Performance practice: Music, medicine and natural philosophy in Interregnum Oxford

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 29, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 257-288

  Gouk, Penelope ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; EDUCATION; HISTORY; MEDICINE; MUSIC; SCIENCE; UNITED KINGDOM; UNIVERSITY;

EDUCATION; GREAT BRITAIN; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; MEDICINE; MUSIC; SCIENCE; UNIVERSITIES;

EID: 0030236377     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0007087400034464     Document Type: Article

References (164)

1. See, for example, O. Hannaway, 'Laboratory design and the aim of science', Isis (1986), 77, 585-610; S. Shapin, 'The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England', Isis (1988), 79, 373-404; A. Ophir and S. Shapin, 'The place of knowledge: a methodological survey', Science in Context (1991), 4, 3-21; D. N. Livingstone, 'The spaces of knowledge: contributions towards a historical geography of science', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space (1995), 13, 5-34.
2. See, for example, O. Hannaway, 'Laboratory design and the aim of science', Isis (1986), 77, 585-610; S. Shapin, 'The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England', Isis (1988), 79, 373-404; A. Ophir and S. Shapin, 'The place of knowledge: a methodological survey', Science in Context (1991), 4, 3-21; D. N. Livingstone, 'The spaces of knowledge: contributions towards a historical geography of science', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space (1995), 13, 5-34.
3. See, for example, O. Hannaway, 'Laboratory design and the aim of science', Isis (1986), 77, 585-610; S. Shapin, 'The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England', Isis (1988), 79, 373-404; A. Ophir and S. Shapin, 'The place of knowledge: a methodological survey', Science in Context (1991), 4, 3-21; D. N. Livingstone, 'The spaces of knowledge: contributions towards a historical geography of science', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space (1995), 13, 5-34.
4. See, for example, O. Hannaway, 'Laboratory design and the aim of science', Isis (1986), 77, 585-610; S. Shapin, 'The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England', Isis (1988), 79, 373-404; A. Ophir and S. Shapin, 'The place of knowledge: a methodological survey', Science in Context (1991), 4, 3-21; D. N. Livingstone, 'The spaces of knowledge: contributions towards a historical geography of science', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space (1995), 13, 5-34.
5. M. Csikszentmihályi, 'The domain of creativity', in Theories of Creativity (ed. M. Runco and R. S. Albert), London, 1990, 190-212; M. A. Boden, 'What is creativity?', in Dimensions of Creativity (ed. M. A. Boden), Cambridge, MA, and London, 1994, 75-118; D. Perkins, 'Creativity: beyond the Darwinian paradigm', ibid., 119-42.
6. M. Csikszentmihályi, 'The domain of creativity', in Theories of Creativity (ed. M. Runco and R. S. Albert), London, 1990, 190-212; M. A. Boden, 'What is creativity?', in Dimensions of Creativity (ed. M. A. Boden), Cambridge, MA, and London, 1994, 75-118; D. Perkins, 'Creativity: beyond the Darwinian paradigm', ibid., 119-42.
7. M. Csikszentmihályi, 'The domain of creativity', in Theories of Creativity (ed. M. Runco and R. S. Albert), London, 1990, 190-212; M. A. Boden, 'What is creativity?', in Dimensions of Creativity (ed. M. A. Boden), Cambridge, MA, and London, 1994, 75-118; D. Perkins, 'Creativity: beyond the Darwinian paradigm', ibid., 119-42.
8. S. Shapin and S. Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life, Princeton, NJ, 1985; S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989, 67-104.
9. S. Shapin and S. Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life, Princeton, NJ, 1985; S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989, 67-104.
10. C. Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626-1660, London, 1975, especially 122-78; R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: Scientific Ideas and Social Interaction, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1980. In later footnotes I shall refer only to this book, but other pertinent articles by Frank include his 'Science, medicine and the universities of early modern England: background and sources', History of Science (1973), 11, 194-216, 239-69; 'John Aubrey, F.R.S., John Lydall, and science at Commonwealth Oxford', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1973), 27, 193-217; 'Thomas Willis and his circle: brain and mind in seventeenth-century medicine', in The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (ed. G. S. Rousseau), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990, 107-46.
11. C. Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626-1660, London, 1975, especially 122-78; R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: Scientific Ideas and Social Interaction, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1980. In later footnotes I shall refer only to this book, but other pertinent articles by Frank include his 'Science, medicine and the universities of early modern England: background and sources', History of Science (1973), 11, 194-216, 239-69; 'John Aubrey, F.R.S., John Lydall, and science at Commonwealth Oxford', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1973), 27, 193-217; 'Thomas Willis and his circle: brain and mind in seventeenth-century medicine', in The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (ed. G. S. Rousseau), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990, 107-46.
12. C. Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626-1660, London, 1975, especially 122-78; R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: Scientific Ideas and Social Interaction, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1980. In later footnotes I shall refer only to this book, but other pertinent articles by Frank include his 'Science, medicine and the universities of early modern England: background and sources', History of Science (1973), 11, 194-216, 239-69; 'John Aubrey, F.R.S., John Lydall, and science at Commonwealth Oxford', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1973), 27, 193-217; 'Thomas Willis and his circle: brain and mind in seventeenth-century medicine', in The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (ed. G. S. Rousseau), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990, 107-46.
13. C. Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626-1660, London, 1975, especially 122-78; R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: Scientific Ideas and Social Interaction, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1980. In later footnotes I shall refer only to this book, but other pertinent articles by Frank include his 'Science, medicine and the universities of early modern England: background and sources', History of Science (1973), 11, 194-216, 239-69; 'John Aubrey, F.R.S., John Lydall, and science at Commonwealth Oxford', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1973), 27, 193-217; 'Thomas Willis and his circle: brain and mind in seventeenth-century medicine', in The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (ed. G. S. Rousseau), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990, 107-46.
14. C. Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626-1660, London, 1975, especially 122-78; R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: Scientific Ideas and Social Interaction, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1980. In later footnotes I shall refer only to this book, but other pertinent articles by Frank include his 'Science, medicine and the universities of early modern England: background and sources', History of Science (1973), 11, 194-216, 239-69; 'John Aubrey, F.R.S., John Lydall, and science at Commonwealth Oxford', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1973), 27, 193-217; 'Thomas Willis and his circle: brain and mind in seventeenth-century medicine', in The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (ed. G. S. Rousseau), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990, 107-46.
15. Webster does at least point out 'that the "sciences" which captured the imagination of Brian Twinne at the beginning of the seventeenth century had little in common with those pursued by the students of John Wilkins fifty years later'. Webster, op. cit. (4), 116.
16. For example, the observation that 'much of the subject matter of music was closely related to that of arithmetic and geometry' is confined to a footnote on p. 28 of M. Feingold, The Mathematicians' Apprenticeship: Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984. Likewise little attention is paid to music as a branch of mathematics in J. A. Bennett, The Mathematical Science of Christopher Wren, Cambridge, 1982, even though Wren himself addressed musical topics.
17. For example, the observation that 'much of the subject matter of music was closely related to that of arithmetic and geometry' is confined to a footnote on p. 28 of M. Feingold, The Mathematicians' Apprenticeship: Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984. Likewise little attention is paid to music as a branch of mathematics in J. A. Bennett, The Mathematical Science of Christopher Wren, Cambridge, 1982, even though Wren himself addressed musical topics.
18. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
19. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
20. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
21. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
22. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
23. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
24. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
25. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
26. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
27. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
28. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
29. On Mersenne, Galileo and the laws of vibration, see especially S. Dostrovsky, 'Early vibration theory: physics and music in the seventeenth century', Archive for the History of Exact Sciences (1974-75), 14, 169-218; S. Drake, 'Renaissance music and experimental science', Journal of the History of Ideas (1970), 31, 483-500; and H. F. Cohen, Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at the First Stage of the Scientific Revolution, 1580-1650, Dordrecht, 1984. Other studies addressing the relationship between music and science include A. Cohen, Music in the French Royal Academy of Sciences: A Study in the Evolution of Musical Thought, Princeton, 1981; P. M. Gouk, 'Music in the Natural Philosophy of the Early Royal Society', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1982; eadem, 'Music in Francis Bacon's natural philosophy', in Francis Bacon: terminologia e fortuna nel XVII secolo (ed. M. Fattori), Rome, 1985, 139-54; eadem, 'The role of acoustics and music theory in the scientific work of Robert Hooke', Annals of Science (1980), 37, 573-605; eadem, 'The harmonic roots of Newtonian science', in Let Newton be! A New Perspective on his Life and Works (ed. John Fauvel et al.), Oxford, 1988, 101-25; P. Gozza (ed.), La musica nella rivoluzione scientifica del seicento, Bologna, 1989; J. C. Kassler, 'Man - a musical instrument: models of the brain and mental functioning before the computer', History of Science (1984), 22, 59-92; J. C. Kassler and D. Oldroyd, 'Robert Hooke's Trinity College "Musick Scripts", his music theory and the role of music in his cosmology', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 559-95; L. Miller and A. Cohen, Music in the Royal Society of London 1660-1806, Detroit, 1987.
30. J. Simon, Education and Society in Tudor England, Cambridge, 1979, 364.
31. Frank, op. cit. (4), p. xi.
32. Frank, op. cit. (4), p. xii (both quotations).
33. Participants at these early meetings included Charles Scarburgh (Merton), Thomas Willis (Christ Church), Walter Charleton (Magdalen Hall), Ralph Bathurst (Trinity) and Nathaniel Highmore (Trinity), all of whom were or became practising physicians, and John Greaves (Merton), who was Savilian Professor of Astronomy.
34. A. Wear, 'William Harvey: the discovery of the circulation of the blood', in Man Masters Nature (ed. R. Porter), London, 1987, 65-76.
35. For details, see works cited in note 4 above.
36. The Diary of John Evelyn (ed. E. S. de Beer), 6 vols., Oxford, 1955, iii, 110-11.
37. See, for example, L. Stone, 'The educational revolution, 1560-1640', Past & Present (1964), 28, 41-80; idem, 'The size and composition of the Oxford student body 1580-1910', in The University in Society Vol. 1: Oxford and Cambridge from the 14th to the early 19th Century (ed. L. Stone), Princeton, NJ, 1974, 3-110; Simon, op. cit. (8); C. Webster, 'The curriculum of the grammar schools and universities, 1500-1600: a critical view of the literature', History of Education (1975), 4, 51-68.
38. See, for example, L. Stone, 'The educational revolution, 1560-1640', Past & Present (1964), 28, 41-80; idem, 'The size and composition of the Oxford student body 1580-1910', in The University in Society Vol. 1: Oxford and Cambridge from the 14th to the early 19th Century (ed. L. Stone), Princeton, NJ, 1974, 3-110; Simon, op. cit. (8); C. Webster, 'The curriculum of the grammar schools and universities, 1500-1600: a critical view of the literature', History of Education (1975), 4, 51-68.
39. See, for example, L. Stone, 'The educational revolution, 1560-1640', Past & Present (1964), 28, 41-80; idem, 'The size and composition of the Oxford student body 1580-1910', in The University in Society Vol. 1: Oxford and Cambridge from the 14th to the early 19th Century (ed. L. Stone), Princeton, NJ, 1974, 3-110; Simon, op. cit. (8); C. Webster, 'The curriculum of the grammar schools and universities, 1500-1600: a critical view of the literature', History of Education (1975), 4, 51-68.
40. See, for example, L. Stone, 'The educational revolution, 1560-1640', Past & Present (1964), 28, 41-80; idem, 'The size and composition of the Oxford student body 1580-1910', in The University in Society Vol. 1: Oxford and Cambridge from the 14th to the early 19th Century (ed. L. Stone), Princeton, NJ, 1974, 3-110; Simon, op. cit. (8); C. Webster, 'The curriculum of the grammar schools and universities, 1500-1600: a critical view of the literature', History of Education (1975), 4, 51-68.
41. See especially Webster, op. cit. (4), 122-9, and Feingold, op. cit. (6).
42. See especially Webster, op. cit. (4), 122-9, and Feingold, op. cit. (6).
43. Holder not only had a Masters degree from Cambridge and a Doctorate in Divinity from Oxford, but also possessed some skill in composition. See DNB and J. M. Stanley, 'William Holder: His Position in Seventeenth-Century Music Theory', Ph.D. thesis, University of Cincinnati, 1983.
44. These interests were also shared by Wren's father, Dean Christopher Wren, who was an unsuccessful contender for the Gresham Lectureship in Astronomy before taking his degree in divinity in 1620. Wren junior was appointed to this post in 1657, but gave it up to become Savilian Professor of Astronomy in 1661. On Dean Wren see DNB article; R. L. Colie, 'Dean Wren's marginalia and early science at Oxford', Bodleian Library Record (1960), 6, 541-51; and P. M. Gouk, 'Acoustics in the early Royal Society 1660-1680', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1982), 36, 155-75, especially 159, 161, 163.
45. These interests were also shared by Wren's father, Dean Christopher Wren, who was an unsuccessful contender for the Gresham Lectureship in Astronomy before taking his degree in divinity in 1620. Wren junior was appointed to this post in 1657, but gave it up to become Savilian Professor of Astronomy in 1661. On Dean Wren see DNB article; R. L. Colie, 'Dean Wren's marginalia and early science at Oxford', Bodleian Library Record (1960), 6, 541-51; and P. M. Gouk, 'Acoustics in the early Royal Society 1660-1680', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1982), 36, 155-75, especially 159, 161, 163.
46. The Harmonics of Claudius Ptolemy of Alexandria (second century AD) not only deals with the quantitative relationships of musical intervals but also shows that these musical structures have their analogues in the soul and the heavens. The work was intimately related to Ptolemy's astronomical and astrological writings Almagest and Tetrabiblos. The other Greek texts edited by Wallis were commentaries on the Harmonics by the Neoplatonist Porpyhry (third century AD) and the Byzantine scholar Manuel Bryennius (fourteenth century AD). For an English translation of Ptolemy and discussion of these and related texts, see A. Barker, Greek Musical Writings Volume II: Harmonic and Acoustical Theory, Cambridge, 1989, especially 270-391.
47. J. Wallis, Grammatica linguae anglicanae, London, 1652, and A Defence of the Royal Society ... in Answer to the Cavils of Dr William Holder, London, 1698.
48. J. Wallis, Grammatica linguae anglicanae, London, 1652, and A Defence of the Royal Society ... in Answer to the Cavils of Dr William Holder, London, 1698.
49. J. Wallis, 'A question in musick lately proposed to Dr Wallis, concerning the division of the monochord, or section of the musical canon: with his answer to it. March 5 1697/8'; idem, 'A letter of Dr Wallis to Samuel Pepys Esquire, relating to some supposed imperfections in an organ. June 27, 1698'; idem, 'A letter of Dr John Wallis to Mr Andrew Fletcher: concerning the strange effects reported of musick in former times, beyond what is to be found in later ages. Aug. 18 1698', Philosophical Transactions (1698), 20, 80-8, 249-56, 297-303. See also note 77 below.
50. J. Wallis, 'A question in musick lately proposed to Dr Wallis, concerning the division of the monochord, or section of the musical canon: with his answer to it. March 5 1697/8'; idem, 'A letter of Dr Wallis to Samuel Pepys Esquire, relating to some supposed imperfections in an organ. June 27, 1698'; idem, 'A letter of Dr John Wallis to Mr Andrew Fletcher: concerning the strange effects reported of musick in former times, beyond what is to be found in later ages. Aug. 18 1698', Philosophical Transactions (1698), 20, 80-8, 249-56, 297-303. See also note 77 below.
51. J. Wallis, 'A question in musick lately proposed to Dr Wallis, concerning the division of the monochord, or section of the musical canon: with his answer to it. March 5 1697/8'; idem, 'A letter of Dr Wallis to Samuel Pepys Esquire, relating to some supposed imperfections in an organ. June 27, 1698'; idem, 'A letter of Dr John Wallis to Mr Andrew Fletcher: concerning the strange effects reported of musick in former times, beyond what is to be found in later ages. Aug. 18 1698', Philosophical Transactions (1698), 20, 80-8, 249-56, 297-303. See also note 77 below.
52. W. Charleton, Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana: Or a Fabrick of Science Natural, Upon the Hypothesis of Atoms, London, 1654, 226. On Charleton and his friendship with Brouncker, see L. G. Sharp, 'Walter Charleton's early life 1620-1651 and relationship to natural philosophy in mid-seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1973), 50, 311-40, especially 317. Brouncker's theory was mentioned in the context of Charleton's discussion of 'the Nature of Sound'; see Gouk, 'Music in ... the early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 39-44. On Brouncker's geometrical division of the scale, see D. P. Walker, 'Seventeenth-century scientists' views on intonation', in Studies in Musical Science in the Late Renaissance, London, 1978, 111-22; M. Lindley, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, 1984, 33-6.
53. W. Charleton, Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana: Or a Fabrick of Science Natural, Upon the Hypothesis of Atoms, London, 1654, 226. On Charleton and his friendship with Brouncker, see L. G. Sharp, 'Walter Charleton's early life 1620-1651 and relationship to natural philosophy in mid-seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1973), 50, 311-40, especially 317. Brouncker's theory was mentioned in the context of Charleton's discussion of 'the Nature of Sound'; see Gouk, 'Music in ... the early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 39-44. On Brouncker's geometrical division of the scale, see D. P. Walker, 'Seventeenth-century scientists' views on intonation', in Studies in Musical Science in the Late Renaissance, London, 1978, 111-22; M. Lindley, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, 1984, 33-6.
54. W. Charleton, Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana: Or a Fabrick of Science Natural, Upon the Hypothesis of Atoms, London, 1654, 226. On Charleton and his friendship with Brouncker, see L. G. Sharp, 'Walter Charleton's early life 1620-1651 and relationship to natural philosophy in mid-seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1973), 50, 311-40, especially 317. Brouncker's theory was mentioned in the context of Charleton's discussion of 'the Nature of Sound'; see Gouk, 'Music in ... the early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 39-44. On Brouncker's geometrical division of the scale, see D. P. Walker, 'Seventeenth-century scientists' views on intonation', in Studies in Musical Science in the Late Renaissance, London, 1978, 111-22; M. Lindley, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, 1984, 33-6.
55. W. Charleton, Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana: Or a Fabrick of Science Natural, Upon the Hypothesis of Atoms, London, 1654, 226. On Charleton and his friendship with Brouncker, see L. G. Sharp, 'Walter Charleton's early life 1620-1651 and relationship to natural philosophy in mid-seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1973), 50, 311-40, especially 317. Brouncker's theory was mentioned in the context of Charleton's discussion of 'the Nature of Sound'; see Gouk, 'Music in ... the early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 39-44. On Brouncker's geometrical division of the scale, see D. P. Walker, 'Seventeenth-century scientists' views on intonation', in Studies in Musical Science in the Late Renaissance, London, 1978, 111-22; M. Lindley, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, 1984, 33-6.
56. W. Charleton, Physiologia Epicuro-Gassendo-Charltoniana: Or a Fabrick of Science Natural, Upon the Hypothesis of Atoms, London, 1654, 226. On Charleton and his friendship with Brouncker, see L. G. Sharp, 'Walter Charleton's early life 1620-1651 and relationship to natural philosophy in mid-seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1973), 50, 311-40, especially 317. Brouncker's theory was mentioned in the context of Charleton's discussion of 'the Nature of Sound'; see Gouk, 'Music in ... the early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 39-44. On Brouncker's geometrical division of the scale, see D. P. Walker, 'Seventeenth-century scientists' views on intonation', in Studies in Musical Science in the Late Renaissance, London, 1978, 111-22; M. Lindley, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, 1984, 33-6.
57. J. Ward, Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, London, 174, 217-27; Webster, op. cit. (4), 81-5, 548-51; DNB.
58. J. Ward, Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, London, 174, 217-27; Webster, op. cit. (4), 81-5, 548-51; DNB.
59. Although they have never been found, 'Several music lectures' dating from 1650 are listed in The Petty Papers: Some Unpublished Writings of Sir William Petty edited from the Bowood Papers (ed. Marquis of Lansdowne), 2 vols., London, 1927, ii, 260-1. The dating suggests that Petty may have written these for his Gresham post.
60. On Petty's 'Memoria musicalis', for example, see Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University, bundle 71, no. 9, fol. 1, and 'Ephemerides', 1648, N 06, 07. This invention is described along with Petty's other musical writings in Gouk, 'Music in the ... early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 126-9. See also L. G. Sharp, 'Sir William Petty and some Aspects of Seventeenth-Century Natural Philosophy', Ph.D. thesis, University of Oxford, 1976.
61. On Petty's 'Memoria musicalis', for example, see Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University, bundle 71, no. 9, fol. 1, and 'Ephemerides', 1648, N 06, 07. This invention is described along with Petty's other musical writings in Gouk, 'Music in the ... early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 126-9. See also L. G. Sharp, 'Sir William Petty and some Aspects of Seventeenth-Century Natural Philosophy', Ph.D. thesis, University of Oxford, 1976.
62. In his Advice to W.P. to Mr Samuel Hartlib for the Advancement of some particular Parts of Learning (1648), Petty suggested that only the most gifted would learn languages and music. Yet in his Ergastula literaria (1649), a scheme to meet the educational requirements of all children, music was included on the grounds that like drawing it improved manual dexterity: Hartlib, 'Ephemerides', 1649, D-E4; Webster, op. cit., (4), 214.
63. In his Advice to W.P. to Mr Samuel Hartlib for the Advancement of some particular Parts of Learning (1648), Petty suggested that only the most gifted would learn languages and music. Yet in his Ergastula literaria (1649), a scheme to meet the educational requirements of all children, music was included on the grounds that like drawing it improved manual dexterity: Hartlib, 'Ephemerides', 1649, D-E4; Webster, op. cit., (4), 214.
64. Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University, bundle 49, no. 9, fol. 12, transcribed in Webster, op. cit. (4), 550.
65. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
66. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
67. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
68. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
69. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
70. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
71. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
72. 14F-H; T. Willis, De anima brutorum quae hominis vitalis ac sensitiva est, exercitationes duae, Oxford, Oxford 1672; idem, 'The anatomy of the brain and nerves' and 'Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes', in The Remaining Medical Works (ed. S. Pordage), London, 1683.
73. P. M. Gouk, 'Speculative and practical music in seventeenth-century England: Oxford University as a case study', in Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologica: Trasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale in Bologna, Bologna, 1987, iii, 199-205.
74. N. C. Carpenter, Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities, Norman, OK, 1958, provides a valuable European perspective on this whole subject, but for the English universities see pp. 76-92 (up to 1450) and pp. 153-210 (to 1600). For a discussion of Oxford in the sixteenth century, see also J. Caldwell, 'Music in the faculty of arts', in The History of the University of Oxford Volume III: The Collegiate University (ed. J. McConica), Oxford, 1986, 201-12. On the seventeenth century, see P. M. Gouk, 'Music', in History of the University of Oxford Volume IV: Seventeenth-Century Oxford, An Expanding University (ed. N. Tyacke), Oxford, forthcoming.
75. N. C. Carpenter, Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities, Norman, OK, 1958, provides a valuable European perspective on this whole subject, but for the English universities see pp. 76-92 (up to 1450) and pp. 153-210 (to 1600). For a discussion of Oxford in the sixteenth century, see also J. Caldwell, 'Music in the faculty of arts', in The History of the University of Oxford Volume III: The Collegiate University (ed. J. McConica), Oxford, 1986, 201-12. On the seventeenth century, see P. M. Gouk, 'Music', in History of the University of Oxford Volume IV: Seventeenth-Century Oxford, An Expanding University (ed. N. Tyacke), Oxford, forthcoming.
76. N. C. Carpenter, Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities, Norman, OK, 1958, provides a valuable European perspective on this whole subject, but for the English universities see pp. 76-92 (up to 1450) and pp. 153-210 (to 1600). For a discussion of Oxford in the sixteenth century, see also J. Caldwell, 'Music in the faculty of arts', in The History of the University of Oxford Volume III: The Collegiate University (ed. J. McConica), Oxford, 1986, 201-12. On the seventeenth century, see P. M. Gouk, 'Music', in History of the University of Oxford Volume IV: Seventeenth-Century Oxford, An Expanding University (ed. N. Tyacke), Oxford, forthcoming.
77. For examples of dispensations to omit the music lecture in the sixteenth century, see Carpenter, op. cit. (30), 155-6.
78. D. L. Wagner (ed.), The Seven Liberal Arts in the Middle Ages, Bloomington, 1983.
79. I. Barrow, The Usefulness of Mathematical Learning Explained and Demonstrated, London, 1734, 17-18. This was the English translation of his mathematical lectures given in Latin during 1664-66 and first published in 1685.
80. Gouk, op. cit. (30), 635.
81. A. M. S. Boethius, Fundamentals of Music, translated with introduction and notes by C. M. Bower, New Haven and London, 1989, 50-1 ('What a musician is').
82. Heather's original gift included a collection of portraits of musicians, stools, a harpsichord, a chest of viols and two sets of part books: M. Crum, 'Early lists of the Oxford music school collection', Music & Letters (1967), 48, 23-34. For developments in the Music School during the seventeenth century, see Gouk, op. cit. (30), 623-6.
83. Heather's original gift included a collection of portraits of musicians, stools, a harpsichord, a chest of viols and two sets of part books: M. Crum, 'Early lists of the Oxford music school collection', Music & Letters (1967), 48, 23-34. For developments in the Music School during the seventeenth century, see Gouk, op. cit. (30), 623-6.
84. For the impact of this struggle on English music, see Peter G. Le Huray, Music and the Reformation in England, 2nd edn, Cambridge, 1978.
85. N. Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, Volume 1, Cambridge, 1979, 1.
86. M. C. Boyd, Elizabethan Music and Musical Criticism, 2nd edn, Philadelphia, 1974, 13-36; Simon, op. cit. (8).
87. M. C. Boyd, Elizabethan Music and Musical Criticism, 2nd edn, Philadelphia, 1974, 13-36; Simon, op. cit. (8).
88. The best introduction to this subject still remains W. L. Woodfill, Musicians in English Society from Elizabeth to Charles I, Princeton, 1953. Although women played prominent roles as patrons, pupils and daughters of professional musicians (being of course excluded from this sphere themselves), relatively little attention has yet been paid to their role in the English musical market-place.
89. These included the cathedral schools of music (notably Westminster Abbey, Ely and Gloucester), the choral foundations at Cambridge (King's College, Pembroke College, Peterhouse and Trinity College), and above all the 'royal peculiars' of St George's Chapel, Windsor, and the Chapel Royal, Whitehall. For further details and bibliography on the Oxford foundations, see Gouk, op. cit. (30), 626-9.
90. For an impression of a chorister's educational experience, see E. Brennecke, John Milton the Elder and his Music, New York, 1973, 3-24 (A day at Christ Church').
91. At Oxford a bachelor of music was to have spent seven years in the study of music and to be familiar with Boethius's De musica. The degree entitled him to lecture at the university on this work for those taking the arts degree. A D.Mus. ostensibly required a further five years' study. In fact music degrees were essentially hallmarks of distinction for musicians who had already achieved fame in the field. C. F. A. Williams, A Short Historical Account of the Degrees in Music at Oxford and Cambridge with a Chronological List of Graduates in that Faculty from the year 1463, London and New York, 1893; R. Bray, 'Music and the quadrivium in early Tudor England', Music & Letters (1995), 76, 1-18.
92. At Oxford a bachelor of music was to have spent seven years in the study of music and to be familiar with Boethius's De musica. The degree entitled him to lecture at the university on this work for those taking the arts degree. A D.Mus. ostensibly required a further five years' study. In fact music degrees were essentially hallmarks of distinction for musicians who had already achieved fame in the field. C. F. A. Williams, A Short Historical Account of the Degrees in Music at Oxford and Cambridge with a Chronological List of Graduates in that Faculty from the year 1463, London and New York, 1893; R. Bray, 'Music and the quadrivium in early Tudor England', Music & Letters (1995), 76, 1-18.
93. See Gouk, op. cit. (30), 622; Williams, op. cit. (43), 75-83.
94. See Gouk, op. cit. (30), 622; Williams, op. cit. (43), 75-83.
95. This point is emphasized in W. Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual and Ideology, Oxford, 1992. On the King's Music, see A. Ashbee, Records of English Court Music 1558-1714, 6 vols., i-iv Snodland, 1986-91, v-vi Aldershot, 1991-92, and also P. Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers: The Violin at the English Court 1540-1690, Oxford, 1993.
96. This point is emphasized in W. Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual and Ideology, Oxford, 1992. On the King's Music, see A. Ashbee, Records of English Court Music 1558-1714, 6 vols., i-iv Snodland, 1986-91, v-vi Aldershot, 1991-92, and also P. Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers: The Violin at the English Court 1540-1690, Oxford, 1993.
97. This point is emphasized in W. Weber, The Rise of Musical Classics in Eighteenth-Century England: A Study in Canon, Ritual and Ideology, Oxford, 1992. On the King's Music, see A. Ashbee, Records of English Court Music 1558-1714, 6 vols., i-iv Snodland, 1986-91, v-vi Aldershot, 1991-92, and also P. Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers: The Violin at the English Court 1540-1690, Oxford, 1993.
98. E. F. Rimbault (ed.), The Old Cheque-Book or Book or Remembrance of the Chapel Royal from 1561 to 1744, New York, 1966; Le Huray, op. cit. (37), 57-89.
99. E. F. Rimbault (ed.), The Old Cheque-Book or Book or Remembrance of the Chapel Royal from 1561 to 1744, New York, 1966; Le Huray, op. cit. (37), 57-89.
100. H. A. F. Crewdson, The Worshipful Company of Musicians, London, 1950; Woodhill, op. cit. (40), 3-5 on London, 56-132 on provincial waits; J. Harley, Music in Purcell's London: The Social Background, London, 1968, 13-22.
101. H. A. F. Crewdson, The Worshipful Company of Musicians, London, 1950; Woodhill, op. cit. (40), 3-5 on London, 56-132 on provincial waits; J. Harley, Music in Purcell's London: The Social Background, London, 1968, 13-22.
102. H. A. F. Crewdson, The Worshipful Company of Musicians, London, 1950; Woodhill, op. cit. (40), 3-5 on London, 56-132 on provincial waits; J. Harley, Music in Purcell's London: The Social Background, London, 1968, 13-22.
103. John Baldwin, a city wait in 1603, was licensed for The Bell in 1604; Richard Burren, a city wait in 1628, was a licensed alehouse keeper in 1631. John Gerard, a university musician, was similarly licensed in 1629/30, and also had a music shop (location unknown) where he sold books and instruments. For further details of the city and university musicians see Gouk, op. cit. (30), 630-2.
104. For further details of this genre and its development by Prince Charles's musicians, see Holman, op. cit. (45), 211-24.
105. The classic account of these events and assessment of their impact is P. A. Scholes, The Puritans and Music in England and New England. A Contribution to the Cultural History of Two Nations, Oxford, 1934, repr. 1969.
106. On Wilson and Jeffries see the relevant entries in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (ed. S. Sadie), 20 vols., London, 1980.
107. A. Wood, Athenae Oxonienses (ed. P. Bliss), 4 vols., London, 1813-20, iii, cols. 350-1, and J. Wilson (ed.), Roger North on Music. Being a Selection From His Essays Written During the Years c. 1695-1728, London, 1959, 302-5, 351-2.
108. A. Wood, Athenae Oxonienses (ed. P. Bliss), 4 vols., London, 1813-20, iii, cols. 350-1, and J. Wilson (ed.), Roger North on Music. Being a Selection From His Essays Written During the Years c. 1695-1728, London, 1959, 302-5, 351-2.
109. Chilmead was a noted linguist, composer and an expert on Greek music theory. According to Hartlib, he was a rival candidate for the Gresham Music Professorship that Petty was awarded in 1650. On Chilmead's career and especially his natural philosophical interests, see M. Feingold and P. M. Gouk, 'An early critique of Bacon's Sylva sylvarum: Edmund Chilmead's "Treatise on Sound"', Annals of Science (1983), 40, 139-57.
110. According to J. Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music, 3 vols., London, 1875, ii, 71, Chilmead lived in the house once occupied by Thomas East, the Elizabethan printer of music; see D. W. Krummel, English Music Printing, 1553-1700, London, 1975, 19-20 and passim.
111. According to J. Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music, 3 vols., London, 1875, ii, 71, Chilmead lived in the house once occupied by Thomas East, the Elizabethan printer of music; see D. W. Krummel, English Music Printing, 1553-1700, London, 1975, 19-20 and passim.
112. M. Chan, 'A mid-seventeenth-century music meeting and Playford's publishing', in The Well Enchanting Skill: Music, Poetry and Drama in the Culture of the Renaissance. Essays in honour of F. W. Sternfeld (ed. J. Caldwell, E. Olleson and S. Wollenberg), Oxford, 1990, 231-44.
113. B. Bellingham, 'The musical circle of Anthony à Wood in Oxford during the Commonwealth and Restoration', Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America (1982), 19, 6-70, especially 36-8. Although Wood's account of these meetings dates only from the mid-1650s, it seems probable that Ellis started them several years earlier.
114. D. C. Price, Patrons and Musicians of the English Renaissance, Cambridge, 1981.
115. For further details, see Bellingham, op. cit. (56).
116. The catch, or round at the unison for three or more male voices (for example 'London's burning'), was popular in England between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The light-hearted words, generally sportive and often indecent, were appropriate for taverns where they were usually sung. See article in New Grove, op. cit. (51).
117. For example, Dean Henry Aldrich wrote several catches that were published in Henry Playford's The Pleasant Musical Companion (London, 1685) including one intended to be 'Sung by 4 Men while smoaking their pipes' ('Good, good indeed, the herb's good weed'). On Aldrich's musical interests, see below and note 65.
118. Quoted from Bellingham, op. cit. (56), 45.
119. Bellingham, op. cit. (56).
120. Wood, op. cit. (52), iv, col. 498. This is confirmed by Marsh's own account given in his Diary; see Archbishop Marsh Library, Dublin, MS Z2. 2. 3. b, fol. 9.
121. N. Marsh, 'Essay touching the sympathy between lute or viol strings', in R. Plot, Natural History of Oxfordshire, Oxford, 1677, 288-99; idem, 'An introductory essay to the doctrine of sounds, containing some proposals for the improval of acousticks; as it was presented to the Dublin Society Nov. 12 1683', Philosophical Transactions (1684), 14, 472-88; see also K. Hoppen, The Common Scientist in the Seventeenth Century: A Study of the Dublin Philosophical Society 1683-1708, London, 1970, 33-5, 126-7.
122. N. Marsh, 'Essay touching the sympathy between lute or viol strings', in R. Plot, Natural History of Oxfordshire, Oxford, 1677, 288-99; idem, 'An introductory essay to the doctrine of sounds, containing some proposals for the improval of acousticks; as it was presented to the Dublin Society Nov. 12 1683', Philosophical Transactions (1684), 14, 472-88; see also K. Hoppen, The Common Scientist in the Seventeenth Century: A Study of the Dublin Philosophical Society 1683-1708, London, 1970, 33-5, 126-7.
123. N. Marsh, 'Essay touching the sympathy between lute or viol strings', in R. Plot, Natural History of Oxfordshire, Oxford, 1677, 288-99; idem, 'An introductory essay to the doctrine of sounds, containing some proposals for the improval of acousticks; as it was presented to the Dublin Society Nov. 12 1683', Philosophical Transactions (1684), 14, 472-88; see also K. Hoppen, The Common Scientist in the Seventeenth Century: A Study of the Dublin Philosophical Society 1683-1708, London, 1970, 33-5, 126-7.
124. For a summary of this material, see W. G. Hiscock, Henry Aldrich of Christ Church, Oxford, 1960, 32-41, and Gouk, op. cit. (30), 637. For a detailed analysis of Mercator's treatise see Gouk, 'Music in the ... Early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 268-83.
125. For a summary of this material, see W. G. Hiscock, Henry Aldrich of Christ Church, Oxford, 1960, 32-41, and Gouk, op. cit. (30), 637. For a detailed analysis of Mercator's treatise see Gouk, 'Music in the ... Early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 268-83.
126. For a summary of this material, see W. G. Hiscock, Henry Aldrich of Christ Church, Oxford, 1960, 32-41, and Gouk, op. cit. (30), 637. For a detailed analysis of Mercator's treatise see Gouk, 'Music in the ... Early Royal Society', op. cit. (7), 268-83.
127. The vintner Thomas Wood had a dancing school at his High Street tavern in the early 1650s, while in 1652 his ex-apprentice John Newman set up a rival establishment in Ship Street. Gouk, op. cit. (30), 631.
128. P. Holman, op. cit. (45), 268-1, and 'Thomas Baltzar (?1631-1663), the "Incomparable Luciber" on the violin', Chelys (1984), 13, 3-38.
129. P. Holman, op. cit. (45), 268-1, and 'Thomas Baltzar (?1631-1663), the "Incomparable Luciber" on the violin', Chelys (1984), 13, 3-38.
130. These included four MAs from New College, two from All Souls (including Wood himself), and one from Magdalen College (Thomas Janes).
131. A. Clark (ed.), The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, Antiquary, of Oxford, 1632-1695, 4 vols., Oxford, 1891-1900, i, 204; quoted in Bellingham, op. cit. (56), 34.
132. A. Clark (ed.), The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, Antiquary, of Oxford, 1632-1695, 4 vols., Oxford, 1891-1900, i, 204; quoted in Bellingham, op. cit. (56), 34.
133. K. Dewhurst, John Locke (1632-1704) Physician and Philosopher, London, 1963, 12.
134. More colleges are represented, with four men from All Souls, two from Wadham, Corpus, Queen's and Christ Church, and one each from Oriel, Lincoln, Brasenose and New College. In 1659 Silas Taylor had a commission as a troop captain in the City of Westminster. Despite his position in the Parliamentarian army, Taylor was friendly with a number of Royalists and musicians (DNB). An accomplished composer and performer himself, Taylor's involvement with the Oxford meeting was probably through his brother Sylvanus, a fellow of All Souls who sang and played viol.
135. T. Mace, Musick's Monument; or a Remembrancer of the Best Practical Musick, both Divine, and Civil, that has ever been Known, to have been in the World, London, 1676, 236. A singing man at Trinity College, Mace was known to Newton (who was one of the subscribers to his book) and was a friend of several Cambridge Platonists. See the article in New Grove, op. cit. (51), and note 83 below.
136. T. Mace, Musick's Monument; or a Remembrancer of the Best Practical Musick, both Divine, and Civil, that has ever been Known, to have been in the World, London, 1676, 236. A singing man at Trinity College, Mace was known to Newton (who was one of the subscribers to his book) and was a friend of several Cambridge Platonists. See the article in New Grove, op. cit. (51), and note 83 below.
137. Holman, op. cit. (45), 267.
138. For an explanation of these systems, see Lindley, op. cit. (22), and also his article on 'Temperaments' in New Grove, op. cit. (51).
139. For an explanation of these systems, see Lindley, op. cit. (22), and also his article on 'Temperaments' in New Grove, op. cit. (51).
140. The problems of tuning and temperament were already being addressed by Italian music theorists in the sixteenth century, notably Gioseffo Zarlino and Vincenzo Galilei, Galileo's father. See C. V. Palisca, Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought, New Haven and London, 1985, 226-79. In the seventeenth century the subject also became of considerable interest to mathematicians and natural philosophers, most notably Marin Mersenne in his Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636). See Cohen, op. cit. (7), and Walker, op. cit. (22).
141. The problems of tuning and temperament were already being addressed by Italian music theorists in the sixteenth century, notably Gioseffo Zarlino and Vincenzo Galilei, Galileo's father. See C. V. Palisca, Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought, New Haven and London, 1985, 226-79. In the seventeenth century the subject also became of considerable interest to mathematicians and natural philosophers, most notably Marin Mersenne in his Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636). See Cohen, op. cit. (7), and Walker, op. cit. (22).
142. The problems of tuning and temperament were already being addressed by Italian music theorists in the sixteenth century, notably Gioseffo Zarlino and Vincenzo Galilei, Galileo's father. See C. V. Palisca, Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought, New Haven and London, 1985, 226-79. In the seventeenth century the subject also became of considerable interest to mathematicians and natural philosophers, most notably Marin Mersenne in his Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636). See Cohen, op. cit. (7), and Walker, op. cit. (22).
143. The problems of tuning and temperament were already being addressed by Italian music theorists in the sixteenth century, notably Gioseffo Zarlino and Vincenzo Galilei, Galileo's father. See C. V. Palisca, Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought, New Haven and London, 1985, 226-79. In the seventeenth century the subject also became of considerable interest to mathematicians and natural philosophers, most notably Marin Mersenne in his Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636). See Cohen, op. cit. (7), and Walker, op. cit. (22).
144. On Newton's recognition of this relationship, see P. M. Gouk, 'Newton and music: from the microcosm to the macrocosm', International Studies in the Philosophy of Science: The Dubrovnik Papers (1986), 1, 36-59, and 'Harmonic roots of Newtonian science', op. cit. (7).
145. On Newton's recognition of this relationship, see P. M. Gouk, 'Newton and music: from the microcosm to the macrocosm', International Studies in the Philosophy of Science: The Dubrovnik Papers (1986), 1, 36-59, and 'Harmonic roots of Newtonian science', op. cit. (7).
146. J. Wallis, 'On the trembling of consonant strings, a new musical discovery', Philosophical Transactions (1677), 12, 839-42; Marsh, 'Essay on sympathy', op. cit. (64).
147. J. Wallis, 'On the trembling of consonant strings, a new musical discovery', Philosophical Transactions (1677), 12, 839-42; Marsh, 'Essay on sympathy', op. cit. (64).
148. According to Wood, op. cit. (52), ii, col. 366-7, Pigott received his BA in 1675 and MA in 1678 before becoming vicar of Yarnton, Oxfordshire, in 1679; two years later he was admitted to the Royal Society. Apart from his musical interests Pigott was also involved with a group interested in universal language schemes; V. Salmon, The Writings of Francis Lodwick, London, 1972, 8, 19, 92.
149. According to Wood, op. cit. (52), ii, col. 366-7, Pigott received his BA in 1675 and MA in 1678 before becoming vicar of Yarnton, Oxfordshire, in 1679; two years later he was admitted to the Royal Society. Apart from his musical interests Pigott was also involved with a group interested in universal language schemes; V. Salmon, The Writings of Francis Lodwick, London, 1972, 8, 19, 92.
150. For example in Mersenne, op. cit. (75), vol. iii, bk 4, prop. ix. 208-11. See Dostrovsky, op cit. (7).
151. For example in Mersenne, op. cit. (75), vol. iii, bk 4, prop. ix. 208-11. See Dostrovsky, op cit. (7).
152. F. Robartes, 'A discourse concerning the musical notes of the trumpet, and trumpet marine, and of the defects of the same', Philosophical Transactions (1692), 17, 559-63; J. Sauveur, 'Système générale des intervalles des sons', Memoires de mathématique et de physique, présentés à l'Académie Royal des Sciences (1701), Paris, 1704. For further details, see Dostrovsky, op. cit. (7), 202-5, and J. T. Cannon and S. Dostrovsky, The Evolution of Dynamics: Vibration Theory from 1687 to 1742, New York, 1981.
153. F. Robartes, 'A discourse concerning the musical notes of the trumpet, and trumpet marine, and of the defects of the same', Philosophical Transactions (1692), 17, 559-63; J. Sauveur, 'Système générale des intervalles des sons', Memoires de mathématique et de physique, présentés à l'Académie Royal des Sciences (1701), Paris, 1704. For further details, see Dostrovsky, op. cit. (7), 202-5, and J. T. Cannon and S. Dostrovsky, The Evolution of Dynamics: Vibration Theory from 1687 to 1742, New York, 1981.
154. F. Robartes, 'A discourse concerning the musical notes of the trumpet, and trumpet marine, and of the defects of the same', Philosophical Transactions (1692), 17, 559-63; J. Sauveur, 'Système générale des intervalles des sons', Memoires de mathématique et de physique, présentés à l'Académie Royal des Sciences (1701), Paris, 1704. For further details, see Dostrovsky, op. cit. (7), 202-5, and J. T. Cannon and S. Dostrovsky, The Evolution of Dynamics: Vibration Theory from 1687 to 1742, New York, 1981.
155. F. Robartes, 'A discourse concerning the musical notes of the trumpet, and trumpet marine, and of the defects of the same', Philosophical Transactions (1692), 17, 559-63; J. Sauveur, 'Système générale des intervalles des sons', Memoires de mathématique et de physique, présentés à l'Académie Royal des Sciences (1701), Paris, 1704. For further details, see Dostrovsky, op. cit. (7), 202-5, and J. T. Cannon and S. Dostrovsky, The Evolution of Dynamics: Vibration Theory from 1687 to 1742, New York, 1981.
156. On Rameau's role as the founder of tonal harmonie theory, and its relationship to eighteenth-century science, see the excellent study by T. Christensen, Rameau and Musical Thought in the Enlightenment, Cambridge, 1993.
157. J. A. Bennett, 'The mechanic's philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1986), 35, 1-28.
158. After the Interregnum it is possible to demonstrate a similar kind of relationship between public music and public science in London. I have explored these parallels further in 'A Golden Age of English Music? Augustan London as a Site of Musical Production and Consumption', paper given at a conference on 'Clusters of Achievement': 'Antwerp, Amsterdam and London in their Golden Ages', Antwerp, May 1995.
159. A celebrated instance is provided by Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who in his Autobiography claims to have learned music 'that I might entertain myself at home and together refresh my mynde after my studyes to which I was exceedingly inclined'. For the musical education of the North family, see Wilson, op. cit. (52); A. Jessop (ed.), The Lines of the Norths, 3 vols., London, 1890; and also M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's Cursory Notes of Musicke (c. 1698 - c. 1703), Kensington, NSW, 1986; and M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's The Musical Grammarian 1728, Cambridge, 1990.
160. A celebrated instance is provided by Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who in his Autobiography claims to have learned music 'that I might entertain myself at home and together refresh my mynde after my studyes to which I was exceedingly inclined'. For the musical education of the North family, see Wilson, op. cit. (52); A. Jessop (ed.), The Lines of the Norths, 3 vols., London, 1890; and also M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's Cursory Notes of Musicke (c. 1698 - c. 1703), Kensington, NSW, 1986; and M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's The Musical Grammarian 1728, Cambridge, 1990.
161. A celebrated instance is provided by Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who in his Autobiography claims to have learned music 'that I might entertain myself at home and together refresh my mynde after my studyes to which I was exceedingly inclined'. For the musical education of the North family, see Wilson, op. cit. (52); A. Jessop (ed.), The Lines of the Norths, 3 vols., London, 1890; and also M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's Cursory Notes of Musicke (c. 1698 - c. 1703), Kensington, NSW, 1986; and M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's The Musical Grammarian 1728, Cambridge, 1990.
162. A celebrated instance is provided by Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who in his Autobiography claims to have learned music 'that I might entertain myself at home and together refresh my mynde after my studyes to which I was exceedingly inclined'. For the musical education of the North family, see Wilson, op. cit. (52); A. Jessop (ed.), The Lines of the Norths, 3 vols., London, 1890; and also M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's Cursory Notes of Musicke (c. 1698 - c. 1703), Kensington, NSW, 1986; and M. Chan and J. C. Kassler (eds.), Roger North's The Musical Grammarian 1728, Cambridge, 1990.
163. J. Crossley (ed.), The Diary and Correspondence of John Worthington, Chetham Society Publications 13, Manchester, 1847, 27, 29, 30; Mace, op. cit. (72), 236.
164. J. Crossley (ed.), The Diary and Correspondence of John Worthington, Chetham Society Publications 13, Manchester, 1847, 27, 29, 30; Mace, op. cit. (72), 236.