Thinking Small in Big Science: The Founding of Fermilab, 1960-1972

Technology and Culture

Volumn 37, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 457-491

  Westfall, Catherine ^b   Hoddeson, Lillian ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA CHAMPAIGN   (United States)

^b NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0030364179     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3107161     Document Type: Article

References (153)

1. This article is based on work supported by the National Science Foundation under grant no. Dir-90 15473. The federal government has certain rights in this material. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation. All interviews and documents cited herein are located in the Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory History Collection, Batavia, Illinois, unless otherwise noted. The following abbreviations are used: DOE Archives (United States Department of Energy Archives, Germantown, Maryland); Green Papers (files of G. Kenneth Green, Brookhaven National Laboratory, Upton, New York); LBNL (Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Berkeley, California), Lofgren Papers (files of Edward J. Lofgren, LBNL); Malamud Papers (files of Ernest Malamud, Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory, Batavia, Illinois); McMillan Papers (files of Edwin McMillan, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory Archives); Mills Papers (files of Frederick Mills, Fermilab, Batavia, Illinois); Seaborg Papers (files of Glenn T. Seaborg, LBNL).
2. Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big Science: The Growth of Large-Scale Research (Stanford, 1992) and Arnold Thackray, ed., "Science after '40," Osiris, vol. 7 (1992).
3. Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big Science: The Growth of Large-Scale Research (Stanford, 1992) and Arnold Thackray, ed., "Science after '40," Osiris, vol. 7 (1992).
4. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
5. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
6. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
7. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
8. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
9. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
10. For a comparison of the founding of Fermilab and the Japanese accelerator laboratory KEK, see Lillian Hoddeson, "Establishing KEK in Japan and Fermilab in the US: Internationalism, Nationalism and High Energy Accelerator Physics during the 1960s," Social Studies of Science 13 (1983): 1-48. For an account that provides more detail on the preconstruction phase of Fermilab from 1945 to 1967, see Catherine Westfall, "The First 'Truly National Laboratory': The Birth of Fermilab" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1988); for a preliminary summary of this dissertation see Westfall, "Fermilab: Founding the First US 'Truly National Laboratory,'" in The Development of the Laboratory: Essays on the Place of Experiment in Industrial Civilization, ed. Frank A. J. L. James (London, 1989). For an account of political considerations in the history of Fermilab, see Anton J. Jachim, Science Policy Making in the United States and the Batavia Accelerator (Carbondale, Ill., 1968). Participant accounts include M. Stanley Livingston, Early History of the 200-GeV Accelerator (Batavia, Ill., 1968) and Norman F. Ramsey, "History of the Fermilab Accelerator and URA." The subject is also covered in Theodore J. Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, Poliscide (New York, 1976).
11. Matthew Sands, "A Proton Synchrotron for 300 GeV," (Pasadena, Calif., 1960), CTSL-10. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, "Extract from LRL FY1963 Budget Submission, submitted 4-21-61," Lofgren Papers. Luke C. L. Yuan and John P. Blewett, "Experimental Program Requirements for a 300 to 1000-BeV Accelerator," (Brookhaven, N.Y., 1961). For an overview of high-energy physics in the 1950s, see Laurie M. Brown, Max Dresden, and Lillian Hoddeson, Pions to Quarks (Cambridge, Mass., 1989). Electron volt (eV) is a unit of energy describing the energy obtained by an electron accelerated through one volt of potential difference. GeV stands for billion electron volts.
12. Matthew Sands, "A Proton Synchrotron for 300 GeV," (Pasadena, Calif., 1960), CTSL-10. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, "Extract from LRL FY1963 Budget Submission, submitted 4-21-61," Lofgren Papers. Luke C. L. Yuan and John P. Blewett, "Experimental Program Requirements for a 300 to 1000-BeV Accelerator," (Brookhaven, N.Y., 1961). For an overview of high-energy physics in the 1950s, see Laurie M. Brown, Max Dresden, and Lillian Hoddeson, Pions to Quarks (Cambridge, Mass., 1989). Electron volt (eV) is a unit of energy describing the energy obtained by an electron accelerated through one volt of potential difference. GeV stands for billion electron volts.
13. Matthew Sands, "A Proton Synchrotron for 300 GeV," (Pasadena, Calif., 1960), CTSL-10. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, "Extract from LRL FY1963 Budget Submission, submitted 4-21-61," Lofgren Papers. Luke C. L. Yuan and John P. Blewett, "Experimental Program Requirements for a 300 to 1000-BeV Accelerator," (Brookhaven, N.Y., 1961). For an overview of high-energy physics in the 1950s, see Laurie M. Brown, Max Dresden, and Lillian Hoddeson, Pions to Quarks (Cambridge, Mass., 1989). Electron volt (eV) is a unit of energy describing the energy obtained by an electron accelerated through one volt of potential difference. GeV stands for billion electron volts.
14. Matthew Sands, "A Proton Synchrotron for 300 GeV," (Pasadena, Calif., 1960), CTSL-10. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, "Extract from LRL FY1963 Budget Submission, submitted 4-21-61," Lofgren Papers. Luke C. L. Yuan and John P. Blewett, "Experimental Program Requirements for a 300 to 1000-BeV Accelerator," (Brookhaven, N.Y., 1961). For an overview of high-energy physics in the 1950s, see Laurie M. Brown, Max Dresden, and Lillian Hoddeson, Pions to Quarks (Cambridge, Mass., 1989). Electron volt (eV) is a unit of energy describing the energy obtained by an electron accelerated through one volt of potential difference. GeV stands for billion electron volts.
15. See J. L. Heilbron and Robert W. Seidel, Lawrence and His Laboratory: A History of the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory (Berkeley, 1989) for a history of the Berkeley laboratory in the pre-World War II period. For more information on postwar fund-raising, see Robert Seidel, "Accelerating Science: The Postwar Transformation of the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 13, no. 2 (1983): 376-92, and Allan A. Needell, "Nuclear Reactors and the Founding of Brookhaven National Laboratory," History Studies in the Physical Sciences, 14, no. 1 (1983): 95-100.
16. See J. L. Heilbron and Robert W. Seidel, Lawrence and His Laboratory: A History of the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory (Berkeley, 1989) for a history of the Berkeley laboratory in the pre-World War II period. For more information on postwar fund-raising, see Robert Seidel, "Accelerating Science: The Postwar Transformation of the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 13, no. 2 (1983): 376-92, and Allan A. Needell, "Nuclear Reactors and the Founding of Brookhaven National Laboratory," History Studies in the Physical Sciences, 14, no. 1 (1983): 95-100.
17. See J. L. Heilbron and Robert W. Seidel, Lawrence and His Laboratory: A History of the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory (Berkeley, 1989) for a history of the Berkeley laboratory in the pre-World War II period. For more information on postwar fund-raising, see Robert Seidel, "Accelerating Science: The Postwar Transformation of the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 13, no. 2 (1983): 376-92, and Allan A. Needell, "Nuclear Reactors and the Founding of Brookhaven National Laboratory," History Studies in the Physical Sciences, 14, no. 1 (1983): 95-100.
18. Alvin Tollestrup and Robert Walker, interview by Westfall, May 4, 1985. Hayden Gordon, Edward J. Lofgren, "Notes on a Meeting to Discuss the Organization of a Study of a Super High Energy Accelerator," January 2, 1962, Lofgren Papers. Lofgren, "Conference with Haworth in Washington," September 25, 1962, Lofgren Papers.
19. Alvin Tollestrup and Robert Walker, interview by Westfall, May 4, 1985. Hayden Gordon, Edward J. Lofgren, "Notes on a Meeting to Discuss the Organization of a Study of a Super High Energy Accelerator," January 2, 1962, Lofgren Papers. Lofgren, "Conference with Haworth in Washington," September 25, 1962, Lofgren Papers.
20. High-energy machines, like the synchrotron proposed by WAG, Berkeley, and Brookhaven, accelerate particles to particularly high energies; high-intensity machines, such as MURA's Fixed Field Alternating Gradient, accelerate an especially large number of particles per second. U.S. Congress, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, High Energy Physics Program: Report on National Policy and Background Information (Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 85, 103-6. MURA was an organization of physicists from Midwestern universities that in the 1950s and 1960s developed innovative accelerator systems and pressed for a large colliding-beams accelerator in the Midwest. For an account of the conditions in the Midwest from which MURA rose, see Leonard Greenbaum, A Special Interest (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1971). For an account of the political considerations that led to MURA's demise, written shortly after the event, see Daniel Greenberg, The Politics of Pure Science (New York, 1967). For participant accounts of the history of MURA, see "Accelerators and the Midwestern Universities Research Association in the 1950s," in Brown et al., pp. 202-12, and Francis Cole, "Oh Camelot: A Memoir of the MURA Years," 1993.
21. High-energy machines, like the synchrotron proposed by WAG, Berkeley, and Brookhaven, accelerate particles to particularly high energies; high-intensity machines, such as MURA's Fixed Field Alternating Gradient, accelerate an especially large number of particles per second. U.S. Congress, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, High Energy Physics Program: Report on National Policy and Background Information (Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 85, 103-6. MURA was an organization of physicists from Midwestern universities that in the 1950s and 1960s developed innovative accelerator systems and pressed for a large colliding-beams accelerator in the Midwest. For an account of the conditions in the Midwest from which MURA rose, see Leonard Greenbaum, A Special Interest (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1971). For an account of the political considerations that led to MURA's demise, written shortly after the event, see Daniel Greenberg, The Politics of Pure Science (New York, 1967). For participant accounts of the history of MURA, see "Accelerators and the Midwestern Universities Research Association in the 1950s," in Brown et al., pp. 202-12, and Francis Cole, "Oh Camelot: A Memoir of the MURA Years," 1993.
22. High-energy machines, like the synchrotron proposed by WAG, Berkeley, and Brookhaven, accelerate particles to particularly high energies; high-intensity machines, such as MURA's Fixed Field Alternating Gradient, accelerate an especially large number of particles per second. U.S. Congress, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, High Energy Physics Program: Report on National Policy and Background Information (Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 85, 103-6. MURA was an organization of physicists from Midwestern universities that in the 1950s and 1960s developed innovative accelerator systems and pressed for a large colliding-beams accelerator in the Midwest. For an account of the conditions in the Midwest from which MURA rose, see Leonard Greenbaum, A Special Interest (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1971). For an account of the political considerations that led to MURA's demise, written shortly after the event, see Daniel Greenberg, The Politics of Pure Science (New York, 1967). For participant accounts of the history of MURA, see "Accelerators and the Midwestern Universities Research Association in the 1950s," in Brown et al., pp. 202-12, and Francis Cole, "Oh Camelot: A Memoir of the MURA Years," 1993.
23. High-energy machines, like the synchrotron proposed by WAG, Berkeley, and Brookhaven, accelerate particles to particularly high energies; high-intensity machines, such as MURA's Fixed Field Alternating Gradient, accelerate an especially large number of particles per second. U.S. Congress, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, High Energy Physics Program: Report on National Policy and Background Information (Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 85, 103-6. MURA was an organization of physicists from Midwestern universities that in the 1950s and 1960s developed innovative accelerator systems and pressed for a large colliding-beams accelerator in the Midwest. For an account of the conditions in the Midwest from which MURA rose, see Leonard Greenbaum, A Special Interest (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1971). For an account of the political considerations that led to MURA's demise, written shortly after the event, see Daniel Greenberg, The Politics of Pure Science (New York, 1967). For participant accounts of the history of MURA, see "Accelerators and the Midwestern Universities Research Association in the 1950s," in Brown et al., pp. 202-12, and Francis Cole, "Oh Camelot: A Memoir of the MURA Years," 1993.
24. High-energy machines, like the synchrotron proposed by WAG, Berkeley, and Brookhaven, accelerate particles to particularly high energies; high-intensity machines, such as MURA's Fixed Field Alternating Gradient, accelerate an especially large number of particles per second. U.S. Congress, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, High Energy Physics Program: Report on National Policy and Background Information (Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 85, 103-6. MURA was an organization of physicists from Midwestern universities that in the 1950s and 1960s developed innovative accelerator systems and pressed for a large colliding-beams accelerator in the Midwest. For an account of the conditions in the Midwest from which MURA rose, see Leonard Greenbaum, A Special Interest (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1971). For an account of the political considerations that led to MURA's demise, written shortly after the event, see Daniel Greenberg, The Politics of Pure Science (New York, 1967). For participant accounts of the history of MURA, see "Accelerators and the Midwestern Universities Research Association in the 1950s," in Brown et al., pp. 202-12, and Francis Cole, "Oh Camelot: A Memoir of the MURA Years," 1993.
25. At the time one billion electron volts was commonly abbreviated "BeV." Since the project was widely known by this name, this abbreviation is used when referring to the project. The use of BeV in quotes has also been left intact. Glenn Seaborg record of conversation July 17, 1963; Lyndon Baines Johnson to Hubert Humphrey, January 16, 1964, Secretariat, DOE Archives, Box 1424.
26. Michael D. Reagan, Science and the Federal Patron (New York, 1969). U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee; on Research, Development, and Radiation, Hearings, 89th Cong., 1st sess., Appendix 17, pp. 752-53, 756.
27. Michael D. Reagan, Science and the Federal Patron (New York, 1969). U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee; on Research, Development, and Radiation, Hearings, 89th Cong., 1st sess., Appendix 17, pp. 752-53, 756.
28. Doris Kearns, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York, 1976), p. 296. Robert W. Smith, The Space Telescope (Cambridge, Mass., 1993) p. 72.
29. Doris Kearns, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York, 1976), p. 296. Robert W. Smith, The Space Telescope (Cambridge, Mass., 1993) p. 72.
30. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, High Energy Physics Program: Report (n. 7 above), pp. 140, 163.
31. Such sentiments were not unusual. Those planning other big science projects, such as ground-based astronomical studies sponsored by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy (AURA) and ASTRA, an orbiting space telescope project built by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), also wanted the broadest possible base of users to channel available resources and help build coalitions to lobby for funding for their projects. See Smith for more information on ASTRA; on AURA, see Merton England, A Patron for Pure Science: The National Science Foundation's Formative Years, 1945-57 (Washington, D.C., 1982). Smith points out that in the case of space sciences, technical, scientific, and political factors all encouraged the recruitment of a broader base of users as projects grew larger. For example, in the case of orbiting astronomical observatories, as spacecraft grew larger and more expensive they tended to become more permanent and as a result required a larger group of users both to perform research and to form the constituency necessary for obtaining funding. It is interesting to note that at this stage, high-energy physicists were relatively unconcerned about building a coalition to lobby for funding. The main issue was not whether a large accelerator would be funded, but who would build and use the next big machine. Since high-energy physicists were confident that they would obtain funding and that users would flock to the largest accelerator, their push for a broader base of users for the new laboratory was motivated primarily by the concern for equitable allocation of resources.
32. Leon Lederman, "The Truly National Laboratory," in 1963 Super-High Energy Summer Study, Brookhaven National Laboratory, AADD-6, p. 10. Lederman used TNL as a pun on BNL (for Brookhaven National Laboratory), which he felt was not functioning as a truly national facility.
33. Edwin McMillan, interview by Westfall, May 16, 1984.
34. MURA's defeat and its effect on the political background for the 200 BeV accelerator has been noted by many writers, including Daniel Greenberg in The Politics of Pure Science (New York, 1967), Jachim (n. 3 above), and Lowi and Ginsberg (n. 3 above). All three writers, however, ignore the major contribution that tensions with outside users played in setting this background. Unsigned draft to Edwin McMillan, October 7, 1964, McMillan Papers, Box 5. William Fry to G. Kenneth Green, November 3, 1964, Green Papers, Box I. Fry to McMillan, October 30, 1964, Lofgren Papers.
35. Frederick Seitz, interview by Hoddeson, February 7, 1980. W. B. Fowler, "Meeting at National Academy of Sciences, January 17, 1965. Summary of Notes Taken by Theodore P. Wright," April 13, 1965. Seitz, "National Academy of Sciences Meeting of University Presidents, January 17, 1965," in U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings (n. 9 above), pp. 8-9; Seaborg to Seitz, March 2, 1965, Secretariat, DOE Archives, Box 1425. Leonard L. Bacon, "Minutes of First Meeting of Board of Trustees of Universities Research Association, Inc.," September 16, 1965, Lofgren Papers. Atomic Energy Commission, "Wide Distribution Shown in AEC List of Proposals for 200 BeV Accelerator," July 9, 1965, press release, Seaborg Papers.
36. Frederick Seitz, interview by Hoddeson, February 7, 1980. W. B. Fowler, "Meeting at National Academy of Sciences, January 17, 1965. Summary of Notes Taken by Theodore P. Wright," April 13, 1965. Seitz, "National Academy of Sciences Meeting of University Presidents, January 17, 1965," in U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings (n. 9 above), pp. 8-9; Seaborg to Seitz, March 2, 1965, Secretariat, DOE Archives, Box 1425. Leonard L. Bacon, "Minutes of First Meeting of Board of Trustees of Universities Research Association, Inc.," September 16, 1965, Lofgren Papers. Atomic Energy Commission, "Wide Distribution Shown in AEC List of Proposals for 200 BeV Accelerator," July 9, 1965, press release, Seaborg Papers.
37. Frederick Seitz, interview by Hoddeson, February 7, 1980. W. B. Fowler, "Meeting at National Academy of Sciences, January 17, 1965. Summary of Notes Taken by Theodore P. Wright," April 13, 1965. Seitz, "National Academy of Sciences Meeting of University Presidents, January 17, 1965," in U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings (n. 9 above), pp. 8-9; Seaborg to Seitz, March 2, 1965, Secretariat, DOE Archives, Box 1425. Leonard L. Bacon, "Minutes of First Meeting of Board of Trustees of Universities Research Association, Inc.," September 16, 1965, Lofgren Papers. Atomic Energy Commission, "Wide Distribution Shown in AEC List of Proposals for 200 BeV Accelerator," July 9, 1965, press release, Seaborg Papers.
38. Frederick Seitz, interview by Hoddeson, February 7, 1980. W. B. Fowler, "Meeting at National Academy of Sciences, January 17, 1965. Summary of Notes Taken by Theodore P. Wright," April 13, 1965. Seitz, "National Academy of Sciences Meeting of University Presidents, January 17, 1965," in U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings (n. 9 above), pp. 8-9; Seaborg to Seitz, March 2, 1965, Secretariat, DOE Archives, Box 1425. Leonard L. Bacon, "Minutes of First Meeting of Board of Trustees of Universities Research Association, Inc.," September 16, 1965, Lofgren Papers. Atomic Energy Commission, "Wide Distribution Shown in AEC List of Proposals for 200 BeV Accelerator," July 9, 1965, press release, Seaborg Papers.
39. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, 200 BeV Accelerator Design Study, vol. 1 (Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, June 1965), pp. 1-5, I-8.
40. Ibid., p. XVI-1.
41. Robert Wilson to McMillan, September 27, 1965.
42. Glenn Seaborg, "Meeting of Board of Trustees, Universities Research Association, Inc.," December 12, 1965, Seaborg Papers. Seitz to Norman Ramsey, December 14, 1965.
43. In one scheme intensity was decreased, in the other, repetition rate was decreased. Edward J. Lofgren, "On the Costs of an Accelerator with Reduced Initial Capabilities," December 13, 1965, Lofgren Papers; Lofgren to Paul McDaniel, December 14, 1965, Lofgren Papers.
44. National Academy of Sciences Site Evaluation Committee, Report, March 1966.
45. Glenn Seaborg, record of conversation, July 13, 1966, Seaborg Papers; Henry Traynor to Seaborg, James Ramey, and Gerald Tape, July 29, 1966, Secretariat, Box 7741, DOE Archives.
46. On how the site contest was decided see Catherine Westfall, "The Site Contest for Fermilab," Physics Today 42 (1989): 44-52. Seaborg record of conversation, December 7, 1966, Seaborg Papers.
47. Lofgren to Ramsey, January 12, 1967, Lofgren Papers.
48. Wilson officially accepted the directorship on March 1, 1967. Wilson to Ramsey, March 1, 1967. See also Norman Ramsey, interview by Hoddeson, February 26 and 27, 1980, and Edwin Goldwasser, interview by Westfall, July 10, 1985.
49. Glenn Seaborg, Diary, typescript, January 16, 1967, Seaborg Papers.
50. Glenn Seaborg, Diary, typescript, February 14, 1967, Seaborg Papers. D. Keefe, "Report on Meeting Between LRL Personnel and the Atomic Energy Commission," February 14, 1967, McMillan Papers, Box 2.
51. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings, 90th Congress, 1st sess., pp. 97, 22-394.
52. Although Berkeley designers had considered ideas for expandability since 1964 and were about to publish a well-honed expandability scheme, the idea now became associated with Wilson, since the commissioners had just introduced him to the JCAE and were stressing his willingness to apply innovative ideas and produce an expandable machine within stringent budget limitations. Al A. Garren, Glen Lambertson, Edward Lofgren, and Lloyd Smith, "Extendable Energy Synchrotron," Nuclear Instruments and Methods 54 (1967): 223-25.
53. The granting of construction funding for an accelerator project was taken as assurance of continued federal funding. The 1993 cancellation of the Superconducting Super Collider reversed this trend. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Atomic Energy Commission Authorizing Appropriations, FY 1968, 90th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 36, 57-59; Lyndon Johnson to Glenn Seaborg, July 26, 1967, Seaborg Collection, Box 170, DOE Archives.
54. Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987.
55. Wilson, interview by Hoddeson, January 23, 1981.
56. The later addition of a ring of superconducting magnets would then allow reaching 1,000 GeV. Lillian Hoddeson, "The First Large-Scale Application of Superconductivity: The Fermilab Energy Doubler, 1972-1983," Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, 18, no. 1 (1987): 25-54.
57. Goldwasser, interview by Westfall, May 15, 1987. Robert Serber, interview by Westfall, February 24, 1986. Wilson, interview by Hoddeson, January 12, 1979. Don Getz, May 1977, untitled manuscript. Hoddeson (n. 3 above), p. 20.
58. Heilbron and Seidel note that in the 1930s Lawrence was known for instituting "the California habit of speed," and that this tendency was characteristic of American science at the time; Heilbron and Seidel (n. 5 above), pp. 36, 264. For a discussion of speed with reference to research at Los Alamos, see Hoddeson, "The Los Alamos Implosion Program in World War II: A Model for Postwar American Research," in The Restructuring of Physical Sciences in Europe and the U.S. 1945-1960, ed. Michelangelo de Maria, Mario Grilli, and Fabio Sebastiani (Singapore, 1989) pp. 32-41, and Lillian Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly: A History of Los Alamos during the Oppenheimer Years, 1943-1945 (Cambridge, Mass., 1993). See also Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1967, and Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," January 23, 1967.
59. Heilbron and Seidel note that in the 1930s Lawrence was known for instituting "the California habit of speed," and that this tendency was characteristic of American science at the time; Heilbron and Seidel (n. 5 above), pp. 36, 264. For a discussion of speed with reference to research at Los Alamos, see Hoddeson, "The Los Alamos Implosion Program in World War II: A Model for Postwar American Research," in The Restructuring of Physical Sciences in Europe and the U.S. 1945-1960, ed. Michelangelo de Maria, Mario Grilli, and Fabio Sebastiani (Singapore, 1989) pp. 32-41, and Lillian Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly: A History of Los Alamos during the Oppenheimer Years, 1943-1945 (Cambridge, Mass., 1993). See also Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1967, and Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," January 23, 1967.
60. Heilbron and Seidel note that in the 1930s Lawrence was known for instituting "the California habit of speed," and that this tendency was characteristic of American science at the time; Heilbron and Seidel (n. 5 above), pp. 36, 264. For a discussion of speed with reference to research at Los Alamos, see Hoddeson, "The Los Alamos Implosion Program in World War II: A Model for Postwar American Research," in The Restructuring of Physical Sciences in Europe and the U.S. 1945-1960, ed. Michelangelo de Maria, Mario Grilli, and Fabio Sebastiani (Singapore, 1989) pp. 32-41, and Lillian Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly: A History of Los Alamos during the Oppenheimer Years, 1943-1945 (Cambridge, Mass., 1993). See also Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1967, and Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," January 23, 1967.
61. Robert Wilson, "My Fight against Team Research," Daedalus (Fall, 1970): 1076-87. See also Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987; Drasko Jovanovic, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989; Francis Cole, interview by Westfall, March 13, 1987; and Thomas Collins, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989.
62. For a discussion of the pioneer ethic and how it has driven American technology, see Eugene S. Ferguson, "The American-ness of American Technology," Technology and Culture 20 (1979): 3-24. Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987.
63. Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987. Dominique Pestre and John Krige, "Some Thoughts on the Early History of CERN," in Galison and Hevly (n. 2 above), p. 95.
64. Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987. Wilson's style contrasted sharply with Lawrence's in one important aspect. Lawrence characteristically built the largest, most powerful accelerator he could afford. For example, as LBNL historians explain, the rectangular magnet design for Lawrence's sixty-inch cyclotron "was wasteful of material." Lawrence justified its size simply by noting, "we can get the money for [it]." While for Lawrence, larger was better, for Wilson, smaller was better. As Thomas Collins, a key NAL accelerator designer, explains: "It was Wilson's style to whittle." If two designs looked equally promising "he'd take the smaller one, every time." For Wilson, a spare, clean design was both virtuous and aesthetically pleasing. See Heilbron and Seidel (n. 5 above), pp. 283-84, and Collins, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989.
65. Separate function magnets were independently proposed in late 1952 by Toshio Kitagaki in Japan and by Milton White at Princeton, after they realized that intermittent focusing is sufficient in a strong focusing accelerator. Toshio Kitagaki, "A Focusing Method for Large Accelerators," Physical Review 89 (1953): 1161-62, and M. G. White, "Preliminary Design Parameters for a Separated-Function Machine," Princeton, N.J., March 3, 1953.
66. Separate function magnets were independently proposed in late 1952 by Toshio Kitagaki in Japan and by Milton White at Princeton, after they realized that intermittent focusing is sufficient in a strong focusing accelerator. Toshio Kitagaki, "A Focusing Method for Large Accelerators," Physical Review 89 (1953): 1161-62, and M. G. White, "Preliminary Design Parameters for a Separated-Function Machine," Princeton, N.J., March 3, 1953.
67. Arie Van Steenbergen, "200-400 BeV Accelerator Summer Study," July, August 1967, p. 7. The separated function magnets could achieve 15-20 percent higher central-orbit fields for the same peak fields in the aperture than combined function magnets. Francis Cole, "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator," Particle Accelerators 2 (1971): 1-11. See also Denis Keefe, Glen Lambertson, and L. Jackson Laslett, interview by Westfall, December 22, 1986, and Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987.
68. Arie Van Steenbergen, "200-400 BeV Accelerator Summer Study," July, August 1967, p. 7. The separated function magnets could achieve 15-20 percent higher central-orbit fields for the same peak fields in the aperture than combined function magnets. Francis Cole, "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator," Particle Accelerators 2 (1971): 1-11. See also Denis Keefe, Glen Lambertson, and L. Jackson Laslett, interview by Westfall, December 22, 1986, and Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987.
69. The innovative beam extraction system was possible because of the development by Alfred Maschke of the electrostatic septum, which extracts protons using an electric field and then deflects them out of the accelerator with a magnet. This device, along with the long straight section, formed an extraction system with an efficiency of 99 percent, much higher than that achieved in previous accelerators. James A. Sanford, "The Fermilab National Accelerator Laboratory," Annual Review of Nuclear Science 26 (1976): 151-98. See also National Accelerator Laboratory (NAL), Design Report, January 1968, p. 5-3; Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987; Robert Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," July 23, 1967; Robert Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator" (paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on High Energy Accelerators, Cambridge, Mass., September 12, 1967), p. 4.
70. The innovative beam extraction system was possible because of the development by Alfred Maschke of the electrostatic septum, which extracts protons using an electric field and then deflects them out of the accelerator with a magnet. This device, along with the long straight section, formed an extraction system with an efficiency of 99 percent, much higher than that achieved in previous accelerators. James A. Sanford, "The Fermilab National Accelerator Laboratory," Annual Review of Nuclear Science 26 (1976): 151-98. See also National Accelerator Laboratory (NAL), Design Report, January 1968, p. 5-3; Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987; Robert Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," July 23, 1967; Robert Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator" (paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on High Energy Accelerators, Cambridge, Mass., September 12, 1967), p. 4.
71. The innovative beam extraction system was possible because of the development by Alfred Maschke of the electrostatic septum, which extracts protons using an electric field and then deflects them out of the accelerator with a magnet. This device, along with the long straight section, formed an extraction system with an efficiency of 99 percent, much higher than that achieved in previous accelerators. James A. Sanford, "The Fermilab National Accelerator Laboratory," Annual Review of Nuclear Science 26 (1976): 151-98. See also National Accelerator Laboratory (NAL), Design Report, January 1968, p. 5-3; Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987; Robert Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," July 23, 1967; Robert Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator" (paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on High Energy Accelerators, Cambridge, Mass., September 12, 1967), p. 4.
72. The innovative beam extraction system was possible because of the development by Alfred Maschke of the electrostatic septum, which extracts protons using an electric field and then deflects them out of the accelerator with a magnet. This device, along with the long straight section, formed an extraction system with an efficiency of 99 percent, much higher than that achieved in previous accelerators. James A. Sanford, "The Fermilab National Accelerator Laboratory," Annual Review of Nuclear Science 26 (1976): 151-98. See also National Accelerator Laboratory (NAL), Design Report, January 1968, p. 5-3; Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987; Robert Wilson, "National Accelerator Laboratory Synchrotron," July 23, 1967; Robert Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator" (paper presented at the Sixth International Conference on High Energy Accelerators, Cambridge, Mass., September 12, 1967), p. 4.
73. The lattice, refined by Collins when the components were installed, also contained straight sections for beam handling and radio frequency acceleration.
74. Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987. National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report, pp. 4-1, 5-5. Livingston (n. 3 above), p. 21. Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator," p. 5.
75. Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987. National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report, pp. 4-1, 5-5. Livingston (n. 3 above), p. 21. Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator," p. 5.
76. B1 magnets have 1 1/2 inch vertical gaps while the B2 magnets have 2 inch gaps. The sizes differ to take into account the changing dimensions of the beam. See also Livingston, p. 21; Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator," pp. 4-5; Ernest Malamud and James K. Walker, "Progress and Prospects at the National Accelerator Laboratory," December 1970, p. 3; Collins, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989.
77. B1 magnets have 1 1/2 inch vertical gaps while the B2 magnets have 2 inch gaps. The sizes differ to take into account the changing dimensions of the beam. See also Livingston, p. 21; Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator," pp. 4-5; Ernest Malamud and James K. Walker, "Progress and Prospects at the National Accelerator Laboratory," December 1970, p. 3; Collins, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989.
78. The Lawrence Radiation Laboratory (LRL) magnets were estimated to weigh 19,415 tons total and cost $26.6 million, while the NAL magnets were estimated to weigh 9,750 tons and cost $20.9 million. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, 200 BeV Accelerator Design Study (n. 16 above), pp. III-9, III-10, XVI-4; National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report, pp. A-4, 16-3.
79. The Lawrence Radiation Laboratory (LRL) magnets were estimated to weigh 19,415 tons total and cost $26.6 million, while the NAL magnets were estimated to weigh 9,750 tons and cost $20.9 million. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, 200 BeV Accelerator Design Study (n. 16 above), pp. III-9, III-10, XVI-4; National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report, pp. A-4, 16-3.
80. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, 200 BeV Accelerator Design Study, p. XVI-16; National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report, p. 16-11.
81. Lawrence Radiation Laboratory, 200 BeV Accelerator Design Study, p. XVI-16; National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report, p. 16-11.
82. Smith (n. 10 above), quote on p. 392. See also Spencer Weart, "The Physics Business in America, 1919-1940: A Statistical Reconnaissance," in The Sciences in the American Context: New Perspectives, ed. Nathan Reingold (Washington, D.C., 1979), p. 328; High Energy Physics Advisory Panel, "The Status and Problems of High Energy Physics Today," January 1968, p. 38.
83. Smith (n. 10 above), quote on p. 392. See also Spencer Weart, "The Physics Business in America, 1919-1940: A Statistical Reconnaissance," in The Sciences in the American Context: New Perspectives, ed. Nathan Reingold (Washington, D.C., 1979), p. 328; High Energy Physics Advisory Panel, "The Status and Problems of High Energy Physics Today," January 1968, p. 38.
84. Ramsey, interview by Hoddeson, February 26 and 27, 1980. See also Don Getz, un titled report, May 1977. "Questions Raised on the Design of the 200 BeV Accelerator," no date, Mills Papers.
85. Wilson to Seaborg, February 28, 1967; Ramsey, interview by Hoddeson, February 26 and 27, 1980.
86. M. Stanley Livingston, "Design Progress at the National Accelerator Laboratory," June 1969, p. 1. Malamud, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987.
87. Malamud, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987; interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989. Cole, "Main Ring Group Meeting," March 27, 1968; "Monthly Report of Activities," August 1, 1968, p. 4, and September 1, 1968, pp. 4-5.
88. Malamud, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987; interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989. Cole, "Main Ring Group Meeting," March 27, 1968; "Monthly Report of Activities," August 1, 1968, p. 4, and September 1, 1968, pp. 4-5.
89. Philip Livdahl, "A Brief Summary of Fermilab during Initial Construction Years," November 1983, pp. 9, 15.
90. Early vacuum chamber and model work was done at the University of Wisconsin, and computer modeling was sometimes performed by a data telephone link to New York University. James Maclachlan, interview by Westfall, November 27, 1989. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," April 1, 1968, p. 2, and June 1, 1968, pp. 3, 4, 6; Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator" (n. 42 above), p. 5.
91. Early vacuum chamber and model work was done at the University of Wisconsin, and computer modeling was sometimes performed by a data telephone link to New York University. James Maclachlan, interview by Westfall, November 27, 1989. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," April 1, 1968, p. 2, and June 1, 1968, pp. 3, 4, 6; Wilson, "Some Aspects of the 200 GeV Accelerator" (n. 42 above), p. 5.
92. "Main Accelerator Section Monthly Report," November 1968 and December 1968. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," September 1, 1968, p. 6. Ryuji Yamada, interview by Hoddeson and Westfall, October 25, 1989. "Minutes of Staff Meeting Main Ring," August 27, 1969. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," January 28, 1970.
93. "Main Accelerator Section Monthly Report," November 1968 and December 1968. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," September 1, 1968, p. 6. Ryuji Yamada, interview by Hoddeson and Westfall, October 25, 1989. "Minutes of Staff Meeting Main Ring," August 27, 1969. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," January 28, 1970.
94. "Main Accelerator Section Monthly Report," November 1968 and December 1968. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," September 1, 1968, p. 6. Ryuji Yamada, interview by Hoddeson and Westfall, October 25, 1989. "Minutes of Staff Meeting Main Ring," August 27, 1969. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," January 28, 1970.
95. "Main Accelerator Section Monthly Report," November 1968 and December 1968. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," September 1, 1968, p. 6. Ryuji Yamada, interview by Hoddeson and Westfall, October 25, 1989. "Minutes of Staff Meeting Main Ring," August 27, 1969. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," January 28, 1970.
96. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," June 1, 1968, p. 6, and October 1, 1968, p. 3. "Main Accelerator Section Monthly Report," March 31, 1969.
97. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," June 1, 1968, p. 6, and October 1, 1968, p. 3. "Main Accelerator Section Monthly Report," March 31, 1969.
98. Livingston (n. 3 above), p. 21; Wilson, interview by Westfall, February 13, 1990. Sanford (n. 42 above), p. 165; Cole, "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator" (n. 41 above).
99. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," April 30, 1969, p. 6. Livingston, "Design Progress" (n. 51 above), pp. 11-12.
100. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," April 30, 1969, p. 6. Livingston, "Design Progress" (n. 51 above), pp. 11-12.
101. Malamud, interview by Westfall, October 24, 1989. Yamada, interview by Hoddeson and Westfall, October 25, 1989. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1969, p. 2.
102. Livdahl (n. 53 above), p. 10. Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987.
103. Wilson, "Sanctimonious Memo #137," July 11, 1969. See also Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989.
104. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1969, p. 5; "Monthly Progress Report," September 30, 1969, pp. 8, 9; "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator," p. 5. "Monthly Report Main Ring Section," October 1969, p. 2.
105. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1969, p. 5; "Monthly Progress Report," September 30, 1969, pp. 8, 9; "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator," p. 5. "Monthly Report Main Ring Section," October 1969, p. 2.
106. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1969, p. 5; "Monthly Progress Report," September 30, 1969, pp. 8, 9; "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator," p. 5. "Monthly Report Main Ring Section," October 1969, p. 2.
107. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1969, p. 5; "Monthly Progress Report," September 30, 1969, pp. 8, 9; "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator," p. 5. "Monthly Report Main Ring Section," October 1969, p. 2.
108. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," November 30, 1969, p. 9, and January 31, 1970, p. 6. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," January 7, 1970.
109. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," November 30, 1969, p. 9, and January 31, 1970, p. 6. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," January 7, 1970.
110. "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," December 3, 1969, and December 17, 1969. Yamada, interview by Hoddeson and Westfall, October 25, 1989.
111. Cole, "Monthly Progress Report," December 31, 1969, p. 8. See also Cole, "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," December 3, 1969; "Monthly Progress Report, April 30, 1970," pp. 11-12.
112. Cole, "Monthly Progress Report," December 31, 1969, p. 8. See also Cole, "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," December 3, 1969; "Monthly Progress Report, April 30, 1970," pp. 11-12.
113. Cole, "Monthly Progress Report," December 31, 1969, p. 8. See also Cole, "Minutes of the Main Ring Staff Meeting," December 3, 1969; "Monthly Progress Report, April 30, 1970," pp. 11-12.
114. In the 1968 design, the steel yokes, which were made of thousands of thin laminations, were secured with a steel I-beam. When the twenty-foot structural models were built according to two alternate designs using this plan, they sagged. Hinterberger realized they could solve the problem by inserting angle girders around the four outside corners of the magnet, eliminating the I-beam. He remembers "pointing out that the laminations themselves" could secure the yoke because "the structure was strong enough to support itself." In this "box girder" design, the iron laminations weighed less and magnetic properties improved because the girders became part of the magnetic flux return circuit. Henry Hinterberger and Robert Wilson, tape recording, June 21, 1982. See also Livingston, "Design Progress" (n. 51 above), p. 13; National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report (n. 42 above), p. 5-1; Cole, "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator" (n. 41 above), p. 8.
115. In the 1968 design, the steel yokes, which were made of thousands of thin laminations, were secured with a steel I-beam. When the twenty-foot structural models were built according to two alternate designs using this plan, they sagged. Hinterberger realized they could solve the problem by inserting angle girders around the four outside corners of the magnet, eliminating the I-beam. He remembers "pointing out that the laminations themselves" could secure the yoke because "the structure was strong enough to support itself." In this "box girder" design, the iron laminations weighed less and magnetic properties improved because the girders became part of the magnetic flux return circuit. Henry Hinterberger and Robert Wilson, tape recording, June 21, 1982. See also Livingston, "Design Progress" (n. 51 above), p. 13; National Accelerator Laboratory, Design Report (n. 42 above), p. 5-1; Cole, "Progress Report on the NAL Accelerator" (n. 41 above), p. 8.
116. In the 1968 design, the steel yokes, which were made of thousands of thin laminations, were secured with a steel I-beam. When the twenty-foot structural
117. Yamada's tapered pole tip left an empty space, since the original design had been square, and the main ring group had been filling the space with plaster. Malamud remembers discovering that the plaster was "sopping wet." Magnet production halted. Hanson's solution provides another example of the importance of engineering skill to the main ring effort. He suggested that the void be filled with epoxy by vacuum impregnation, a technique that had been used successfully on booster magnets. Holding to the view that the use of epoxy was undesirable because of the increased danger of radiation damage due to the magnet design, Wilson vehemently opposed the change. Hinterberger and Robert Sheldon agreed. However, at Malamud's suggestion, Hanson was given two weeks, which included the Christmas holidays, to show that his scheme would work. Laboring day and night, Hanson set up a vacuum impregnation system capable of accommodating a twenty-foot, fifteen-ton magnet. In the end, Wilson was convinced, and magnet construction was altered to include vacuum impregnation. Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989. See also Malamud to Mrs. Hanson, March 7, 1980, Malamud Papers.
118. Pestre and Krige (n. 38 above), p. 90; Dominique Pestre, "Some Characteristic Features of GERN in the 1950s and 1960s," in History of CERN, vol. 2, Building and Running the Laboratory, ed. Armin Hermann et al. (Amsterdam, 1990), p. 799.
119. Weart (n. 48 above), pp. 327-28.
120. Transcript, Second User's Meeting, December 2, 1968. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings, 91st Cong., 1st sess., p. 1214. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," July 31, 1969, p. 1.
121. Transcript, Second User's Meeting, December 2, 1968. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings, 91st Cong., 1st sess., p. 1214. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," July 31, 1969, p. 1.
122. For a full explanation of the strategies Wilson used to recruit and motivate his staff during the construction years see Catherine Westfall, "Vision, Rhetoric, and Persuasion: Robert Wilson and the Creation of Fermilab," 1994, Fermilab Pub. 94/ 162. Wilson, "Wilson to Whole Staff," October 1, 1969. See also James Maclachlan, interview by Westfall November 27, 1989; Jovanovic, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989; Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989.
123. For a full explanation of the strategies Wilson used to recruit and motivate his staff during the construction years see Catherine Westfall, "Vision, Rhetoric, and Persuasion: Robert Wilson and the Creation of Fermilab," 1994, Fermilab Pub. 94/ 162. Wilson, "Wilson to Whole Staff," October 1, 1969. See also James Maclachlan, interview by Westfall November 27, 1989; Jovanovic, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989; Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989.
124. Cole, "Monthly Progress Report," October 31, 1969, p. 8, and March 31, 1970, p. 6.
125. Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987. "Minutes of the Main Ring Meeting," December 10, 1969. For more on the further development of mass-produced magnets at Fermilab, see Hoddeson (n. 35 above), pp. 25-54.
126. Cole, "Monthly Progress Report," December 31, 1969, p. 8. Malamud, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987.
127. Wilson, "Statement Made by R. R. Wilson at the Second Annual Meeting of the NAL Users Organization on Friday, April 10, 1970." See also "Minutes of the Main Ring General Meeting," May 28, 1970; Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," August 31, 1970, p. 12. and September 30, 1970, p. 3.
128. Wilson, "Statement Made by R. R. Wilson at the Second Annual Meeting of the NAL Users Organization on Friday, April 10, 1970." See also "Minutes of the Main Ring General Meeting," May 28, 1970; Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," August 31, 1970, p. 12. and September 30, 1970, p. 3.
129. Wilson, "Statement Made by R. R. Wilson at the Second Annual Meeting of the NAL Users Organization on Friday, April 10, 1970." See also "Minutes of the Main Ring General Meeting," May 28, 1970; Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," August 31, 1970, p. 12. and September 30, 1970, p. 3.
130. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," September 30, 1970, p. 1. See also Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987.
131. Malamud, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987. Helen Edwards, interview by Westfall, March 13, 1987. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," October 31, 1970, p. 1.
132. Wilson, "Statement," "Main Accelerator Monthly Report," October 1970. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," March 31, 1971, p. 1, and April 30, 1971, p. 1.
133. Wilson, "Statement," "Main Accelerator Monthly Report," October 1970. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," March 31, 1971, p. 1, and April 30, 1971, p. 1.
134. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," June 31, 1971, p. 2. See also Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1971, p. 2.
135. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," June 31, 1971, p. 2. See also Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," May 31, 1971, p. 2.
136. Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly (n. 35 above). Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," October 31, 1971, p. 2. William Hanson to distribution, October 18, 1971. Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989.
137. Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly (n. 35 above). Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," October 31, 1971, p. 2. William Hanson to distribution, October 18, 1971. Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989.
138. To remove the obstacles, researchers first tried, unsuccessfully, to train a ferret, affectionately named Felicia, to drag a harness through the tube. Eventually they developed a mechanical spear capable of pulling a cord through 2,650 feet of vacuum tube. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," August 1, 1971, p. 2, and October 31, 1971, p. 3. Malamud to all members of Main Ring Section, August 2, 1971. "Steering Meeting," September 23, 1971. Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987, p. 14.
139. Pestre and Krige (n. 38 above). Jovanovic, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989. J. Richie Orr, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987. Wilson, interview by Westfall, April 1, 1987. Goldwasser, interview by Westfall, May 15, 1987. Leon Lederman, interview by Westfall, November 26, 1990.
140. On problem-solving strategies at the wartime atomic bomb project, see Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly. 84 Wilson to Ramsey, October 29, 1971. Orr, interview by Westfall, March 23, 1989. Wilson, "Formation of the Accelerator Section," memorandum to the staff, October 21, 1971.
141. On problem-solving strategies at the wartime atomic bomb project, see Hoddeson et al., Critical Assembly. 84 Wilson to Ramsey, October 29, 1971. Orr, interview by Westfall, March 23, 1989. Wilson, "Formation of the Accelerator Section," memorandum to the staff, October 21, 1971.
142. Goldwasser, interview by Westfall, May 15, 1987. Wilson, interview by Westfall, May 25, 1987. Collins, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989.
143. Collins, interview by Westfall, June 4, 1990. Yamada, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 25, 1989. Maclachlan, interview by Westfall, November 27, 1989. Collins, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989. Jovanovic, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, November 29, 1989. Malamud, interview by Westfall and Hoddeson, October 24, 1989.
144. Orr, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987. Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," February 30, 1972, p. 2. U. S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee on Research and Development and Radiation, Hearings, 92nd Cong., 2d sess., p. 1435.
145. The project finished $20 million under budget, money that Wilson used to support research on building a superconducting accelerator. Hoddeson (n. 35 above), p. 35. See also Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," January 31, 1972, p. 1, and March 1, 1972. U. S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee on Research and Development and Radiation, Hearings, Appendix 3, p. 1731.
146. The project finished $20 million under budget, money that Wilson used to support research on building a superconducting accelerator. Hoddeson (n. 35 above), p. 35. See also Cole, "Monthly Report of Activities," January 31, 1972, p. 1, and March 1, 1972. U. S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee on Research and Development and Radiation, Hearings, Appendix 3, p. 1731.
147. For the story of how the project was saved see Smith (n. 10 above), chaps. 4 and 5.
148. U. S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee on Research and Development and Radiation, Hearings, p. 1438. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings, 92nd Cong., 1st sess., p. 1196. Universities Research Association, annual reports from 1974, 1975, and 1976. Atomic Energy Commission, "AEC Names 200 BeV Accelerator in Honor of Enrico Fermi," April 29, 1969, press release, Seaborg Papers.
149. U. S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee on Research and Development and Radiation, Hearings, p. 1438. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings, 92nd Cong., 1st sess., p. 1196. Universities Research Association, annual reports from 1974, 1975, and 1976. Atomic Energy Commission, "AEC Names 200 BeV Accelerator in Honor of Enrico Fermi," April 29, 1969, press release, Seaborg Papers.
150. U. S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Subcommittee on Research and Development and Radiation, Hearings, p. 1438. U.S. Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Hearings, 92nd Cong., 1st sess., p. 1196. Universities Research Association, annual reports from 1974, 1975, and 1976. Atomic Energy Commission, "AEC Names 200 BeV Accelerator in Honor of Enrico Fermi," April 29, 1969, press release, Seaborg Papers.
151. Orr, interview by Westfall, March 12, 1987.
152. The 1993 cancellation of the Superconducting Super Collider has not yet been examined in sufficient detail to chart all the factors that led to the increase in costs and the decline in political fortunes. Anecdotal evidence suggests that high-energy physicists see the decision to increase the size of the magnets, and resulting cost increases, as a leading cause of the cancellation. Some in Washington feel the real problem was that Super Collider leaders raised the project's price tag too high too quickly, prompting Congress to refuse to "buy in" to the project's completion. For more information on the Hubble Space Telescope mirror problems, see Smith, pp. 399-425.
153. Continuities in personnel among the three laboratories included: Oppenheimer, who was both at Lawrence's laboratory in the 1930s and at Los Alamos, where he served as director; Wilson, who was at all three laboratories; and Priscilla Duffield, who served as the director's secretary at all three.