G. Prunier, 'Elements pour une histoire du Front patriote rwandais', Politique Africaine, 4 (1993), pp. 28-36.
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    • F. Misser, 'La Radio gui tue. Rwanda: médias et génocide', Le Monde Dilpomatique, 41, 485 (1994), p. 12. J.-P. Chrétien, 'Presse libre et propaganda raciste au Rwanda. Appel à la conscience des Bahutu', Politique Africaine, 42 (1991), pp. 109-115. Reyntjens, 'Akazu, p. 271.
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    • note
    • Including organizations such as the Internationale Démocrate Chrétienne (IDC), several Catholic and Vatican linked NGO's. The importance of these relationships has been stressed in notes 10 and 17 above.
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    • 'Belly polities' has become a generally accepted term to characterize a political system where public office is used to one's economic advance and to pay off the rank and file. Reyntjens lists Rwandese journals who have used Bayart's term to describe the political scene. Reyntjens, L'Afrique des Grands Lacs en crise, p. 125.
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    • Although organizational life in Rwanda nourished, most organizations only date back to the late 1980's. There was no single human rights organization active until after October 1990. N. Nsegimana, 'Qu'en est-il de la société civile rwandaise?', in Guichaoua, Les crises politiques au Burundi et au Rwanda, pp. 309-317.
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    • Message de Mgr. Vincent Nsengiyumva
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    • 'Rwanda: Battling for Reconciliation', Africa Confidential, 35, 17 (1994).
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    • This was the reaction of the redaction of the Rwandese Christian critical journal Dialogue, currently printed 'in exile' in Brussels. Dialogue, 181 (1995), p. 53.
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    • note
    • Lettre des prêtres des diocèses du Rwanda réfugiés à Goma (Zaire) adressée au très Saint Père, le Pape Jean Paul II. Les prêtres diocésains du Rwanda Rëfgugiés à Goma - Zaire, 2 August 1994.
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    • Lettre des prêtres des diocèses due Rwanda réfugiés à Goma (Zaire) adressée au très Saint Père.
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    • Prêtres et réligieux Rwandais en éxil depuis 1994', (Diocèse de Butare, Publication de la Commission pour la relance des activités pastorales, Doc. No. 6), published in Dialogue, 181 (1995), pp. 52-56.
    • (1995) Dialogue , vol.181 , pp. 52-56
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    • L'église de Rwanda n'arrive pas à surmonter la crise. Le lien au regime rend sa vocation prophétique impossible
    • R. De Gendt, 'L'église de Rwanda n'arrive pas à surmonter la crise. Le lien au regime rend sa vocation prophétique impossible', Dialogue, 186 (1995), pp. 67-70. CIDSE-CARITAS Internationalis. Atelier sur le Rwanda (rapport final). Mission au Burundi, au Rwanda et au Zaire de la délégation CCAC Concertation Chrétienne pour l'Afrique Centrale (Brussels, Rapport de Mission No. 4, 1995). Nothing has been published on the rise of sects or charismatic movements in the camps, and this information is entirely based on interviews with people who recently visited the camps.
    • (1995) Dialogue , vol.186 , pp. 67-70
    • De Gendt, R.1
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    • Liberia 1989-1994. A Study of Ethnic and Spiritual Violence
    • S. Ellis, 'Liberia 1989-1994. A Study of Ethnic and Spiritual Violence', African Affairs, 94 (1995), pp. 165-197.
    • (1995) African Affairs , vol.94 , pp. 165-197
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    • Omaar and de Waal, Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance, p. 305. Within Christianity confession and forgiveness are the basic steps towards reconciliation. They follow each other in this order in liturgy.
    • Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance , pp. 305
    • Omaar1    De Waal2
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    • Tentative de 'Constat loyal', (Diocèse de Buiare, Publication de la Commission pour le relance des activités pastorales, Doc. No. 1), 21 August 1994.
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    • Mission au Burundi, au Rwanda et au Zaire de la délégation CCAC.
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    • Préoccupations des membres de la Conférence des Evèques catholiques du Rwanda adressées aux autorités Rwandaises, (Conférence Episcopale du Rwanda, Kigali), 12 January 1995.
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    • Kibeho compte et décompte ses morts
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    • Reyntjens and Desouter recently compiled a report with examples gathered by human rights associations. The most well known example is the attack by the RPA on the camp of Kibeho, where about 4,000 people were killed. C. Braeckman, 'Kibeho compte et décompte ses morts', Le Soir, 25 April 1995. Ketelers, on his return from Rwanda in April mentioned 1,500 arrests per week and 30,000 people in overcrowded prisons, a lot on very shaky accusations. 'A son retour du Rwanda et du Zaïre, Johan Ketelers témoigne des efforts de Caritas pour recomposer un tissu social', CIP, 27 April 1995, pp. 6-8.
    • (1995) Le Soir
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    • A son retour du Rwanda et du Zaïre, Johan Ketelers témoigne des efforts de Caritas pour recomposer un tissu social
    • 27 April
    • Reyntjens and Desouter recently compiled a report with examples gathered by human rights associations. The most well known example is the attack by the RPA on the camp of Kibeho, where about 4,000 people were killed. C. Braeckman, 'Kibeho compte et décompte ses morts', Le Soir, 25 April 1995. Ketelers, on his return from Rwanda in April mentioned 1,500 arrests per week and 30,000 people in overcrowded prisons, a lot on very shaky accusations. 'A son retour du Rwanda et du Zaïre, Johan Ketelers témoigne des efforts de Caritas pour recomposer un tissu social', CIP, 27 April 1995, pp. 6-8.
    • (1995) CIP , pp. 6-8
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.