Feathering the nest or flying the coop? Ethnic and gender differences in young adults' coresidence in 1910

Journal of Family History

Volumn 21, Issue 4, 1996, Pages 446-466

  Sassler, Sharon ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0030265998     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909602100403     Document Type: Article

References (100)

1. A congressional study published in 1910 noted that among families containing both young children and either working sons or daughters, more than a third of the family income was contributed by offspring; daughters 16 years of age and older contributed 39.7% compared to 36.5% contributed by sons. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women in Stores and Factories," in Report on Conditions of Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1910), vol. 5, 652-3. See also Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Press, 1982); Patrick M. Horan and Peggy G. Hargis, "Children's Work and Schooling in the Late Nineteenth Century Family Economy," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 583-96; Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 191-211.
2. A congressional study published in 1910 noted that among families containing both young children and either working sons or daughters, more than a third of the family income was contributed by offspring; daughters 16 years of age and older contributed 39.7% compared to 36.5% contributed by sons. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women in Stores and Factories," in Report on Conditions of Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1910), vol. 5, 652-3. See also Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Press, 1982); Patrick M. Horan and Peggy G. Hargis, "Children's Work and Schooling in the Late Nineteenth Century Family Economy," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 583-96; Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 191-211.
3. A congressional study published in 1910 noted that among families containing both young children and either working sons or daughters, more than a third of the family income was contributed by offspring; daughters 16 years of age and older contributed 39.7% compared to 36.5% contributed by sons. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women in Stores and Factories," in Report on Conditions of Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1910), vol. 5, 652-3. See also Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Press, 1982); Patrick M. Horan and Peggy G. Hargis, "Children's Work and Schooling in the Late Nineteenth Century Family Economy," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 583-96; Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 191-211.
4. A congressional study published in 1910 noted that among families containing both young children and either working sons or daughters, more than a third of the family income was contributed by offspring; daughters 16 years of age and older contributed 39.7% compared to 36.5% contributed by sons. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women in Stores and Factories," in Report on Conditions of Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1910), vol. 5, 652-3. See also Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Press, 1982); Patrick M. Horan and Peggy G. Hargis, "Children's Work and Schooling in the Late Nineteenth Century Family Economy," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 583-96; Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 191-211.
5. In 1911, the United States Immigration Commission found that only 64% of native-born American husbands living in New York City supported their household without the help of other family members. Among foreign-born fathers, only 45% of Irish and 42% of German husbands were the sole support of their families, as were 38% of southern Italian husbands. Jewish and Black fathers were half as likely to be their family's sole provider, with only 20% of Jewish families and 19% of Black families relying on income provided entirely by the father. U.S. Immigration Commission, Immigrants in Cities (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1911), 232. See also Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; John Modell, Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr., and Theodore Hershberg, "Social Change and Transitions to Adulthood in Historical Perspective." Ibid., 311-43.
6. In 1911, the United States Immigration Commission found that only 64% of native-born American husbands living in New York City supported their household without the help of other family members. Among foreign-born fathers, only 45% of Irish and 42% of German husbands were the sole support of their families, as were 38% of southern Italian husbands. Jewish and Black fathers were half as likely to be their family's sole provider, with only 20% of Jewish families and 19% of Black families relying on income provided entirely by the father. U.S. Immigration Commission, Immigrants in Cities (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1911), 232. See also Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; John Modell, Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr., and Theodore Hershberg, "Social Change and Transitions to Adulthood in Historical Perspective." Ibid., 311-43.
7. In 1911, the United States Immigration Commission found that only 64% of native-born American husbands living in New York City supported their household without the help of other family members. Among foreign-born fathers, only 45% of Irish and 42% of German husbands were the sole support of their families, as were 38% of southern Italian husbands. Jewish and Black fathers were half as likely to be their family's sole provider, with only 20% of Jewish families and 19% of Black families relying on income provided entirely by the father. U.S. Immigration Commission, Immigrants in Cities (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Commerce, 1911), 232. See also Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; John Modell, Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr., and Theodore Hershberg, "Social Change and Transitions to Adulthood in Historical Perspective." Ibid., 311-43.
8. Although there is no data on variations in the domestic contributions of coresident and non-coresident daughters, there is evidence that nonresident daughters contributed far less in wages than those living with parents. Among women living away from home in 1910, more than two-thirds retained all of their earnings. For those living with parents, on the other hand, 86% handed over their entire earnings to their families. Claudia Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap: An Economic History of American Women (New York: Oxford Press, 1990), 53.
9. For a discussion of changes in household structure and family composition, particularly among young adults, see Frances Kobrin Goldscheider and Celine LeBourdais, "The Decline in Age at Leaving Home, 1920-1970," Sociology and Social Research 70 (1986), 143-5; Frances E. Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography 13 (1973), 127-38.
10. For a discussion of changes in household structure and family composition, particularly among young adults, see Frances Kobrin Goldscheider and Celine LeBourdais, "The Decline in Age at Leaving Home, 1920-1970," Sociology and Social Research 70 (1986), 143-5; Frances E. Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography 13 (1973), 127-38.
11. For a study of "wayward women," one of the terms applied by social commentators to unmarried females living apart from family, see Joanne J. Meyerowitz, Women Adrift: Independent Wage Earners in Chicago, 1880-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). The introduction to the 1910 Bureau of Labor report also contains a lengthy description of the process used by investigators to determine where young women lived; see U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage Earning Women in Stores and Factories," 9-14. In 1900, more than a third of single women workers in cities lived apart from their parents; see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap, 93; see also Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1920 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985).
12. For a study of "wayward women," one of the terms applied by social commentators to unmarried females living apart from family, see Joanne J. Meyerowitz, Women Adrift: Independent Wage Earners in Chicago, 1880-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). The introduction to the 1910 Bureau of Labor report also contains a lengthy description of the process used by investigators to determine where young women lived; see U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage Earning Women in Stores and Factories," 9-14. In 1900, more than a third of single women workers in cities lived apart from their parents; see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap, 93; see also Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1920 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985).
13. For a study of "wayward women," one of the terms applied by social commentators to unmarried females living apart from family, see Joanne J. Meyerowitz, Women Adrift: Independent Wage Earners in Chicago, 1880-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). The introduction to the 1910 Bureau of Labor report also contains a lengthy description of the process used by investigators to determine where young women lived; see U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage Earning Women in Stores and Factories," 9-14. In 1900, more than a third of single women workers in cities lived apart from their parents; see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap, 93; see also Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1920 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985).
14. For a study of "wayward women," one of the terms applied by social commentators to unmarried females living apart from family, see Joanne J. Meyerowitz, Women Adrift: Independent Wage Earners in Chicago, 1880-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). The introduction to the 1910 Bureau of Labor report also contains a lengthy description of the process used by investigators to determine where young women lived; see U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage Earning Women in Stores and Factories," 9-14. In 1900, more than a third of single women workers in cities lived apart from their parents; see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap, 93; see also Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1920 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985).
15. For studies of shifts in the female labor from reliance on single working women to married working mothers, see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap; see also Valerie Kincade Oppenheimer, The Female Labor Force Participation in the United States: Demographic and Economic Factors Governing Its Growth and Changing Composition (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1970); Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother. See also Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth-and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 20 (1995), 1-22.
16. For studies of shifts in the female labor from reliance on single working women to married working mothers, see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap; see also Valerie Kincade Oppenheimer, The Female Labor Force Participation in the United States: Demographic and Economic Factors Governing Its Growth and Changing Composition (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1970); Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother. See also Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth-and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 20 (1995), 1-22.
17. For studies of shifts in the female labor from reliance on single working women to married working mothers, see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap; see also Valerie Kincade Oppenheimer, The Female Labor Force Participation in the United States: Demographic and Economic Factors Governing Its Growth and Changing Composition (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1970); Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother. See also Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth-and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 20 (1995), 1-22.
18. For studies of shifts in the female labor from reliance on single working women to married working mothers, see Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap; see also Valerie Kincade Oppenheimer, The Female Labor Force Participation in the United States: Demographic and Economic Factors Governing Its Growth and Changing Composition (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1970); Lynn Y. Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother. See also Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth-and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis," Journal of Family History 20 (1995), 1-22.
19. This research generally deals only peripherally with women's shifting roles, concentrating instead on men. See John Bodner, Roger Simon, and Michael P. Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982); Hareven, 1982; Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Press in an American Metropolis, 1880-1979 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973); also Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964).
20. This research generally deals only peripherally with women's shifting roles, concentrating instead on men. See John Bodner, Roger Simon, and Michael P. Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982); Hareven, 1982; Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Press in an American Metropolis, 1880-1979 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973); also Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964).
21. This research generally deals only peripherally with women's shifting roles, concentrating instead on men. See John Bodner, Roger Simon, and Michael P. Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982); Hareven, 1982; Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Press in an American Metropolis, 1880-1979 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973); also Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964).
22. This research generally deals only peripherally with women's shifting roles, concentrating instead on men. See John Bodner, Roger Simon, and Michael P. Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982); Hareven, 1982; Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Press in an American Metropolis, 1880-1979 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973); also Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964).
23. This research generally deals only peripherally with women's shifting roles, concentrating instead on men. See John Bodner, Roger Simon, and Michael P. Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982); Hareven, 1982; Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Press in an American Metropolis, 1880-1979 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973); also Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964).
24. This research generally deals only peripherally with women's shifting roles, concentrating instead on men. See John Bodner, Roger Simon, and Michael P. Weber, Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982); Hareven, 1982; Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Press in an American Metropolis, 1880-1979 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973); also Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964).
25. For an example of how women supplemented the family income by taking in boarders or lodgers, see John Modell and Tamara K. Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household: An Examination of Boarding and Lodging in American Families," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973), 457-79; also Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages: Income Earning Among Married Italian and Black Women, 1896-1911," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 490-510. For an examination of the trade-offs between mothers' and daughters' income-supplementing activities, see Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis." A more general overview of the family economy framework is provided by Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992), 233-51.
26. For an example of how women supplemented the family income by taking in boarders or lodgers, see John Modell and Tamara K. Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household: An Examination of Boarding and Lodging in American Families," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973), 457-79; also Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages: Income Earning Among Married Italian and Black Women, 1896-1911," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 490-510. For an examination of the trade-offs between mothers' and daughters' income-supplementing activities, see Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis." A more general overview of the family economy framework is provided by Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992), 233-51.
27. For an example of how women supplemented the family income by taking in boarders or lodgers, see John Modell and Tamara K. Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household: An Examination of Boarding and Lodging in American Families," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973), 457-79; also Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages: Income Earning Among Married Italian and Black Women, 1896-1911," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 490-510. For an examination of the trade-offs between mothers' and daughters' income-supplementing activities, see Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis." A more general overview of the family economy framework is provided by Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992), 233-51.
28. For an example of how women supplemented the family income by taking in boarders or lodgers, see John Modell and Tamara K. Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household: An Examination of Boarding and Lodging in American Families," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973), 457-79; also Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages: Income Earning Among Married Italian and Black Women, 1896-1911," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 490-510. For an examination of the trade-offs between mothers' and daughters' income-supplementing activities, see Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis." A more general overview of the family economy framework is provided by Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992), 233-51.
29. In his classic work on women and the family in America, Carl Degler asserts that there is a basic tension between the notion of equality for women and men and the institution of the family. "The historic family has depended for its existence and character on women's subordination," he writes in his preface. "It means simply that the family's existence assumes that a woman will subordinate her individual interests to those of others - the members of her family." Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America From the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), vi-vii. Several studies of working daughters argue that even those employed outside the home viewed their involvement in the paid labor force as temporary, and many looked forward to the time when they could leave the factories and offices; the workplace therefore served as a location where young women reinforced the primacy of marriage and family. Leslie Woodcock Tentler, Wage-Earning Women: Industrial Work and Family Life in the United States, 1900-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 28, 56, 60-2, 69, 71-3; also Elizabeth Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars: Life and Culture on the Lower East Side, 1890-1925 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1985), 231, 233-4, 250.
30. In his classic work on women and the family in America, Carl Degler asserts that there is a basic tension between the notion of equality for women and men and the institution of the family. "The historic family has depended for its existence and character on women's subordination," he writes in his preface. "It means simply that the family's existence assumes that a woman will subordinate her individual interests to those of others - the members of her family." Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America From the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), vi-vii. Several studies of working daughters argue that even those employed outside the home viewed their involvement in the paid labor force as temporary, and many looked forward to the time when they could leave the factories and offices; the workplace therefore served as a location where young women reinforced the primacy of marriage and family. Leslie Woodcock Tentler, Wage-Earning Women: Industrial Work and Family Life in the United States, 1900-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 28, 56, 60-2, 69, 71-3; also Elizabeth Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars: Life and Culture on the Lower East Side, 1890-1925 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1985), 231, 233-4, 250.
31. In his classic work on women and the family in America, Carl Degler asserts that there is a basic tension between the notion of equality for women and men and the institution of the family. "The historic family has depended for its existence and character on women's subordination," he writes in his preface. "It means simply that the family's existence assumes that a woman will subordinate her individual interests to those of others - the members of her family." Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America From the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), vi-vii. Several studies of working daughters argue that even those employed outside the home viewed their involvement in the paid labor force as temporary, and many looked forward to the time when they could leave the factories and offices; the workplace therefore served as a location where young women reinforced the primacy of marriage and family. Leslie Woodcock Tentler, Wage-Earning Women: Industrial Work and Family Life in the United States, 1900-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 28, 56, 60-2, 69, 71-3; also Elizabeth Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars: Life and Culture on the Lower East Side, 1890-1925 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1985), 231, 233-4, 250.
32. A 1910 congressional study noted family reliance on daughters' wages in the following paragraphs: Although the average earnings of the males in this age group [children who were 16 years of age and over] were, for each nativity and race group without exception, greater than those of the females, yet the per cent earnings contributed to the family fund by the females exceeds that contributed by the males in every case but one. . . . The figures showing per cent of individual earnings contributed to family income have brought out clearly that females in the age group 16 years of age and older are much more generous contributors to the support of the family than are males. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women," 368. For other studies of daughters' contributions, see Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Louise Lamphere, From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987); Louise C. Odencrantz, Italian Women in Industry: A Study of Conditions in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919); Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis."
33. A 1910 congressional study noted family reliance on daughters' wages in the following paragraphs: Although the average earnings of the males in this age group [children who were 16 years of age and over] were, for each nativity and race group without exception, greater than those of the females, yet the per cent earnings contributed to the family fund by the females exceeds that contributed by the males in every case but one. . . . The figures showing per cent of individual earnings contributed to family income have brought out clearly that females in the age group 16 years of age and older are much more generous contributors to the support of the family than are males. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women," 368. For other studies of daughters' contributions, see Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Louise Lamphere, From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987); Louise C. Odencrantz, Italian Women in Industry: A Study of Conditions in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919); Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis."
34. A 1910 congressional study noted family reliance on daughters' wages in the following paragraphs: Although the average earnings of the males in this age group [children who were 16 years of age and over] were, for each nativity and race group without exception, greater than those of the females, yet the per cent earnings contributed to the family fund by the females exceeds that contributed by the males in every case but one. . . . The figures showing per cent of individual earnings contributed to family income have brought out clearly that females in the age group 16 years of age and older are much more generous contributors to the support of the family than are males. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women," 368. For other studies of daughters' contributions, see Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Louise Lamphere, From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987); Louise C. Odencrantz, Italian Women in Industry: A Study of Conditions in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919); Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis."
35. A 1910 congressional study noted family reliance on daughters' wages in the following paragraphs: Although the average earnings of the males in this age group [children who were 16 years of age and over] were, for each nativity and race group without exception, greater than those of the females, yet the per cent earnings contributed to the family fund by the females exceeds that contributed by the males in every case but one. . . . The figures showing per cent of individual earnings contributed to family income have brought out clearly that females in the age group 16 years of age and older are much more generous contributors to the support of the family than are males. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women," 368. For other studies of daughters' contributions, see Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Louise Lamphere, From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987); Louise C. Odencrantz, Italian Women in Industry: A Study of Conditions in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919); Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis."
36. A 1910 congressional study noted family reliance on daughters' wages in the following paragraphs: Although the average earnings of the males in this age group [children who were 16 years of age and over] were, for each nativity and race group without exception, greater than those of the females, yet the per cent earnings contributed to the family fund by the females exceeds that contributed by the males in every case but one. . . . The figures showing per cent of individual earnings contributed to family income have brought out clearly that females in the age group 16 years of age and older are much more generous contributors to the support of the family than are males. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women," 368. For other studies of daughters' contributions, see Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Louise Lamphere, From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987); Louise C. Odencrantz, Italian Women in Industry: A Study of Conditions in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919); Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis."
37. A 1910 congressional study noted family reliance on daughters' wages in the following paragraphs: Although the average earnings of the males in this age group [children who were 16 years of age and over] were, for each nativity and race group without exception, greater than those of the females, yet the per cent earnings contributed to the family fund by the females exceeds that contributed by the males in every case but one. . . . The figures showing per cent of individual earnings contributed to family income have brought out clearly that females in the age group 16 years of age and older are much more generous contributors to the support of the family than are males. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage-Earning Women," 368. For other studies of daughters' contributions, see Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); Louise Lamphere, From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987); Louise C. Odencrantz, Italian Women in Industry: A Study of Conditions in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919); Robert V. Robinson, "Family Economic Strategies in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Indianapolis."
38. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Wage Earning Women in Stores and Factories," 9.
39. Ibid., 10. For a detailed discussion of the paternalistic climate surrounding women's living arrangements, see also Meyerowitz, Women Adrift, 40-68.
40. Ibid., 10. For a detailed discussion of the paternalistic climate surrounding women's living arrangements, see also Meyerowitz, Women Adrift, 40-68.
41. Meyerowitz, Women Adrift, 33, 43-68.
42. For a thorough study of Italian family strategies, see Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973); a comparison of Blacks and Italians is available in Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages," whereas Italians and Jews are contrasted in Thomas Kessner's The Golden Door, the effect of family and individual strategies on Irish women are examined in Hasia R. Diner, Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
43. For a thorough study of Italian family strategies, see Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973); a comparison of Blacks and Italians is available in Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages," whereas Italians and Jews are contrasted in Thomas Kessner's The Golden Door, the effect of family and individual strategies on Irish women are examined in Hasia R. Diner, Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
44. For a thorough study of Italian family strategies, see Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973); a comparison of Blacks and Italians is available in Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages," whereas Italians and Jews are contrasted in Thomas Kessner's The Golden Door, the effect of family and individual strategies on Irish women are examined in Hasia R. Diner, Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
45. For a thorough study of Italian family strategies, see Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973); a comparison of Blacks and Italians is available in Elizabeth H. Pleck, "A Mother's Wages," whereas Italians and Jews are contrasted in Thomas Kessner's The Golden Door, the effect of family and individual strategies on Irish women are examined in Hasia R. Diner, Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
46. The argument that Black parents placed a higher premium on educating their children than did Whites is offered by Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century," 298-300; see also Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie, 123-250. Others assert that Jews placed a strong emphasis on educating children, particularly sons; see Kessner, "The Golden Door," 88; also Olivier Zunz, The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 234. Italian treatment of schooling for children is discussed in Kessner, The Golden Door, 84-5.
47. The argument that Black parents placed a higher premium on educating their children than did Whites is offered by Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century," 298-300; see also Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie, 123-250. Others assert that Jews placed a strong emphasis on educating children, particularly sons; see Kessner, "The Golden Door," 88; also Olivier Zunz, The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 234. Italian treatment of schooling for children is discussed in Kessner, The Golden Door, 84-5.
48. The argument that Black parents placed a higher premium on educating their children than did Whites is offered by Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century," 298-300; see also Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie, 123-250. Others assert that Jews placed a strong emphasis on educating children, particularly sons; see Kessner, "The Golden Door," 88; also Olivier Zunz, The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 234. Italian treatment of schooling for children is discussed in Kessner, The Golden Door, 84-5.
49. The argument that Black parents placed a higher premium on educating their children than did Whites is offered by Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century," 298-300; see also Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie, 123-250. Others assert that Jews placed a strong emphasis on educating children, particularly sons; see Kessner, "The Golden Door," 88; also Olivier Zunz, The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 234. Italian treatment of schooling for children is discussed in Kessner, The Golden Door, 84-5.
50. The argument that Black parents placed a higher premium on educating their children than did Whites is offered by Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late Nineteenth Century," 298-300; see also Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie, 123-250. Others assert that Jews placed a strong emphasis on educating children, particularly sons; see Kessner, "The Golden Door," 88; also Olivier Zunz, The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 234. Italian treatment of schooling for children is discussed in Kessner, The Golden Door, 84-5.
51. See Linda Gordon and Sara McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 97-116; Antonio McDaniel, "Historical Differences in Living Arrangements of Children," Journal of Family History 19 (1994), 57-77; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 75-103; S. Philip Morgan, Antonio McDaniel, Andrew T. Miller, and Samuel H. Preston, "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993), 798-828; Steven Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," American Sociological Review 59 (1994), 136-151.
52. See Linda Gordon and Sara McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 97-116; Antonio McDaniel, "Historical Differences in Living Arrangements of Children," Journal of Family History 19 (1994), 57-77; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 75-103; S. Philip Morgan, Antonio McDaniel, Andrew T. Miller, and Samuel H. Preston, "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993), 798-828; Steven Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," American Sociological Review 59 (1994), 136-151.
53. See Linda Gordon and Sara McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 97-116; Antonio McDaniel, "Historical Differences in Living Arrangements of Children," Journal of Family History 19 (1994), 57-77; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 75-103; S. Philip Morgan, Antonio McDaniel, Andrew T. Miller, and Samuel H. Preston, "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993), 798-828; Steven Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," American Sociological Review 59 (1994), 136-151.
54. See Linda Gordon and Sara McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 97-116; Antonio McDaniel, "Historical Differences in Living Arrangements of Children," Journal of Family History 19 (1994), 57-77; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 75-103; S. Philip Morgan, Antonio McDaniel, Andrew T. Miller, and Samuel H. Preston, "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993), 798-828; Steven Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," American Sociological Review 59 (1994), 136-151.
55. See Linda Gordon and Sara McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 97-116; Antonio McDaniel, "Historical Differences in Living Arrangements of Children," Journal of Family History 19 (1994), 57-77; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 75-103; S. Philip Morgan, Antonio McDaniel, Andrew T. Miller, and Samuel H. Preston, "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993), 798-828; Steven Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," American Sociological Review 59 (1994), 136-151.
56. See Diner, Erin's Daughters in America; Kessner, The Golden Door, Meyerowitz, Women Adrift; Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century"; Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother.
57. See Diner, Erin's Daughters in America; Kessner, The Golden Door, Meyerowitz, Women Adrift; Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century"; Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother.
58. See Diner, Erin's Daughters in America; Kessner, The Golden Door, Meyerowitz, Women Adrift; Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century"; Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother.
59. See Diner, Erin's Daughters in America; Kessner, The Golden Door, Meyerowitz, Women Adrift; Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century"; Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother.
60. See Diner, Erin's Daughters in America; Kessner, The Golden Door, Meyerowitz, Women Adrift; Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century"; Weiner, From Working Girl to Working Mother.
61. For example, the typical young man or woman living in Philadelphia in 1880 would enter the work force upon completing his or her schooling and contribute to the family income for about 7 years, barring mortality. Modell et al., "Social Change and Transitions to Adulthood in Historical Perspective," 313. See also Goldscheider and LeBourdais, "The Decline in Age at Leaving Home," 143.
62. For example, the typical young man or woman living in Philadelphia in 1880 would enter the work force upon completing his or her schooling and contribute to the family income for about 7 years, barring mortality. Modell et al., "Social Change and Transitions to Adulthood in Historical Perspective," 313. See also Goldscheider and LeBourdais, "The Decline in Age at Leaving Home," 143.
63. The Irish and Germans were particularly noted for their patterns of late marriage and non-marriage, even among the second generation. Similarly, native-born Jewish women with foreign-born parents also married significantly later than did the native born of native parentage. See Nancy Landale and Steward Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993), 103-26; Sharon Sassler, "Marital Timing and Assimilation in Early 20th Century America," Brown University PSTC Working Paper Series 93-01. Some immigrant literature, as well as letters to advice columns in the ethnic press, suggests that parents often sought to delay children's marriage because of familial reliance on their economic contributions; for example, the novel Bread Givers depicts a father reluctant to let his daughter marry because of the importance of her wages to the family economy; he ultimately turns away several of her suitors. Anzia Yezerskia, Bread Givers (New York: Persea Press, 1925); see also Isaac Metzker, A Bintel Brief: Sixty Years of Letters from the Lower East Side to the "Jewish Daily Forward" (New York: Schocken Books, 1971).
64. The Irish and Germans were particularly noted for their patterns of late marriage and non-marriage, even among the second generation. Similarly, native-born Jewish women with foreign-born parents also married significantly later than did the native born of native parentage. See Nancy Landale and Steward Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993), 103-26; Sharon Sassler, "Marital Timing and Assimilation in Early 20th Century America," Brown University PSTC Working Paper Series 93-01. Some immigrant literature, as well as letters to advice columns in the ethnic press, suggests that parents often sought to delay children's marriage because of familial reliance on their economic contributions; for example, the novel Bread Givers depicts a father reluctant to let his daughter marry because of the importance of her wages to the family economy; he ultimately turns away several of her suitors. Anzia Yezerskia, Bread Givers (New York: Persea Press, 1925); see also Isaac Metzker, A Bintel Brief: Sixty Years of Letters from the Lower East Side to the "Jewish Daily Forward" (New York: Schocken Books, 1971).
65. The Irish and Germans were particularly noted for their patterns of late marriage and non-marriage, even among the second generation. Similarly, native-born Jewish women with foreign-born parents also married significantly later than did the native born of native parentage. See Nancy Landale and Steward Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993), 103-26; Sharon Sassler, "Marital Timing and Assimilation in Early 20th Century America," Brown University PSTC Working Paper Series 93-01. Some immigrant literature, as well as letters to advice columns in the ethnic press, suggests that parents often sought to delay children's marriage because of familial reliance on their economic contributions; for example, the novel Bread Givers depicts a father reluctant to let his daughter marry because of the importance of her wages to the family economy; he ultimately turns away several of her suitors. Anzia Yezerskia, Bread Givers (New York: Persea Press, 1925); see also Isaac Metzker, A Bintel Brief: Sixty Years of Letters from the Lower East Side to the "Jewish Daily Forward" (New York: Schocken Books, 1971).
66. The Irish and Germans were particularly noted for their patterns of late marriage and non-marriage, even among the second generation. Similarly, native-born Jewish women with foreign-born parents also married significantly later than did the native born of native parentage. See Nancy Landale and Steward Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993), 103-26; Sharon Sassler, "Marital Timing and Assimilation in Early 20th Century America," Brown University PSTC Working Paper Series 93-01. Some immigrant literature, as well as letters to advice columns in the ethnic press, suggests that parents often sought to delay children's marriage because of familial reliance on their economic contributions; for example, the novel Bread Givers depicts a father reluctant to let his daughter marry because of the importance of her wages to the family economy; he ultimately turns away several of her suitors. Anzia Yezerskia, Bread Givers (New York: Persea Press, 1925); see also Isaac Metzker, A Bintel Brief: Sixty Years of Letters from the Lower East Side to the "Jewish Daily Forward" (New York: Schocken Books, 1971).
67. See Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971); also Gordon and McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," 106; Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994), 113-5. The extent to which mortality accounts for differences in the living arrangements of Blacks and Whites is increasingly being called into question; see Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," 816. Ruggles contends that among young children, those younger than 14, large racial differences in residence patterns did not usually result from parental death; Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," 142-3. Whether parental mortality accounts for differential living arrangements among older children (those 15 and up) is nowhere examined.
68. See Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971); also Gordon and McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," 106; Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994), 113-5. The extent to which mortality accounts for differences in the living arrangements of Blacks and Whites is increasingly being called into question; see Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," 816. Ruggles contends that among young children, those younger than 14, large racial differences in residence patterns did not usually result from parental death; Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," 142-3. Whether parental mortality accounts for differential living arrangements among older children (those 15 and up) is nowhere examined.
69. See Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971); also Gordon and McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," 106; Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994), 113-5. The extent to which mortality accounts for differences in the living arrangements of Blacks and Whites is increasingly being called into question; see Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," 816. Ruggles contends that among young children, those younger than 14, large racial differences in residence patterns did not usually result from parental death; Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," 142-3. Whether parental mortality accounts for differential living arrangements among older children (those 15 and up) is nowhere examined.
70. See Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971); also Gordon and McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," 106; Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994), 113-5. The extent to which mortality accounts for differences in the living arrangements of Blacks and Whites is increasingly being called into question; see Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," 816. Ruggles contends that among young children, those younger than 14, large racial differences in residence patterns did not usually result from parental death; Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," 142-3. Whether parental mortality accounts for differential living arrangements among older children (those 15 and up) is nowhere examined.
71. See Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971); also Gordon and McLanahan, "Single Parenthood in 1900," 106; Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994), 113-5. The extent to which mortality accounts for differences in the living arrangements of Blacks and Whites is increasingly being called into question; see Morgan et al., "Racial Differences in Household and Family Structure at the Turn of the Century," 816. Ruggles contends that among young children, those younger than 14, large racial differences in residence patterns did not usually result from parental death; Ruggles, "The Origins of African-American Family Structure," 142-3. Whether parental mortality accounts for differential living arrangements among older children (those 15 and up) is nowhere examined.
72. Weiner cites estimates that the rural-urban migration of women exceeded that of men by about 22% between 1920 and 1930; Weiner, Working Girl, 19, 22, 147.
73. See Goldin, "Family Strategies," 304; Miller et al., "Under the Same Roof," 164.
74. See Goldin, "Family Strategies," 304; Miller et al., "Under the Same Roof," 164.
75. See Arodys Robles and Susan Cotts Watkins, "Immigration and Family Separation in the U.S. at the Turn of the Century," Journal of Family History 18 (1993), 191-211.
76. Kessner, Golden Door, 30.
77. For discussions of Italian women's propensity to take in boarders, see Pleck, "A Mother's Wages"; also Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community.
78. For discussions of Italian women's propensity to take in boarders, see Pleck, "A Mother's Wages"; also Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community.
79. Kessner, The Golden Door, 31; see also Arthur Goren, "Jews," in The Harvard Encyclopedia of Ethnic Groups, ed. Stephen Thernstrom (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 581.
80. Kessner, The Golden Door, 31; see also Arthur Goren, "Jews," in The Harvard Encyclopedia of Ethnic Groups, ed. Stephen Thernstrom (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 581.
81. Diner, Erin's Daughters in America, 33-4, 38; also Paula Jackson, "Women in 19th Century Irish Emigration," International Migration Review 28 (1984), 1004-20.
82. Diner, Erin's Daughters in America, 33-4, 38; also Paula Jackson, "Women in 19th Century Irish Emigration," International Migration Review 28 (1984), 1004-20.
83. See Jerry Jacobs and Margaret E. Greene, "Race and Ethnicity, Social Class and Schooling in 1910," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins, (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 209-56; Sharon Sassler, "Trade-Offs in the Family: Sibling Effects on Daughters' Activities in 1910," Demography 32 (1995), 557-75.
84. See Jerry Jacobs and Margaret E. Greene, "Race and Ethnicity, Social Class and Schooling in 1910," in After Ellis Island: Newcomers and Natives in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Watkins, (New York: Russell Sage, 1994), 209-56; Sharon Sassler, "Trade-Offs in the Family: Sibling Effects on Daughters' Activities in 1910," Demography 32 (1995), 557-75.
85. Meyerowitz, Women Adrift, 24.
86. In a description of the methodology used by investigators to ascertain whether women wage-earners were in fact "adrift," the issue of false addresses received considerable attention. The report elaborates: Department store employers openly express a preference for the girls living at home. A girl endeavoring to secure a position and finding herself rejected because she had no home in the city is under strong temptation, when she finds another vacancy, to say that she is living with an aunt or a cousin or even with her parents when she is really dependent on the boarding or lodging houses. She quickly learns, too, to give an address in the home district, rather than in the boarding house sections. U.S. Bureau of Labor, Woman and Child Wage-Earners, 13.
87. Jackson, "Women in 19th Century Irish Emigration," 1008.
88. Yans-McLaughlin argues that conservative cultural traditions that regulated women's familial roles constrained Italian women to a great extent, particularly in regard to women's living arrangements; Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community. For an opposing explanation of ethnic living arrangements, see Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America (Atheneum Press, 1981), 156-66.
89. Yans-McLaughlin argues that conservative cultural traditions that regulated women's familial roles constrained Italian women to a great extent, particularly in regard to women's living arrangements; Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community. For an opposing explanation of ethnic living arrangements, see Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America (Atheneum Press, 1981), 156-66.
90. The 1910 PUS was prepared at the Population Studies Center of the University of Pennsylvania. See Michael A. Strong, Samuel H. Preston, Ann R. Miller, Mark Hereward, Harold R. Lentzner, Jeffrey R. Seaman, and Henry Williams, User's Guide: Public Use Sample, 1910 United States Census of Population (Philadelphia: Population Studies Center, 1989).
91. Despite restrictions on the age at which children could legally work, small proportions of 14-year-olds in the sample were gainfully employed or combined work and school. Among 14-year-olds, 9.9% of the boys worked, as did 8.5% of the girls. Another 6.4% of the boys combined work and school, compared to 3.5% of the girls.
92. Among those living with family even though parents are not the household head are siblings of the head, grandchildren, and nieces or nephews, respectively. Very few unmarried adults age 15 years and older were living in a household headed by their grandparent, only .9% of the entire sample of those never married. Multigenerational households were most prevalent for those who were Black and NWNP. Grandchildren are not included with coresident children, under the assumption that their contributions to and roles within the family differed.
93. Only 2.4% of all single adults in the sample combined work and school, with men more likely to be doing both (2.6% compared to 2.0% for women, a difference that is statistically significant at the .05 level). The combination of working and attending school influence living arrangements in a similar fashion to work alone (regression not shown), and is therefore merged with the work variable.
94. The number of years or level of schooling received by an individual in 1910 cannot be determined, nor do we know whether they attended school part-or full-year. The schooling variable includes only those whose primary pursuit was attending school.
95. Young adults living independently had greater need for resources than those living with parents, who may not have had to work because they resided at home; this is also a problem for the school relationship. Although contemporary studies of living arrangements often exclude measures of employment and schooling to avoid issues of endogeneity, our analysis gives precedence to the impact of young adults' activities on their residence options as the primary direction of the relationship. For a similar approach, see Roger Avery, Frances Goldscheider, and Alden Speare, Jr., "Feathered Nest/Gilded Cage: Parental Income and Leaving Home in the Transition to Adulthood," Demography 29 (1992), 375-88; Frances Goldscheider and Julie DaVanzo, "Living Arrangements and the Transition to Adulthood," Demography 22 (1985), 545-63. Running models excluding the work and school variables yield coefficients similar in both size and direction; including the two variables (work and school) adds significantly to the model.
96. Young adults living independently had greater need for resources than those living with parents, who may not have had to work because they resided at home; this is also a problem for the school relationship. Although contemporary studies of living arrangements often exclude measures of employment and schooling to avoid issues of endogeneity, our analysis gives precedence to the impact of young adults' activities on their residence options as the primary direction of the relationship. For a similar approach, see Roger Avery, Frances Goldscheider, and Alden Speare, Jr., "Feathered Nest/Gilded Cage: Parental Income and Leaving Home in the Transition to Adulthood," Demography 29 (1992), 375-88; Frances Goldscheider and Julie DaVanzo, "Living Arrangements and the Transition to Adulthood," Demography 22 (1985), 545-63. Running models excluding the work and school variables yield coefficients similar in both size and direction; including the two variables (work and school) adds significantly to the model.
97. A major drawback to this approximation is that it does not include many non-Yiddish-speaking Jews residing in America.
98. Endogamy rates were extremely high for the "new" immigrants in 1910, as well as for the Irish and German representatives of the "old" immigrant waves. Deanna L. Pagnini and S. Philip Morgan, "Intermarriage and Social Distance Among U.S. Immigrants at the Turn of the Century," American Journal of Sociology 96 (1990), 405-32.
99. Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars, 106-7, 120, 194-5; Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), 25, 68 .
100. Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars, 106-7, 120, 194-5; Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), 25, 68 .