Guardian angel or global gangster: A review of the ethical claims of international society

Political Studies

Volumn 44, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 123-135

  Wheeler, Nicholas J ^a  

^a ABERYSTWYTH UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0030093941     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00761.x     Document Type: Review

References (81)

1. The author would like to express his considerable thanks to Ken Booth, Susie Carruthers, Robert Jackson, Richard Wyn Jones, Andrew Linklater, Justin Morris, Martin Shaw, Steve Smith and especially Timothy Dunne (who also suggested the title) for their many valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article.
2. Quoted in F. Jameson, Late Marxism: Adorno, or, the Persistence of the Dialectic (London, Verso, 1992), p. 66. am grateful to R. W. Jones for bringing this quotation to my attention. See his discussion of Adorno's ideas in his "Message in a bottle"? Theory and praxis in critical security studies', Contemporary Security Policy, 16 (1995), 299-319.
3. Quoted in F. Jameson, Late Marxism: Adorno, or, the Persistence of the Dialectic (London, Verso, 1992), p. 66. am grateful to R. W. Jones for bringing this quotation to my attention. See his discussion of Adorno's ideas in his "Message in a bottle"? Theory and praxis in critical security studies', Contemporary Security Policy, 16 (1995), 299-319.
4. The term is K. Booth's. See his 'Human wrongs and international relations', International Affairs, 71 (1995), 103-26.
5. The notion of international society or the society of states has a specialized meaning in the discipline of International Relations and is used by scholars to denote the existence of common interests and common values among states. The term 'international community' will not be used in this article but it is the term generally used by state leaders when they explain and justify their foreign policy decisions to domestic and international publics.
6. The idea of an international society tradition is developed in T. Dunne's 'International Relations Theory in Britain: the Invention of an International Society Tradition', D.Phil, thesis submitted to the University of Oxford, 1993. The term 'English school' is employed by international relations scholars to describe the writings of British theorists of international society. A valuable discussion of the idea that there is an English school can be found in P. Wilson. 'The English School of International Relations: a reply to Sheila Grader', Review of International Studies, 15 (1989), 49-58.
7. The idea of an international society tradition is developed in T. Dunne's 'International Relations Theory in Britain: the Invention of an International Society Tradition', D.Phil, thesis submitted to the University of Oxford, 1993. The term 'English school' is employed by international relations scholars to describe the writings of British theorists of international society. A valuable discussion of the idea that there is an English school can be found in P. Wilson. 'The English School of International Relations: a reply to Sheila Grader', Review of International Studies, 15 (1989), 49-58.
8. The critique of international society has been part of the general assault upon realist/statist approaches which has emanated from the so called 'third debate' or post-positivist debate in international relations. See J. George, Discourses of Global Politics: a Critical (Re) Introduction of International Relations (Boulder CO, Lynne Rienner, 1994).
9. M. Wight. 'Western values in International Relations' in H. Butterfield and M. Wight (eds), Diplomatic Investigations (London, Allen and Unwin, 1966), p. 13.
10. H. Bull, Justice in International Relations. The Hagey Lectures (Ontario University of Waterloo, 1984), p. 18.
11. Hedley Bull offers an extended discussion of the role of the great powers in The Anarchical Society. He identifies two fundamental roles for the great powers: first, they contribute to inter-state order by managing their own relations in an orderly manner, and second, they exploit their dominant position in relation to the rest of international society in such a way as to strengthen rather than weaken the society of states. See H. Bull, The Anarchical Society (London, Macmillan, 1977), pp. 200-29. Bull's idea of the great powers as 'great responsibles' is partly what I have in mind by the idea of 'guardian angel' but I am also using it to refer to the moral claims of the society of states as a whole.
12. R. Jackson, 'The political theory of international society' in K. Booth and S. Smith (eds), International Relations Theory Today (Cambridge, Polity, 1995), p. 115.
13. See M. Wight, International Theory: the Three Traditions (Leicester University Press/Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1991).
14. Jackson, The political theory of international society', pp. 115-6.
15. R. Jackson, 'Martin Wight, international theory and the good life', Millennium, 19 (1990), p. 264.
16. Quoted in Bull, 'The Grotian conception of international society' in H. Butterfield and M. Wight (eds), Diplomatic Investigations (London, Allen and Unwin, 1966), p. 53. Andrew Hurrell argues that 'the subjective sense of being bound by a community' underpins Bull's definition of international society. See his 'International society and regimes' in V. Rittberger (ed.), Regime Theory and International Relations (Oxford, Clarendon, 1993), p. 63.
17. Quoted in Bull, 'The Grotian conception of international society' in H. Butterfield and M. Wight (eds), Diplomatic Investigations (London, Allen and Unwin, 1966), p. 53. Andrew Hurrell argues that 'the subjective sense of being bound by a community' underpins Bull's definition of international society. See his 'International society and regimes' in V. Rittberger (ed.), Regime Theory and International Relations (Oxford, Clarendon, 1993), p. 63.
18. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p. 111.
19. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', pp. 116-7.
20. Where realists point to the zero-sum nature of security, theorists of international society show how 'it can be enjoyed or pursued in common'. Quoted in Wight, 'Western values in international relations', p. 103.
21. See R. J. Vincent, 'Order in international politics' in J. D. B. Miller and R. J. Vincent (eds), Order and Violence (Oxford, Clarendon, 1990), p. 43.
22. Bull, The Anarchical Society, p. 22. On page 20 of The Anarchical Society Bull defines world order as 'those patterns or dispositions of human activity that sustain the elementary or primary goals of social life among mankind as a whole'. For Bull, these goals are the limitation of violence, the stability of possessions and the honouring of promises. Again, on page 18 of Justice in International Relations Bull writes that '[w]hat is ultimately important has to be reckoned in terms of the rights and interests of the individual persons of whom humanity is made up, not the rights and interests of the states into which these persons are now divided'.
23. The 'egg-box' conception of international society is discussed in R. J. Vincent, Human Rights and International Relations (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 123.
24. Jackson, 'Martin Wight, international theory and the good life', p. 267.
25. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p. 117.
26. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p. 118.
27. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p. 118.
28. See C. Hill, 'Obituary: R. J. Vincent (1943-90)', Political Studies, 39 (1991), 159.
29. Vincent recognizes that different cultures have different conceptions of human rights but wants to argue that the idea of 'basic rights' puts 'a floor under the societies of the world and not a ceiling over them. From the floor up is the business of the several societies'. Quoted in Vincent, Human Rights and International Relations, p. 126.
30. T. Dunne, 'International society: theoretical promises fulfilled', Cooperation and Conflict, 30 (1995), 137-40. Following Chris Brown's recent suggestion, Dunne uses critical with a small 'c' to differentiate his use of critical theory from that of the big 'C' and 'T' of the Frankfurt School. For elaboration of this see C. Brown, Turtles all the way down': anti-foundationalism, critical theory and international relations'. Millennium, 23 (1994), 214.
31. T. Dunne, 'International society: theoretical promises fulfilled', Cooperation and Conflict, 30 (1995), 137-40. Following Chris Brown's recent suggestion, Dunne uses critical with a small 'c' to differentiate his use of critical theory from that of the big 'C' and 'T' of the Frankfurt School. For elaboration of this see C. Brown, Turtles all the way down': anti-foundationalism, critical theory and international relations'. Millennium, 23 (1994), 214.
32. Dunne, 'International society: theoretical promises fulfilled', pp. 138-9. He suggests that in addition to Linklater, writers such as Philip Allott, Andrew Hurrell, Ole Waever, N. J. Rengger and Martin Griffiths could be thought of as critical international society theorists.
33. A. Linklater, Beyond Realism and Marxism: Critical Theory and International Relations (London, Macmillan, 1990), pp. 15-20 and A. Linklater, 'Rationalism' in S. Burchill (ed.), Theories of International Relations (London, Macmillan, forthcoming 1996).
34. A. Linklater, Beyond Realism and Marxism: Critical Theory and International Relations (London, Macmillan, 1990), pp. 15-20 and A. Linklater, 'Rationalism' in S. Burchill (ed.), Theories of International Relations (London, Macmillan, forthcoming 1996).
35. Linklater, 'Rationalism'.
36. Linklater, 'Rationalism'. This is also a core theme in Dunne's analysis of critical international society theory.
37. In claiming that the ethics of international society can be developed and enriched through , dialogue with the critical turn in social and political theory, Linklater draws on Jurgen Habermas's notion of the 'ideal speech' situation, seeing moral progress as dependent upon a conversation where 'all human beings have an equal right to take part' and where the subject of dialogue is the ethical principles that will balance the claims of cultural diversity with those of the achievement of the world common good. See A. Linklater, 'The achievements of critical theory' in M. Zalewski, K. Booth and S. Smith (eds), Ater Positivism (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 1996).
38. The concept of the 'good international citizen' was first employed by Australian Foreign Minister, Gareth Evans, in his writings on Australian foreign policy. The 'good international citizen' is a state which develops an ethical foreign policy which maintains the national interest, preserves the society of states and strengthens the community of humankind. See A. Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen?' in P. Keal (ed.), Ethics and Foreign Policy (Canberra Allen and Unwin, 1992), pp. 21-43.
39. Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 38. Bull argued that if liberal states are true to their values and moral premises, 'some degree of commitment to the cause of individual human rights on a world scale must follow'. However, having exhibited this cosmopolitanist sentiment, Bull expressed his concern that particular states setting themselves up as judges of what constituted human rights would be a menace to international order. See Bull, Justice in International Relations, pp. 13-4. Linklater is sensitive to this criticism but argues that the risks of 'cultural imperialism and excessive intervention' will be lessened if states act where there is an international consensus. See Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 39.
40. Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 38. Bull argued that if liberal states are true to their values and moral premises, 'some degree of commitment to the cause of individual human rights on a world scale must follow'. However, having exhibited this cosmopolitanist sentiment, Bull expressed his concern that particular states setting themselves up as judges of what constituted human rights would be a menace to international order. See Bull, Justice in International Relations, pp. 13-4. Linklater is sensitive to this criticism but argues that the risks of 'cultural imperialism and excessive intervention' will be lessened if states act where there is an international consensus. See Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 39.
41. Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 38. Bull argued that if liberal states are true to their values and moral premises, 'some degree of commitment to the cause of individual human rights on a world scale must follow'. However, having exhibited this cosmopolitanist sentiment, Bull expressed his concern that particular states setting themselves up as judges of what constituted human rights would be a menace to international order. See Bull, Justice in International Relations, pp. 13-4. Linklater is sensitive to this criticism but argues that the risks of 'cultural imperialism and excessive intervention' will be lessened if states act where there is an international consensus. See Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 39.
42. The importance of domestic principles of legitimacy in shaping principles of international legitimacy is explored in M. Wight's essay on 'international legitimacy' in H. Bull (ed.), Systems of States (Leicester, Leicester University Press, 1977), pp. 153-74. It is also emphasized in Vincent's study of human rights.
43. Linklater, 'What is a good international citizen', p. 37.
44. K. Booth, 'Duty and prudence' in L. Freedman (ed.), Military Intervention in European Conflicts (Oxford, Blackwell, 1994), p. 57.
45. Booth, 'Duty and prudence', p. 57.
46. Booth, 'Duty and prudence', pp. 58-9.
47. Booth, 'Duty and prudence', p. 58.
48. F. Halliday, Rethinking International Relations (London, Macmillan, 1994), p. 102.
49. Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, p. 102.
50. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p.117.
51. Booth, 'Human wrongs and international relations', p. 108.
52. Linklater, 'The good international citizen', pp. 28-9.
53. Andrew Hurrell argues that we need empirical work to examine how the 'subjective sense of being bound . . . plays out within the policy-making process', and suggest that we should build upon Louis Henkin's path-breaking work which explores the importance of legal rules and principles in the domestic formulation of foreign policy. See Hurrell, 'International society and regimes', pp. 70-1. Also see L. Henkin's, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy (New York, 1979).
54. Andrew Hurrell argues that we need empirical work to examine how the 'subjective sense of being bound . . . plays out within the policy-making process', and suggest that we should build upon Louis Henkin's path-breaking work which explores the importance of legal rules and principles in the domestic formulation of foreign policy. See Hurrell, 'International society and regimes', pp. 70-1. Also see L. Henkin's, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy (New York, 1979).
55. See Bull, The Anarchical Society, pp. 127-62; Henkin, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy; T. M. Franck, The Power of Legitimacy Among Nations (New York, 1990) and Hurrell, 'International society and regimes'.
56. See Bull, The Anarchical Society, pp. 127-62; Henkin, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy; T. M. Franck, The Power of Legitimacy Among Nations (New York, 1990) and Hurrell, 'International society and regimes'.
57. See Bull, The Anarchical Society, pp. 127-62; Henkin, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy; T. M. Franck, The Power of Legitimacy Among Nations (New York, 1990) and Hurrell, 'International society and regimes'.
58. See Bull, The Anarchical Society, pp. 127-62; Henkin, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy; T. M. Franck, The Power of Legitimacy Among Nations (New York, 1990) and Hurrell, 'International society and regimes'.
59. H. Bull, 'The twenty years' crisis thirty years on', International Journal, 42 (1969) 630.
60. Bull, 'The twenty years crisis thirty years on', p. 630.
61. A. Hurrell, 'Collective security and international order revisited', International Relations, 11 (1992), 49.
62. M. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations (Cambridge, Polity, 1994), pp. 132-3.
63. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations, p. 180.
64. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations, p. 183.
65. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', pp. 122-3.
66. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p. 123.
67. Jackson, 'Political theory of international society', p. 123.
68. See Booth, 'Human wrongs and international relations', pp. 122-4.
69. See R. Jackson, Quasi-states: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993).
70. Remembering that at the heart of Jackson's theory is the proposition that constitutional state leaders are capable of moral responsibility and are not simply serving selfish private interests, it is clear that he would find alien neo-Marxist theories of the state as a set of coercive institutions protecting the interest of dominant political and economic élites. In his work on 'quasi-state', Jacksons' reject neo-Marxist explanations for 'ignoring the significance of sovereignty and legal institutions' which he blames on its 'socioeconomic determinism'. See Jackson, Quasi-states: Sovereignty, International Relations and International Relations, p. 125.
71. Vincent, Human Rights and International Relations, p. 179.
72. Booth, 'Duty and prudence', p. 73.
73. Andrew Linklater calls for Marxist insights to be integrated into a critical theory of international relations in his Beyond Realism and Marxism: Critical Theory and International Relations (London, Macmillan, 1990). The challenge to Linklater is to show how 'critical international society' theory can be integrate with theories of historical materialism.
74. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations pp. 173-6.
75. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations, p. 174.
76. Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, p. 239.
77. Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, p. 238.
78. Bull, Justice in International Relations, p. 14.
79. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations, pp. 132-5.
80. Andrew Hurrell employs a similar formulation in his discussion of the states system and environment degradation. See his 'A crisis of ecological viability? Global environmental chance and the nation state', Political Studies, 42 (1994), 165.
81. The term is Richard Falk's. See his 'The lesson of Bosnia', The UN War (special issue of the Balkan war report of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting, September, 1994), p. 27.