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Volumn 43, Issue 5, 1996, Pages 637-654

Health system reforms toward a framework for international comparisons

Author keywords

Health care reform; Health system reforms

Indexed keywords

ALIENATION; CONFERENCE PAPER; HEALTH CARE DELIVERY; HEALTH CARE POLICY; HUMAN; MARKET; MODEL;

EID: 0030222709     PISSN: 02779536     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/0277-9536(96)00151-7     Document Type: Conference Paper
Times cited : (35)

References (106)
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    • Space limitation prohibits more than the barest outline of these issues here. A fuller statement has been drafted by the author as a working paper for another project
    • 26. Space limitation prohibits more than the barest outline of these issues here. A fuller statement has been drafted by the author as a working paper for another project.
  • 29
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    • Disease refers to those biological events that reduce capacities or life expectancy. Illness refers to more subjective individual self-definitions of health status most often based on feeling states. Sickness is the socially defined health status based on capacities for participation in the social order [28]
    • 27. Disease refers to those biological events that reduce capacities or life expectancy. Illness refers to more subjective individual self-definitions of health status most often based on feeling states. Sickness is the socially defined health status based on capacities for participation in the social order [28].
  • 31
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    • There is reason to doubt that assertion. If one compares the administrative overhead of the U.S. national program of health insurance for the aged (Medicare) with that of private insurance companies, for example, the public system appears to be much more efficient. A recent report from the Federation of County Councils in Sweden showed that three traditional counties with publically planned medical care which were most successful in cost cutting outperformed the three counties using market reforms that cut their costs the most: [29A]
    • 29. There is reason to doubt that assertion. If one compares the administrative overhead of the U.S. national program of health insurance for the aged (Medicare) with that of private insurance companies, for example, the public system appears to be much more efficient. A recent report from the Federation of County Councils in Sweden showed that three traditional counties with publically planned medical care which were most successful in cost cutting outperformed the three counties using market reforms that cut their costs the most: [29A].
  • 33
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    • We wish it were needless to say that the exclusion of any theoretical perspective or any discipline on ideological grounds seriously undermines the scientific merit of any such investigation
    • 30. We wish it were needless to say that the exclusion of any theoretical perspective or any discipline on ideological grounds seriously undermines the scientific merit of any such investigation.
  • 34
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    • Indeed, in the past decade, some of the Scandinavian countries have actually succeeded in reducing the percentage of GDP spent on medical care
    • 31. Indeed, in the past decade, some of the Scandinavian countries have actually succeeded in reducing the percentage of GDP spent on medical care.
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    • The evidence is not yet complete as to whether there is a crisis that would satisfy Wallerstein's definition,.... the circumstance in which an historical system has evolved to the point where the cumulative effect of its internal contradictions make it impossible for the system to resolve its dilemmas by adjustments in its ongoing institutional patterns [33]. The term, however, is widely used and we adopt it in its more popular sense
    • 32. The evidence is not yet complete as to whether there is a crisis that would satisfy Wallerstein's definition,.... the circumstance in which an historical system has evolved to the point where the cumulative effect of its internal contradictions make it impossible for the system to resolve its dilemmas by adjustments in its ongoing institutional patterns [33]. The term, however, is widely used and we adopt it in its more popular sense.
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    • In other contexts, physicians may have lost autonomy, McKinlay, for example, argues that physicians, as they become salaried employees, become proletarianized [36]
    • 34. In other contexts, physicians may have lost autonomy, McKinlay, for example, argues that physicians, as they become salaried employees, become proletarianized [36].
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    • Indeed there does seem to be a growth in the number of Chiropractors in the U.S. and in their patronage. They have grown from a marginal occupation in the 1950s [39,40] to a position more in the mainstream today. They have successfully sued organized medicine to rescind the ban on co-operation between medicine and chiropractic
    • 38. Indeed there does seem to be a growth in the number of Chiropractors in the U.S. and in their patronage. They have grown from a marginal occupation in the 1950s [39,40] to a position more in the mainstream today. They have successfully sued organized medicine to rescind the ban on co-operation between medicine and chiropractic.
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    • In this, we follow the distinctions among disease, illness and sickness made in earlier work [42-44]
    • 41. In this, we follow the distinctions among disease, illness and sickness made in earlier work [42-44].
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    • In the same meaning as ascribed by Weber [46, cf. 40]
    • 45. In the same meaning as ascribed by Weber [46, cf. 40].
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    • Including North America
    • 47. Including North America.
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    • By community, we mean any geographically based collectivity that constitutes a population. People in any area can function at some level as a collectivity. Discussion of decision making in such a context is, of course, more complex the larger the population under consideration. Much of what is here referred to as community, is called the state in other literature. While I intend community to encompass the state, I do not wish to limit the definition to units that meet conditions of sovereignty and I do want to include smaller units of organization such as provinces, cities, villages, etc. There is another definition of community as a natural order based on tradition and including family, neighborhood, and kinship, what Habermaus called the life sphere [8]. That is not the meaning intended here
    • 48. By community, we mean any geographically based collectivity that constitutes a population. People in any area can function at some level as a collectivity. Discussion of decision making in such a context is, of course, more complex the larger the population under consideration. Much of what is here referred to as community, is called the state in other literature. While I intend community to encompass the state, I do not wish to limit the definition to units that meet conditions of sovereignty and I do want to include smaller units of organization such as provinces, cities, villages, etc. There is another definition of community as a natural order based on tradition and including family, neighborhood, and kinship, what Habermaus called the life sphere [8]. That is not the meaning intended here.
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    • In this type, I have been much influenced by discussions with Thomas Brante
    • 49. In this type, I have been much influenced by discussions with Thomas Brante.
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    • In different ways, each of the ideal types has already been discussed with reference to medical care organization. In the discussion of medical care, for example, Talcott Parsons [51, cf. 52-54] argued that the market was unsuitable for medical care organization. Given the importance of medicine for individuals and the vulnerability of the sick to exploitation, only a professional mode of organization that makes the patient's needs central would be appropriate. Other observers have discussed medicine as a market activity, with special emphasis on its putative superiority to communal modes of organization in providing a more efficient and cost-effective service [2-4, 6-9, 15, 17, 21]. Several observers have framed discussion of medical care changes in terms of a conflict between professional and market modes of organization, seeing the growing strengths of market modes of organization as a threat to professional modes [19, 20, 36, 55, 56]
    • 50. In different ways, each of the ideal types has already been discussed with reference to medical care organization. In the discussion of medical care, for example, Talcott Parsons [51, cf. 52-54] argued that the market was unsuitable for medical care organization. Given the importance of medicine for individuals and the vulnerability of the sick to exploitation, only a professional mode of organization that makes the patient's needs central would be appropriate. Other observers have discussed medicine as a market activity, with special emphasis on its putative superiority to communal modes of organization in providing a more efficient and cost-effective service [2-4, 6-9, 15, 17, 21]. Several observers have framed discussion of medical care changes in terms of a conflict between professional and market modes of organization, seeing the growing strengths of market modes of organization as a threat to professional modes [19, 20, 36, 55, 56].
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    • We omit, to accommodate space limitations, (e) identification of factors that enhance and diminish that mode vis-à-vis others (that is, that enhance or undermine its dominance)
    • 57. We omit, to accommodate space limitations, (e) identification of factors that enhance and diminish that mode vis-à-vis others (that is, that enhance or undermine its dominance).
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    • It is to be expected that neither the concept of fairness nor the criteria for judging what is fair in any instance will be uniform throughout any but the smallest and most homogeneous communities. Indeed, different standards in this regard are characteristic of different social classes and ethnic groups
    • 58. It is to be expected that neither the concept of fairness nor the criteria for judging what is fair in any instance will be uniform throughout any but the smallest and most homogeneous communities. Indeed, different standards in this regard are characteristic of different social classes and ethnic groups.
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    • Sociological approaches to the professions
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    • Emphasis in original. Brante was attempting a definition that avoided the naive definitions of the functionalist or the cynical definitions of the conflict theorists. He was also seeking a definition that would work as well in the European tradition of state employment for professionals as in the American tradition of the self-employed professional. Some theorists e.g. Freidson [62, cf. 12] have added that professionals are people who have been granted autonomy in the conduct of their occupational activities [63, p. 261]. Others have contended that the professional has formal technical training that has been validated with some provision to assure that the knowledge and skills are put to socially responsible uses [51, 64]. As Denzin [65] observed, it is not enough for individuals to have these characteristics. To be a profession, they must organize on that basis to have a claim to license and mandate for the exclusive practice of the occupation
    • 61. Emphasis in original. Brante was attempting a definition that avoided the naive definitions of the functionalist or the cynical definitions of the conflict theorists. He was also seeking a definition that would work as well in the European tradition of state employment for professionals as in the American tradition of the self-employed professional. Some theorists (e.g. Freidson [62, cf. 12] have added that professionals are people who have been granted autonomy in the conduct of their occupational activities [63, p. 261]. Others have contended that the professional has formal technical training that has been validated with some provision to assure that the knowledge and skills are put to socially responsible uses [51, 64]. As Denzin [65] observed, it is not enough for individuals to have these characteristics. To be a profession, they must organize on that basis to have a claim to license and mandate for the exclusive practice of the occupation.
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    • There is another dominance issue, that of the authority of different experts in the professional arena. There may be different disciplines with different bodies of expert knowledge and some real ambiguity regarding which might be most beneficial at a given time and place under given circumstances. It is the former, and not the latter, that most concerns us in this instance
    • 66. There is another dominance issue, that of the authority of different experts in the professional arena. There may be different disciplines with different bodies of expert knowledge and some real ambiguity regarding which might be most beneficial at a given time and place under given circumstances. It is the former, and not the latter, that most concerns us in this instance.
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    • Economic theory, however, is predicted on the model of the perfect market. Very little attention has been paid to the organization and effects of an imperfect market. This is not to say that economists have not studied imperfect markets, only that a theory of imperfect markets is still awaited. Among business interests, markets are often assumed, even when all of the stipulated conditions have been violated
    • 68. Economic theory, however, is predicted on the model of the perfect market. Very little attention has been paid to the organization and effects of an imperfect market. This is not to say that economists have not studied imperfect markets, only that a theory of imperfect markets is still awaited. Among business interests, markets are often assumed, even when all of the stipulated conditions have been violated.
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    • With the advent of the limited liability corporation owned by stockholders and controlled by a board of directors, the reality became quite different for most people in business. The major actors work for a salary. In the sense that managers sell their labor and do not control the means of production, management can be thought of as proletarianized. To the extent that they take financial risks, it is with other people's money, for which they are not personally responsible. Such people act as representatives of the organization, and to that extent might be considered professionals. Neither of these images should be pushed too far, but they do suggest that the actor as entrepreneur is not characteristic of firms in the market
    • 69. With the advent of the limited liability corporation owned by stockholders and controlled by a board of directors, the reality became quite different for most people in business. The major actors work for a salary. In the sense that managers sell their labor and do not control the means of production, management can be thought of as proletarianized. To the extent that they take financial risks, it is with other people's money, for which they are not personally responsible. Such people act as representatives of the organization, and to that extent might be considered professionals. Neither of these images should be pushed too far, but they do suggest that the actor as entrepreneur is not characteristic of firms in the market.
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    • 93. Particularly good summaries can be found in [14, 74].
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    • Wallerstein would presumably contend that medicine, based on scientific principles, is an aspect of world capitalism in this regard. See his essay, Typology of Crises in the World System in Ref. [33]
    • 95. Wallerstein would presumably contend that medicine, based on scientific principles, is an aspect of world capitalism in this regard. See his essay, Typology of Crises in the World System in Ref. [33], pp. 104-22.
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    • Jessop differentiates economic hegemony from economic domination and economic determination. The former occurs when one one fraction is able to impose its own particular economic-corporate interests on the other fractions regardless of their wishes and/or at their expense (p. 199). It is an exercise in power. The latter is not formally defined in Jessop's book. Economic hegemony, by contrast, derives from economic leadership won through general acceptance of an accumulation regime (p. 199)
    • 100. Jessop differentiates economic hegemony from economic domination and economic determination. The former occurs when one one fraction is able to impose its own particular economic-corporate interests on the other fractions regardless of their wishes and/or at their expense (p. 199). It is an exercise in power. The latter is not formally defined in Jessop's book. Economic hegemony, by contrast, derives from economic leadership won through general acceptance of an accumulation regime (p. 199).
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    • While one could argue that the accumulation regime supported by the US examples is the same, there are important differences in the degree to which Carter and Clinton, on the one hand, and Reagan and Gingrich on the other proposed to shift the costs of the project to the underclasses of the society. One could, of course, elaborate the examples to include the Swedish Social Democrats since 1982 and the more rapacious Bildt government of 1991-94 among others
    • 101. While one could argue that the accumulation regime supported by the US examples is the same, there are important differences in the degree to which Carter and Clinton, on the one hand, and Reagan and Gingrich on the other proposed to shift the costs of the project to the underclasses of the society. One could, of course, elaborate the examples to include the Swedish Social Democrats since 1982 and the more rapacious Bildt government of 1991-94 among others.


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