An "uncommon tranquility of mind": Emotional self-control and the construction of a middle-class identity in eighteenth-century Philadelphia

Journal of Social History

Volumn 30, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 129-148

  Miller, Jacquelyn C ^a  

^a Department of History ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0030240854     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/30.1.129     Document Type: Article

References (127)

1. Emphasis mine. Caleb Cresson, Diary of Caleb Cresson, 1791-1792 (Philadelphia, 1877), 195.
2. Ibid., 99, 102, 105, 114, 131.
3. Stuart M. Blumin, "The Hypothesis of Middle-Class Formation in Nineteenth-Century America: A Critique and Some Proposals," American Historical Review 90 (1985): 299-338; Blumin, The Emergence of the Middle Class: Social Experience in the American City, 1760-1900 (Cambridge, 1989). The quote is from Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, 1981), 13.
4. Stuart M. Blumin, "The Hypothesis of Middle-Class Formation in Nineteenth-Century America: A Critique and Some Proposals," American Historical Review 90 (1985): 299-338; Blumin, The Emergence of the Middle Class: Social Experience in the American City, 1760-1900 (Cambridge, 1989). The quote is from Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, 1981), 13.
5. Stuart M. Blumin, "The Hypothesis of Middle-Class Formation in Nineteenth-Century America: A Critique and Some Proposals," American Historical Review 90 (1985): 299-338; Blumin, The Emergence of the Middle Class: Social Experience in the American City, 1760-1900 (Cambridge, 1989). The quote is from Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, 1981), 13.
6. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
7. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
8. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
9. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
10. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
11. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
12. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
13. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
14. For a sampling of the literature dealing with nineteenth-century middle-class formation in the United States, see Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York, 1976); Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (London, 1975); Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven, CT, 1982); Paul Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978); and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. These works are part of a larger body of literature that, in general, privileges the nineteenth century as the period of real social change in America. See, for example, David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic, rev. ed. (Boston, 1990); and Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984). There are studies of English middle-class formation that take the eighteenth century seriously as an important era of change. See Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987).
15. For a lengthier discussion of my rationale for studying middle-class culture as an eighteenth-century process, see Jacquelyn C. Miller, "The Body Politic: Passions, Pestilence, and Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution," (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1995), 1-22.
16. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "Dis-Covering the Subject of the 'Great Constitutional Discussion,' 1786-1789," Journal of American History 79 (1992): 841-73.
17. The documentation I use in this essay complicates the existing literature that highlights the gendered dimension of middle-class culture, challenging in particular those writings that have emphasized the dichotomy of male rationality and female emotionality. For a discussion of conflicting models of whether men or women were more capable of emotional self-control, see Ruth H. Bloch, "The Gendered Meanings of Virtue in Revolutionary America," Signs 13 (1987): 48-53. For examples of scholarship that emphasize female emotionality, see Lori D. Ginzberg, "'The Hearts of Your Readers Will Shudder': Fanny Wright, Infidelity, and American Freethought," American Quarterly 46 (1994): 195-226; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1 (1975): 1-29; and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, particularly Chapter 5. According to Ryan, "female bonds laced through the everyday life of the middle class and formed a denser social and emotional network than ties between the sexes" (p. 196). Although I would agree that many women formed very close same-sex ties, I present much evidence in this essay that challenges the view that emotional ties among women were always stronger.
18. The documentation I use in this essay complicates the existing literature that highlights the gendered dimension of middle-class culture, challenging in particular those writings that have emphasized the dichotomy of male rationality and female emotionality. For a discussion of conflicting models of whether men or women were more capable of emotional self-control, see Ruth H. Bloch, "The Gendered Meanings of Virtue in Revolutionary America," Signs 13 (1987): 48-53. For examples of scholarship that emphasize female emotionality, see Lori D. Ginzberg, "'The Hearts of Your Readers Will Shudder': Fanny Wright, Infidelity, and American Freethought," American Quarterly 46 (1994): 195-226; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1 (1975): 1-29; and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, particularly Chapter 5. According to Ryan, "female bonds laced through the everyday life of the middle class and formed a denser social and emotional network than ties between the sexes" (p. 196). Although I would agree that many women formed very close same-sex ties, I present much evidence in this essay that challenges the view that emotional ties among women were always stronger.
19. The documentation I use in this essay complicates the existing literature that highlights the gendered dimension of middle-class culture, challenging in particular those writings that have emphasized the dichotomy of male rationality and female emotionality. For a discussion of conflicting models of whether men or women were more capable of emotional self-control, see Ruth H. Bloch, "The Gendered Meanings of Virtue in Revolutionary America," Signs 13 (1987): 48-53. For examples of scholarship that emphasize female emotionality, see Lori D. Ginzberg, "'The Hearts of Your Readers Will Shudder': Fanny Wright, Infidelity, and American Freethought," American Quarterly 46 (1994): 195-226; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1 (1975): 1-29; and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, particularly Chapter 5. According to Ryan, "female bonds laced through the everyday life of the middle class and formed a denser social and emotional network than ties between the sexes" (p. 196). Although I would agree that many women formed very close same-sex ties, I present much evidence in this essay that challenges the view that emotional ties among women were always stronger.
20. The documentation I use in this essay complicates the existing literature that highlights the gendered dimension of middle-class culture, challenging in particular those writings that have emphasized the dichotomy of male rationality and female emotionality. For a discussion of conflicting models of whether men or women were more capable of emotional self-control, see Ruth H. Bloch, "The Gendered Meanings of Virtue in Revolutionary America," Signs 13 (1987): 48-53. For examples of scholarship that emphasize female emotionality, see Lori D. Ginzberg, "'The Hearts of Your Readers Will Shudder': Fanny Wright, Infidelity, and American Freethought," American Quarterly 46 (1994): 195-226; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1 (1975): 1-29; and Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, particularly Chapter 5. According to Ryan, "female bonds laced through the everyday life of the middle class and formed a denser social and emotional network than ties between the sexes" (p. 196). Although I would agree that many women formed very close same-sex ties, I present much evidence in this essay that challenges the view that emotional ties among women were always stronger.
21. See, for instance, Peter N. Stearns, American Cool: Constructing a Twentieth-Century Emotional Style (New York, 1994), 20-29.
22. Benjamin Rush to Julia Rush, Sept. 8, 1793, Old Family Letters Relating to the Yellow Fever, Series B (Philadelphia, 1892), 20.
23. Ibid., 21
24. Benjamin Rush, An Account of the Bilious Remitting Yellow Fever, as It Appeared in the City of Philadelphia, in the Year 1793 (Philadelphia, 1794), 346.
25. It is interesting that the documents Stearns uses to explore a Victorian style of emotional self-control in American Cool do not seem to connect unrestrained emotions and disease. Given the eighteenth-century focus of my research, it is not clear to me whether this difference is a reflection of a change in mentality or is a matter of our using different types of sources.
26. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
27. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
28. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
29. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
30. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
31. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
32. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
33. For works that deal solely with the history of a particular emotion in an American context, see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, Anger: The Struggle for Emotional Control in America's History (Chicago, 1986); Peter N. Stearns, Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History (New York, 1989); and Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, "The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850-1950," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 63-94. Other studies that address the subject of emotions less directly include Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York, 1977); Kenneth Lockridge's On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); and Jan E. Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (New York, 1983). Lewis's work is particularly useful given its attention to change over time. She documents a transition in Virginia from an emotional style during the pre-Revolutionary period that placed great emphasis on restraining strong emotions to a style by the early nineteenth century that reveled in deep feelings that were centered around the home and family. It appears that many Philadelphian families in 1793 had synthesized elements from both these styles, though it should be noted that the family history of the significant Quaker population in Pennsylvania differed greatly from that of the Virginia gentry from the very beginning. Compare, for instance, Barry Levy's Quakers and the American Family (New York, 1988) to Michael Zuckerman's "William Byrd's Family," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979): 257, 297, 304.
34. Greven, Protestant Temperament, 151.
35. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
36. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
37. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
38. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
39. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
40. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
41. In her study of Victorian sexual ideology, Nancy Cott has argued that "in my view, the ideology of passionlessness was tied to the rise of evangelical religion between the 1790s and the 1830s. Physicians' adoption of passionlessness was a second wave, so to speak, beginning at mid-century. By the time that physicians took up the question of passionlessness and attempted to reduce the concept to 'scientific' and somatic quantities the idea had been diffused through the spiritual realm and had already engendered its own opposition." Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs 4 (1978): 221-22. My research has revealed an earlier period of medical interest in the passions, and while I have focused thus far on the emotions, evidence also exists that doctors and their patients were also very concerned with the sexual passions. See, for instance, the works of eighteenth-century physician Samuel A. Tissot, particularly his Onanism: Or, a Treatise Upon the Disorders of Masturbation, trans. A. Hume (London, 1766); and Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Mind (Philadelphia, 1812). For secondary works on this subject, see Vern L. Bullough, "Technology for the Prevention of 'Les Maladies Produites par la Masturbation,'" Technology and Culture 28 (1987): 828-32; Robert H. MacDonald, "The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion," Journal of the History of Ideas 28 (1967): 423-31; and David Hackett Fisher, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, 1989), 91. For an argument that the nineteenth century was a more important era of change, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-century America," in Elizabeth H. Pleck and Joseph H. Pleck, eds., The American Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980), 219-54.
42. Stearns and Stearns, Anger, 19.
43. See, for instance, David D. Hall, "The Mental World of Samuel Sewell," in David D. Hall, et al., eds., Saints and Revolutionaries: Essays in Early American History (New York, 1984), 90-91. Hall relates how during many of the illnesses of Sewell's family members and friends, individuals called on ministers to pray to the "Great Physician" rather than calling on doctors to treat the physical body.
44. Albert Deutsch, The Mentally Ill in America: A History of Their Care and Treatment from Colonial Times, 2nd ed. (New York, 1949), 27-39.
45. Ibid., 57-65; and Franz G. Alexander and Sheldon T. Selesnick, The History of Psychiatry: An Evaluation of Psychiatric Thought and Practice From Prehistoric Times to the Present (New York, 1966), 144-164. Emphasizing the connection between madness and confinement, Michel Foucault has documented this transition in Europe during the early modern period in his Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Richard Howard (New York, 1965 ). Of particular relevance to my work is Foucault's discussion of the integral relationship among passion, madness, and disease, particularly as seen in the medical literature of the eighteenth century (pp. 85-158).
46. Ibid., 57-65; and Franz G. Alexander and Sheldon T. Selesnick, The History of Psychiatry: An Evaluation of Psychiatric Thought and Practice From Prehistoric Times to the Present (New York, 1966), 144-164. Emphasizing the connection between madness and confinement, Michel Foucault has documented this transition in Europe during the early modern period in his Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Richard Howard (New York, 1965 ). Of particular relevance to my work is Foucault's discussion of the integral relationship among passion, madness, and disease, particularly as seen in the medical literature of the eighteenth century (pp. 85-158).
47. Ibid., 57-65; and Franz G. Alexander and Sheldon T. Selesnick, The History of Psychiatry: An Evaluation of Psychiatric Thought and Practice From Prehistoric Times to the Present (New York, 1966), 144-164. Emphasizing the connection between madness and confinement, Michel Foucault has documented this transition in Europe during the early modern period in his Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Richard Howard (New York, 1965 ). Of particular relevance to my work is Foucault's discussion of the integral relationship among passion, madness, and disease, particularly as seen in the medical literature of the eighteenth century (pp. 85-158).
48. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
49. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
50. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
51. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
52. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
53. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice
54. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
55. For example, see William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, or the Family Physician (Edinburgh, 1769; reprint, Philadelphia, 1772), 66-71; George Cheyne, Essay on Health and Long Life (London, 1724), 170-71; Cheyne, The Natural Method of Cureing [sic] the Diseases of the Body, and the Disorders of the Mind Depending on the Body, 3rd ed. (London, 1742), 87-88; John Hill, The Old Man's Guide to Health and Longer Life: With Rules for Diet, Exercise, and Physic (Philadelphia, 1775), 24-25; and Benjamin Rush, An Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors upon the Human Body, and Their Influence upon the Happiness of Society (Philadelphia, n.d.), 4. Some idea of the popularity of these advice manuals can be garnered from Charles Rosenberg's article "Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan's Domestic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 22-23, in which he calculates that Buchan's Domestic Medicine appeared in at least one hundred and forty-two separate English-language editions over an approximately one-hundred-year period beginning in 1769. Also, as the editor of Rush's letters, Lyman H. Butterfield, has noted, the physician's writings on this matter, particularly his Enquiry into the Effects of Spirituous Liquors and his "A Moral and Physical Thermometer," were so widely reprinted that it is impossible to give an adequate bibliographic account. See Letters of Benjamin Rush, L. H. Butterfield, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1951), I:272-73, n. 1; and I:501, n. 2.
56. Esther Duché to Miss Hopkinson, Sept. 26, 1793, Redwood Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania (hereafter HSP).
57. Margaret Morris to Milcah Moore, [Aug.] 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, Quaker Collection, Haverford College (hereafter QCHC).
58. Samuel R. Fisher to Miers Fisher, Oct. 20, 1793, Fisher Family Papers, HSP.
59. Charles Biddle, Autobiography, 283, HSP.
60. Margaret Morris to Gulielma M. Smith, n.d., Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
61. Samuel Massey to Ann Massey, Sept. 15, 1793, Samuel Massey Letter Collection, College of Physicians of Philadelphia (hereafter CPP).
62. Jacob Ritter, Jr., Autobiography, written in 1836, 13 [typescript version], HSP. The autobiography was published eight years later. Memoirs of Jacob Ritter, A Faithful Minister in the Society of Friends, Joseph Foulke, ed., (Philadelphia, 1844), 32-35. See also Peter A. Grotjan's Memoirs at HSP for an account of one of his friends who succumbed to the fever in 1798 after a conference with his sick fiancée had "seriously agitated his mind" (p. 95-96).
63. Jacob Ritter, Jr., Autobiography, written in 1836, 13 [typescript version], HSP. The autobiography was published eight years later. Memoirs of Jacob Ritter, A Faithful Minister in the Society of Friends, Joseph Foulke, ed., (Philadelphia, 1844), 32-35. See also Peter A. Grotjan's Memoirs at HSP for an account of one of his friends who succumbed to the fever in 1798 after a conference with his sick fiancée had "seriously agitated his mind" (p. 95-96).
64. Jacob Ritter, Jr., Autobiography, written in 1836, 13 [typescript version], HSP. The autobiography was published eight years later. Memoirs of Jacob Ritter, A Faithful Minister in the Society of Friends, Joseph Foulke, ed., (Philadelphia, 1844), 32-35. See also Peter A. Grotjan's Memoirs at HSP for an account of one of his friends who succumbed to the fever in 1798 after a conference with his sick fiancée had "seriously agitated his mind" (p. 95-96).
65. Timothy Pickering to James Lovell, Sept. 16, 1793, Dreer Collection, HSP.
66. John Welsh to Robert Ralston, Sept. 6, 1793, Society Miscellaneous Collection, HSP.
67. Margaret Morris to Gulielma M. Smith, August 31, 1793, Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
68. Charles Biddle, Autobiography, 282, HSP.
69. Ibid., 283-284.
70. Esther Duché to Miss Hopkinson, Sept., 26, 1793, Redwood Collection, HSP.
71. William Buchan, Domestic Medicine, 69.
72. Miers Fisher to William Redwood and Charles Wharton, Sept. 24, 1793, Fisher Family Papers, HSP.
73. Deborah Logan to Mary Nords, [Sept. 27, 1793], Dreer Collection, HSP. The records of the Pennsylvania Hospital reveal a number of cases in which individuals' inability to control their emotions led to their admission to the facility as lunatics. See Thomas Morton and Thomas Woodbury, The History of the Pennsylvania Hospital: 1751-1895 (New York, 1973), 134-35, 139, 140.
74. I obtained this information from an informal paper by Susan E. Klepp, in which she has summarized and synthesized the demographic research on the 1793 epidemic.
75. Although William Smith did not make an explicit connection between his wife's unstoppable "sympathetic foreboding tears" over the deaths of two of her closest friends and her eventual death from the fever, the two events were discursively linked in the narrative account he sent to his close friend and physician, Benjamin Rush. Smith to Benjamin Rush, Oct. 23, 1793, in Horace Wemyss Smith, Life and Correspondence of the Reverend William Smith D.D. (Philadelphia, 1880), II:373.
76. Margaret Morris to [Milcah and Charles Moore], Sept. 23, 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC. Hannah and her husband, Dr. Samuel Preston Moore of Philadelphia, had raised Margaret from the age of two when the sisters' father, Richard Hill, was forced to move from South River, Maryland, to Madeira to escape the persecutions of creditors in 1739. See Letters of Doctor Richard Hill and His Children: Or, the History of a Family, As Told by Themselves, collected and arranged by John Jay Smith (Philadelphia, 1854), vi-xiv.
77. Margaret Morris to Gulielma M. Smith, Aug. 31, 1793, Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
78. Margaret Morris, Memorandum, May 10, 1778; and Margaret Morris to Milcah and Charles Moore, August 30, 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
79. Margaret Morris to Gulielma M. Smith, Aug. 31, 1793, Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
80. Richard Hill Morris to Benjamin Smith, Sept. 11, 1793, Gulielma M. Howland Collection, QCHC.
81. a Memo"], Nov. 1764, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
82. Margaret Morris to Robert Hill Morris, Sept. 19, 1793, Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
83. Margaret Morris to Milcah and Charles Moore, Sept. 25, 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
84. Margaret Morris to [Richard Hill Morris], n.d., Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
85. Margaret Morris to Milcah and Charles Moore, Sept. 25, 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
86. Ibid.
87. Margaret Morris to [Richard Hill Morris], n.d., Margaret Morris Papers, QCHC.
88. Margaret Morris to Milcah Moore, Sept. 27, 1794, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC. Elizabeth Drinker's diary is also full of references to female attendance at funerals. See, for example, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, Elaine Forman Crane, ed., (Boston, 1991), I:36, 38, 493.
89. Margaret Morris, Memorandum, 1778, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
90. For an excellent explication of the metaphor of separate spheres and its use by historians of women, see Linda Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," Journal of American History 75 (1988): 9-39. Also, see Lori D. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven, 1990).
91. For an excellent explication of the metaphor of separate spheres and its use by historians of women, see Linda Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," Journal of American History 75 (1988): 9-39. Also, see Lori D. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven, 1990).
92. Richard Wells to Margaret Morris, n.d., Gulielma M. Howland Collection, QCHC.
93. Caleb Cresson, "Memorial Concerning my Dear Wife Annabella Cresson," n.d., Morris-Wistar-Wood Collection, QCHC.
94. Joshua Cresson, Meditations Written During the Prevalence of the Yellow Fever, in the City of Philadelphia, in the Year 1793 (London, 1803), 21.
95. Benjamin Smith to Daniel Smith, Sept. 30, 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
96. G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago, 1992), xvii.
97. Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scientific Revolution (San Francisco, 1980), 132.
98. Barker-Benfield, Culture of Sensibility, xvii-xviii.
99. See Stearns, American Cool, Chapter 1.
100. Of the eight letters that Smith wrote to Rush only two are dated. Consequently, as the letters are in Rush's manuscript collection, I will provide volume and page numbers in order to make them easier to locate. Some of these letters can also be found in Smith, Life and Correspondence, II:365-93.
101. William Smith to Benjamin Rush, n.d., Rush Manuscripts, Vol. 35, p. 121, 128, and 129, Library Company Manuscript Collection, HSP.
102. William Smith to Benjamin Rush, n.d., Rush Manuscripts, Vol. 35, p. 122, Ibid.
103. William Smith to Benjamin Rush, Oct. 23, 1793, in Smith, Life and Correspondence, II:372-73.
104. A model of eighteenth-century social formation that fits my evidence more closely, though not exactly, is that presented by Stewart Justman in his The Autonomous Male of Adam Smith (Norman, 1993). According to Justman, "the antithesis of public-rational man and private-emotional woman finds poor support in the work that is the closest thing to an authorized version of the morality of bourgeois society, Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments" (p. 3).
105. A model of eighteenth-century social formation that fits my evidence more closely, though not exactly, is that presented by Stewart Justman in his The Autonomous Male of Adam Smith (Norman, 1993). According to Justman, "the antithesis of public-rational man and private-emotional woman finds poor support in the work that is the closest thing to an authorized version of the morality of bourgeois society, Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments" (p. 3).
106. Jan Lewis, "The Republican Wife: Virtue and Seduction in the Early Republic," William and Mary Quarterly 44 (1987): 711; and Joan Hoff-Wilson, "The Illusion of Change: Women and the American Revolution," in Alfred F. Young, ed., The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism (DeKalb, Ill., 1976), 385-444.
107. Jan Lewis, "The Republican Wife: Virtue and Seduction in the Early Republic," William and Mary Quarterly 44 (1987): 711; and Joan Hoff-Wilson, "The Illusion of Change: Women and the American Revolution," in Alfred F. Young, ed., The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism (DeKalb, Ill., 1976), 385-444.
108. Of course this was not something new, as the following works reveal. Toby L. Ditz, "Shipwrecked; or, Masculinity Imperiled: Mercantile Representations of Failure and the Gendered Self in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia," Journal of American History 81 (1994): 51-80; and Kathleen M. Brown, " 'Vile Rogues' and Honorable Men: Nathaniel Bacon and the Dilemma of Colonial Masculinity," Paper presented at the Philadelphia Center for Early American Studies Seminar, April 29, 1994.
109. Of course this was not something new, as the following works reveal. Toby L. Ditz, "Shipwrecked; or, Masculinity Imperiled: Mercantile Representations of Failure and the Gendered Self in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia," Journal of American History 81 (1994): 51-80; and Kathleen M. Brown, " 'Vile Rogues' and Honorable Men: Nathaniel Bacon and the Dilemma of Colonial Masculinity," Paper presented at the Philadelphia Center for Early American Studies Seminar, April 29, 1994.
110. Quoted in Smith-Rosenberg, "Dis-Covering the Subject," 855-56.
111. In her study of colonial Virginia, Kathleen Brown found a very different situation where "elite men interpreted the control over emotions such as anger, sadness, and lust as the triumph of reason over passion." In their world, "white women of all classes, lower-class white men, and slave men and women were all believed to be less capable of governing their appetites. Through control over self, gentry men were taught, they would have control over these others." Brown, "Gender and the Genesis of a Race and Class System," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990), 554. For an excellent study of the social construction of emotion in a contemporary setting, see Catherine A. Lutz, "Engendered Emotion: Gender, Power, and the Rhetoric of Emotional Control in American Discourse," in Lutz and Lila Abu-Lughod, eds., Language and the Politics of Emotion (Cambridge, 1990), 69-91.
112. In her study of colonial Virginia, Kathleen Brown found a very different situation where "elite men interpreted the control over emotions such as anger, sadness, and lust as the triumph of reason over passion." In their world, "white women of all classes, lower-class white men, and slave men and women were all believed to be less capable of governing their appetites. Through control over self, gentry men were taught, they would have control over these others." Brown, "Gender and the Genesis of a Race and Class System," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990), 554. For an excellent study of the social construction of emotion in a contemporary setting, see Catherine A. Lutz, "Engendered Emotion: Gender, Power, and the Rhetoric of Emotional Control in American Discourse," in Lutz and Lila Abu-Lughod, eds., Language and the Politics of Emotion (Cambridge, 1990), 69-91.
113. Thomas Clifford to John Clifford, Dec. 2[?], 1793, Clifford-Pemberton Papers, HSP.
114. For a discussion of the model of manly tears associated with the culture of sensibility and "heart religion," see Barker-Benfield, Culture of Sensibility, 71-78. It is important to remember, however, that tears in some situations were not considered expressions of manly behavior. As Toby Ditz has pointed out, the tears of a cuckold, for example, were viewed as effeminate because they were "the ineffective effusions of a pitiful victim, not the moral tears of the man of sensibility capable of responding with sympathy to such a victim." Ditz, "Shipwrecked," 65.
115. For a discussion of the model of manly tears associated with the culture of sensibility and "heart religion," see Barker-Benfield, Culture of Sensibility, 71-78. It is important to remember, however, that tears in some situations were not considered expressions of manly behavior. As Toby Ditz has pointed out, the tears of a cuckold, for example, were viewed as effeminate because they were "the ineffective effusions of a pitiful victim, not the moral tears of the man of sensibility capable of responding with sympathy to such a victim." Ditz, "Shipwrecked," 65.
116. Margaret Morris to Milcah Moore, Nov. 15, 1793, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
117. John Welsh to Robert Ralston, Sept. 23, 1793, Society Miscellaneous Collection, HSP.
118. Jan Lewis, "personal communication," December 5, 1992.
119. For instance, in his 1787 deathbed letter to his son, J. G. Stedman reminded his firstborn to "let not your grief for my decease overcome you. Let your tears flow with moderation, and trust that I am happy" [emphasis mine]. This letter is printed in Abraham Shoemaker, Poulson's Town and Country Almanac (Philadelphia, 1794), not paginated.
120. The Autobiography of Benjamin Rush: His "Travels Through Life" Together with His Commonplace Book for 1789-1813, George W. Corner, ed., (Princeton, N.J., 1948; reprint, Westport, CT, 1970), 225 (July 21, 1792).
121. Smith-Rosenberg, "Dis-Covering the Subject," 841-73.
122. For a more detailed discussion of this subject, see Miller, "The Body Politic," Chapter 3.
123. Margaret Morris to Milcah Moore, Sept. 30, 1993, Edward Wanton Smith Collection, QCHC.
124. Margaret Morris to Rachel Hill Wells, Sept. 3, 1793, Ibid.
125. Richard Bushman demonstrates this point, though implicitly in his The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992). See also Norbert Elias, The History of Manners (The Civilizing Process), Vol. 1, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York, 1978); and C. Dallett Hemphill, "Class Without Class Struggle? - Middle Class Rising in Revolutionary America," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians, Cincinnati, Ohio, March 31, 1995.
126. Richard Bushman demonstrates this point, though implicitly in his The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992). See also Norbert Elias, The History of Manners (The Civilizing Process), Vol. 1, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York, 1978); and C. Dallett Hemphill, "Class Without Class Struggle? - Middle Class Rising in Revolutionary America," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians, Cincinnati, Ohio, March 31, 1995.
127. Richard Bushman demonstrates this point, though implicitly in his The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992). See also Norbert Elias, The History of Manners (The Civilizing Process), Vol. 1, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York, 1978); and C. Dallett Hemphill, "Class Without Class Struggle? - Middle Class Rising in Revolutionary America," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians, Cincinnati, Ohio, March 31, 1995.