Policy leadership in the progressive presidency: The case of Theodore Roosevelt's naval policy and his search for strategic resources

Studies in American Political Development

Volumn 10, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 333-359

  Arnold, Peri E ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0030353630     PISSN: 0898588X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x00001516     Document Type: Article

References (126)

1. Fred Greenstein, "Toward a Modern Presidency," in Greenstein, ed., Leadership in the Modern Presidency (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 3-4.
2. Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power (New York: The Free Press, 1990), 29.
3. Stephen Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), esp. chap. 3.
4. Richard J. Ellis and Stephen Kirk, "Presidential Mandates in the Nineteenth Century: Conceptual Change and Institutional Development," Studies in American Political Development 9 (Spring 1995), 117-86.
5. See Sidney Milkis, The President and the Parties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), chap. 1.
6. Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make, 19.
7. Robert O'Connell, Sacred Vessels (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991), 104.
8. Leonard D. White, The Republican Era (New York: Macmillan, 1958), chap. 8.
9. Letter, Roosevelt to Henry Cabot Lodge, September 15, 1897, Selections from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, vol. 1 (New York: Charles Scribners, 1925), 276-77.
10. Richard L. McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 272.
11. See Eldon J. Eisenach, The Lost Promise of Progressivism (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994), 22-25.
12. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 19-46; Eisenach, The Lost Promise of Progressivism, chap, 4.
13. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 19-46; Eisenach, The Lost Promise of Progressivism, chap, 4.
14. Peri E. Arnold, "The Intellectual Roots of the Progressive Era Presidency," The Miller Center Journal (Spring 1994), 25-34.
15. Woodrow Wilson, Congressional Government (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1885).
16. Woodrow Wilson, Constitutional Government (New York: Columbia University Press, 1908), 81.
17. "The 'Administration Party' in Congress," New York Times, July 10, 1902, 8.
18. See Martin Schiesl, The Politics of Efficiency (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977); Edward A. Stettner, Shaping Modern Liberalism: Herbert Croly and Progressive Thought (Lawrence; University Press of Kansas, 1993), 58-66; Peri E. Arnold, "The Intellectual Roots of the Progressive Era Presidency."
19. See Martin Schiesl, The Politics of Efficiency (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977); Edward A. Stettner, Shaping Modern Liberalism: Herbert Croly and Progressive Thought (Lawrence; University Press of Kansas, 1993), 58-66; Peri E. Arnold, "The Intellectual Roots of the Progressive Era Presidency."
20. See Martin Schiesl, The Politics of Efficiency (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977); Edward A. Stettner, Shaping Modern Liberalism: Herbert Croly and Progressive Thought (Lawrence; University Press of Kansas, 1993), 58-66; Peri E. Arnold, "The Intellectual Roots of the Progressive Era Presidency."
21. Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York: Macmillan, 1913), 388-89.
22. Terry Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," in John Chubb and Paul Peterson, eds., The New Direction in American Politics (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1985), 235-72.
23. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 236-37.
24. Charles Lindblom, "Still Muddling, Not Yet Through," Public Administration Review (November/December 1979), 517-26.
25. See John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 24-52.
26. "National Defense," New York Times, December 3, 1902, 8.
27. Roosevelt's correspondence with Henry Cabot Lodge offers substantial evidence of Roosevelt's congressional lobbying activity throughout the 1890s in pursuit of naval expansion. Selections from the Correspondeme of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, vols. I and II (New York: Charles Scribners, 1925), Were Roosevelt to have chosen just to seek congressional support for naval expansion through rhetorical appeals, he might have been constrained perhaps by the lack of a commitment to naval expansion in the 1900 Republican platform. However, his party was sufficiently in favor of imperial expansion and foreign trade to allow Roosevelt to claim a mandate for naval expansion. For the 1900 Republican platform, see Kirk H. Porter and Donald B. Johnson, National Party Platforms, 1840-1856 (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1956), 121-24.
28. Roosevelt's correspondence with Henry Cabot Lodge offers substantial evidence of Roosevelt's congressional lobbying activity throughout the 1890s in pursuit of naval expansion. Selections from the Correspondeme of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, vols. I and II (New York: Charles Scribners, 1925), Were Roosevelt to have chosen just to seek congressional support for naval expansion through rhetorical appeals, he might have been constrained perhaps by the lack of a commitment to naval expansion in the 1900 Republican platform. However, his party was sufficiently in favor of imperial expansion and foreign trade to allow Roosevelt to claim a mandate for naval expansion. For the 1900 Republican platform, see Kirk H. Porter and Donald B. Johnson, National Party Platforms, 1840-1856 (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1956), 121-24.
29. See Skowronek, Building a New American State, chaps. 6-8.
30. Justus D. Doenecke, The Presidencies of James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur (Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1981), 147.
31. Harold and Margaret Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1939), 195.
32. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 186-98.
33. Roosevelt, An Autobiography, 224.
34. Roosevelt, An Autobiography, 234.
35. Roosevelt, An Autobiography, 230.
36. White, The Republican Era, 91.
37. John Burke, "The Institutional Presidency," in Michael Nelson, ed., The Presidency and the Political System (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1994), 378.
38. Burke, "The Institutional Presidency," 3-4.
39. Letter, Roosevelt to Representative Theodore E. Burton (Rep. - Ohio), in Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 3 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952), 735.
40. The bulk of William Moody's correspondence as navy secretary concerns patronage and personnel. Members of Congress routinely intervened in navy personnel issues. An example is a letter from Senator Henry Cabot Lodge to Moody, July 9, 1902, in which Lodge writes: "Colonel Guild has written me a long letter in regard to Commander W.S. Moore who wants to be the successor of Melville. He seems to have a very excellent record. . . . He is the first name on the list from Massachusetts, but his name is pretty low down . . ."; and see Admiral Taylor to Moody, July 29, 1903, in Papers of William Henry Moody, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.
41. Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), 135.
42. See Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 258.
43. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 249.
44. Theodore Roosevelt, First Annual Message, December 3, 1901, in Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 13 (New York: Bureau of National Literature, 1917), 6641.
45. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 259-60. Roosevelt's use of the annual message to frame an appeal to the public as well as Congress conforms to Jeffrey Tulis's observation that in the traditional presidency suggestions for policy change and new laws "would be written, and addressed principally to Congress;" see Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 46. However, Roosevelt also used occasions for public speeches to promote his naval policy and urge congressional action, confounding the initial appearance of his rhetorical constraint. For example, in a May 14, 1903, speech in San Francisco, Roosevelt said of naval expansion: "All of our citizens should make it a matter of prime duty to see . . . that the next Congress, and the Congress after that, and the Congress after that, go right on providing men and . . . the means . . . to be effective in war"; see Speech at Dedication of Navy Memorial, May 14, 1903, in Presidential Addresses and State Papers of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Kraus Reprint, 1970), pt. 1, 403.
46. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 259-60. Roosevelt's use of the annual message to frame an appeal to the public as well as Congress conforms to Jeffrey Tulis's observation that in the traditional presidency suggestions for policy change and new laws "would be written, and addressed principally to Congress;" see Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 46. However, Roosevelt also used occasions for public speeches to promote his naval policy and urge congressional action, confounding the initial appearance of his rhetorical constraint. For example, in a May 14, 1903, speech in San Francisco, Roosevelt said of naval expansion: "All of our citizens should make it a matter of prime duty to see . . . that the next Congress, and the Congress after that, and the Congress after that, go right on providing men and . . . the means . . . to be effective in war"; see Speech at Dedication of Navy Memorial, May 14, 1903, in Presidential Addresses and State Papers of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Kraus Reprint, 1970), pt. 1, 403.
47. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 259-60. Roosevelt's use of the annual message to frame an appeal to the public as well as Congress conforms to Jeffrey Tulis's observation that in the traditional presidency suggestions for policy change and new laws "would be written, and addressed principally to Congress;" see Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 46. However, Roosevelt also used occasions for public speeches to promote his naval policy and urge congressional action, confounding the initial appearance of his rhetorical constraint. For example, in a May 14, 1903, speech in San Francisco, Roosevelt said of naval expansion: "All of our citizens should make it a matter of prime duty to see . . . that the next Congress, and the Congress after that, and the Congress after that, go right on providing men and . . . the means . . . to be effective in war"; see Speech at Dedication of Navy Memorial, May 14, 1903, in Presidential Addresses and State Papers of Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Kraus Reprint, 1970), pt. 1, 403.
48. Presidential Addresses and State Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, pt. 1, 34.
49. There were seventeen first-class battleships commissioned or authorized at the time Roosevelt entered office in September 1901. The mean average displacement of the last three of these authorized was 16,657 tons. In his seven years in office, Roosevelt gained authorization for sixteen battleships, the last three of which had a mean average displacement of 25,011 tons; see Annual Reports of the Navy Department (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908), 564-69; and Harold and Margaret Sprout, the Rise of American Naval Power, 269, fn. 69.
50. There were seventeen first-class battleships commissioned or authorized at the time Roosevelt entered office in September 1901. The mean average displacement of the last three of these authorized was 16,657 tons. In his seven years in office, Roosevelt gained authorization for sixteen battleships, the last three of which had a mean average displacement of 25,011 tons; see Annual Reports of the Navy Department (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908), 564-69; and Harold and Margaret Sprout, the Rise of American Naval Power, 269, fn. 69.
51. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 267.
52. See O'Connell, Sacred Vessels, chap. 1.
53. For an instructive, modern case of an executive decisionmaker using information and analysis as strategic resources to overcome conventional military practice in arms design and acquisition, see Robert Art, The TFX Decision: McNamara and the Military (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968).
54. Letter, Roosevelt to Mahan, October 25, 1902, Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 3, 368.
55. Letter, Roosevelt to Admiral Converse, October 31, 1904, Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 3, 1006.
56. "Accept Battleship Plans," New York Times, September 1, 1908, 1.
57. First Annual Message, December 3, 1901, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 13, 6668.
58. Letter, Roosevelt to Moody, April 21, 1904, Papers of William Henry Moody, Library of Congress.
59. First Annual Message, December 3, 1901, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 13, 6668.
60. Third Annual Message, December 7, 1903, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6806.
61. "Lessons of the War Game," New York Times, September 9, 1902, 8.
62. Second Annual Message, December 2, 1902, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6722; letter, Admiral Taylor to Moody, December 22, 1902, Papers of William Henry Moody, Library of Congress; "Self Reliance Taught by Naval Maneuvers," New York Times, November 30, 1902, 28.
63. Second Annual Message, December 2, 1902, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6722; letter, Admiral Taylor to Moody, December 22, 1902, Papers of William Henry Moody, Library of Congress; "Self Reliance Taught by Naval Maneuvers," New York Times, November 30, 1902, 28.
64. Second Annual Message, December 2, 1902, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6722; letter, Admiral Taylor to Moody, December 22, 1902, Papers of William Henry Moody, Library of Congress; "Self Reliance Taught by Naval Maneuvers," New York Times, November 30, 1902, 28.
65. John Morton Blum, The Progressive Presidents (New York; Norton, 1980), 24.
66. Howard K. Beale, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1956), 55-57.
67. Burke, The Institutional Presidency, 34.
68. O'Connell, Sacred Vessels, 58; see Elting E. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1942).
69. O'Connell, Sacred Vessels, 58; see Elting E. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1942).
70. Letter, William Sims to Roosevelt, November 16, 1901, in Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 103-4; letter, Roosevelt to Sims, December 27, 1901, ser. 2. Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
71. Letter, William Sims to Roosevelt, November 16, 1901, in Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 103-4; letter, Roosevelt to Sims, December 27, 1901, ser. 2. Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
72. First Annual Message, December 3, 1901, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 13, 6667.
73. The conventional roles of the White House military aides in the period can be seen through the eyes of Colonel Archie Butt, who served both Roosevelt and Taft. See Lawrence ; F. Abbott (ed.), The Letters of Archie Butt (New York; Doubleday, 1924), esp. 60, 134-35, 205, 208. These letters include references to Sims' service as naval aide.
74. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 246.
75. See John Keegan, The Price of Admiralty (New York: Viking, 1989), 103-5.
76. Letter, Roosevelt to Sims, October 5, 1904, ser. 2, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
77. O'Connell, Sacred Vessels, 111-15. In late 1905 there was resistance even to the relatively moderate urging by Roosevelt and naval general board president Admiral Dewey to increase from 16,000 to 18,000 tons two already authorized battleships, the Michigan and the Smith Carolina; see "Dispute Over Battleships," New York Times, October 16, 1905, 6.
78. O'Connell, Sacred Vessels, 111-15. In late 1905 there was resistance even to the relatively moderate urging by Roosevelt and naval general board president Admiral Dewey to increase from 16,000 to 18,000 tons two already authorized battleships, the Michigan and the Smith Carolina; see "Dispute Over Battleships," New York Times, October 16, 1905, 6.
79. Sixth Annual Message, December 3, 1906, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 7067.
80. Alfred Thayer Mahan, "Reflections, Historical and Other, Suggested by the Battle of the Japan Sea," in U.S. Congress, Senate, Size of Battle Ships, 59th Cong., 2d Sess., 1907, Senate Doc. No, 213, 16.
81. Letter, Sims to Roosevelt, September 27, 1906, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
82. William S. Sims, "The Inherent Tactical Qualities of All-Big-Gun, One Caliber Battle Ships of High Speed, Large Displacement and Gun Power," in U.S. Congress, Senate, Size of Battle Ships, 59th Cong., 2d Sess., 1907, Senate Doc. No. 213, 18-39.
83. Gordon Carpenter O'Gara, Theodore Roosevelt and the Modern Navy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1943), 67.
84. Letter, Sims to Roosevelt, January 10, 1907, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
85. Letter, Roosevelt to Rep. George Foss, January 11, 1907, in Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 5, 545 and fn.
86. Address, February 22, 1905, Presidential Addresses and State Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, pt. 3, 264-65.
87. Address, March 17, 1905, Presidential Addresses, pt. 3, 304-5.
88. "The 'All-Big-Gun' Battleship," New York Times, February 7, 1907, 8.
89. Letter, Roosevelt to Sims, October 23, 1907, ser. 2, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
90. Letters, Key to Roosevelt, January 26 and April 13, 1906, and memorandum, "Notes on Navy Personnel Legislation: For the President," October 31, 1907, ser. 1, Roosevelt Papers, Library of Congress; and Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1904, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6926, and Seventh Annual Message, December 3, 1907, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 7117.
91. Letters, Key to Roosevelt, January 26 and April 13, 1906, and memorandum, "Notes on Navy Personnel Legislation: For the President," October 31, 1907, ser. 1, Roosevelt Papers, Library of Congress; and Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1904, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6926, and Seventh Annual Message, December 3, 1907, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 7117.
92. Letters, Key to Roosevelt, January 26 and April 13, 1906, and memorandum, "Notes on Navy Personnel Legislation: For the President," October 31, 1907, ser. 1, Roosevelt Papers, Library of Congress; and Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1904, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 6926, and Seventh Annual Message, December 3, 1907, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. 14, 7117.
93. Letter, Key to Roosevelt, July 12, 1906, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
94. Letter, Roosevelt to Key, July 14, 1906, ser. 2, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
95. Roosevelt had close friendships with diplomats in the British, German, and French diplomatic corps. His correspondence with these officials suggests that they were his primary source of foreign affairs intelligence. In effect, Roosevelt became his own intelligence officer. His use of Sims in this regard was as a detail person to check or ascertain information relevant to Roosevelt's strategic concerns. See the correspondence with Hermann Spaeck von Sternberg, Jules Jusserand, and Cecil Spring Rice in Elting E. Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt.
96. Letter and memorandum, Sims to Roosevelt, December 19, 1907, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
97. Six months later the charge that Brazil was acting to mask another country's arms acquisition became public. The source of that charge is not apparent, but it forced Brazil to an official denial, and then Britain announced it was considering purchasing the erstwhile Brazilian ships; see "Brazil's Official Denial," New York Times, July 2, 1908, 16; and "Brazil's Ships for Britain," New York Times, July 17, 1908, 1.
98. Six months later the charge that Brazil was acting to mask another country's arms acquisition became public. The source of that charge is not apparent, but it forced Brazil to an official denial, and then Britain announced it was considering purchasing the erstwhile Brazilian ships; see "Brazil's Official Denial," New York Times, July 2, 1908, 16; and "Brazil's Ships for Britain," New York Times, July 17, 1908, 1.
99. Letter, Sternberg to Roosevelt, February 25, 1908, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
100. William Sims, Memorandum for the President, March 4, 1908, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
101. O'Gara, Theodore Roosevelt and the Modern Navy, 56-64.
102. For a description of this controversy, see Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 182-214.
103. Sims had advised Roosevelt: "It seems to me that the most effective way of influencing the persons you have in view, who do not wish to be convinced, would be to bring the pressure of public opinion to bear upon them by publishing the arguments in the case . . . ;" see letter, Sims to Roosevelt, January 10, 1907, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
104. Henry Reuterdahl, "The Needs of Our Navy," McLure's Magazine (January 1908), 251-263.
105. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 184.
106. Letter, Key to Roosevelt, February 2, 1908, and memo, Sims to Roosevelt, February 14, 1908, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress.
107. "President Holds Naval Conference," New York Times, March 6, 1908, 4.
108. U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Naval Affairs, Hearings on the Bill (S. 3335), 1908, 60th Cong., 1st Sess.
109. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 278.
110. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 264.
111. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 265-66.
112. Letter and memorandum, Key to Roosevelt, June 9, 1908, ser. 1, and letter, Sims to Roosevelt, June 25, 1908, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress. See Morison Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 201-2.
113. Letter and memorandum, Key to Roosevelt, June 9, 1908, ser. 1, and letter, Sims to Roosevelt, June 25, 1908, ser. 1, Papers of Theodore Roosevelt, Library of Congress. See Morison Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 201-2.
114. Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 279.
115. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 201-34.
116. U.S. Committee on Administrative Management, Report (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937), 5.
117. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy, 263.
118. See James D, Fearon, "Counterfactuals and Hypotheses Testing in Political Science," World Politics, 43 (1991), 169-95.
119. Armin Rappaport, The Navy League of the United States (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 1962), chap. 1.
120. Blum, The Progressive Presidents, 59; for a similar observation, see Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 170.
121. Blum, The Progressive Presidents, 59; for a similar observation, see Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 170.
122. See Lester Seligman and Elmer Cornwell, Jr., eds., The New Deal Mosaic: Roosevelt Confers with His National Emergency Council (Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1965); Frank Freidel, FDR: Launching the New Deal (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973); Sidney Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 3.
123. See Lester Seligman and Elmer Cornwell, Jr., eds., The New Deal Mosaic: Roosevelt Confers with His National Emergency Council (Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1965); Frank Freidel, FDR: Launching the New Deal (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973); Sidney Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 3.
124. See Lester Seligman and Elmer Cornwell, Jr., eds., The New Deal Mosaic: Roosevelt Confers with His National Emergency Council (Eugene: University of Oregon Press, 1965); Frank Freidel, FDR: Launching the New Deal (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973); Sidney Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 3.
125. The plasticity with which modern presidents treat institutionalization leads weight to the interpretation here. Institutionalization, on the one hand, represents a path of accumulation of some practices over time. On the other hand, to fit their perceived needs, modern presidents reshape and reinvent the institutions of the presidency. See Terry Moe's account of this history of the engagement of leadership with institutionalization in "The Politicized Presidency." Also see the variations in approaches of the presidents documented in Greenstein, ed., Leadership in the Modern Presidency.
126. The plasticity with which modern presidents treat institutionalization leads weight to the interpretation here. Institutionalization, on the one hand, represents a path of accumulation of some practices over time. On the other hand, to fit their perceived needs, modern presidents reshape and reinvent the institutions of the presidency. See Terry Moe's account of this history of the engagement of leadership with institutionalization in "The Politicized Presidency." Also see the variations in approaches of the presidents documented in Greenstein, ed., Leadership in the Modern Presidency.