The political saliency of language in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh

Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics

Volumn 34, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 1-18

  Sonntag, Selma K ^a  

^a HUMBOLDT STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMPARATIVE STUDY; LANGUAGE; POLITICAL CONFLICT; POLITICAL POWER;

INDIA, BIHAR; INDIA, UTTAR PRADESH;

EID: 0029856458     PISSN: 03063631     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14662049608447722     Document Type: Article

References (142)

1. David S. Broder, 'Dole climbs aboard the drive to make English "official"', The Washington Post National Weekly Edition (Washington, DC), 11-17 Sept. 1995, 13.
2. Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism (New Delhi: Sage, 1991), 119.
3. See Selma K. Sonntag, 'Political Science and Contact Linguistics', in H. Goebl, P.H. Neide, Z. Stary and W. Wolck (eds.), Contact Linguistics: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1996); Saul Newman, 'Does Modernization Breed Ethnic Political Conflict?', World Politics, 43 (1991), 451-78.
4. See Selma K. Sonntag, 'Political Science and Contact Linguistics', in H. Goebl, P.H. Neide, Z. Stary and W. Wolck (eds.), Contact Linguistics: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1996); Saul Newman, 'Does Modernization Breed Ethnic Political Conflict?', World Politics, 43 (1991), 451-78.
5. William R. Beer, 'Toward a Theory of Linguistic Mobilization', in W. Beer and J. Jacob (eds.), Language Policy and National Unity (Totowa: Rowman & Allanheld, 1985), 217-35.
6. India has been fertile ground for subaltern studies which attempt to alter the dominant historical discourse by injecting the (largely unwritten) history of the subordinate masses. See Ranajit Guha (ed.), Subaltern Studies (Delhi, 1982-89).
7. 'Salient' is defined in dictionaries as 'prominent' or 'conspicuous'. In the analysis offered here, a high degree of saliency means that language issues figure regularly and prominently on the political agenda. The latter includes policy activity (for example, legislation), government pronouncements, direct political action (demonstrations, strikes, riots), electoral propaganda and media coverage.
8. Adam Przeworski et al., 'The Role of Theory in Comparative Politics: A Symposium', World Politics, 48, 1 (1995), 17.
9. Although it may be argued that partition affected UP more severely than Bihar, both states form part of the same historical-cultural Hindi heartland. Some suggest that Bihar is more linguistic, or at least dialectally, diverse than UP given that Maithili, Bhojpuri, Magadhi, and so on are spoken as mother tongues, but, as Ashis Banerjee (Is U.P. viable?', Seminar 432 (1995), 39) notes, UP also has great dialectal variation. And while Bihar may be poorer than UP, both states are among the most economically backward in India.
10. Peter Evans et al., 'The Role of Theory in Comparative Politics: A Symposium', World Politics, 48, 1 (1995), 4.
11. See AS, 'Language Muddle', Economic and Political Weekly, 15, 8 (20 Sept. 1980), 1580-81. This is similar to the (lack of) impact of the 1986 amendment to the California state constitution making English the official language of the state.
12. 'I.K. Gujral on the Story of His Report on Urdu, Seminar, April, 1987', Muslim India, 54 (June 1987), 257. The preference for a more concrete and less symbolic Urdu policy was expressed by Urdu supporters in personal interviews in Nov. 1993 in Lucknow and Jan. 1994 in New Delhi; see also Muslim India (Sept. 1984), 430. I.K. Gujral made the same argument himself in 1984; '"Controversy will hamper promotion of Urdu"', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 April 1984. Paul R. Brass (The Politics of India since Independence, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 156-9) also notes this argument at the end of his discussion of The status of the Urdu language'. In this discussion Brass tends to assume that Bihar and UP are similar if not identical in their treatment of Urdu in the 1980s, a position with which I disagree.
13. 'I.K. Gujral on the Story of His Report on Urdu, Seminar, April, 1987', Muslim India, 54 (June 1987), 257. The preference for a more concrete and less symbolic Urdu policy was expressed by Urdu supporters in personal interviews in Nov. 1993 in Lucknow and Jan. 1994 in New Delhi; see also Muslim India (Sept. 1984), 430. I.K. Gujral made the same argument himself in 1984; '"Controversy will hamper promotion of Urdu"', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 April 1984. Paul R. Brass (The Politics of India since Independence, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 156-9) also notes this argument at the end of his discussion of The status of the Urdu language'. In this discussion Brass tends to assume that Bihar and UP are similar if not identical in their treatment of Urdu in the 1980s, a position with which I disagree.
14. 'I.K. Gujral on the Story of His Report on Urdu, Seminar, April, 1987', Muslim India, 54 (June 1987), 257. The preference for a more concrete and less symbolic Urdu policy was expressed by Urdu supporters in personal interviews in Nov. 1993 in Lucknow and Jan. 1994 in New Delhi; see also Muslim India (Sept. 1984), 430. I.K. Gujral made the same argument himself in 1984; '"Controversy will hamper promotion of Urdu"', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 April 1984. Paul R. Brass (The Politics of India since Independence, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 156-9) also notes this argument at the end of his discussion of The status of the Urdu language'. In this discussion Brass tends to assume that Bihar and UP are similar if not identical in their treatment of Urdu in the 1980s, a position with which I disagree.
15. 'I.K. Gujral on the Story of His Report on Urdu, Seminar, April, 1987', Muslim India, 54 (June 1987), 257. The preference for a more concrete and less symbolic Urdu policy was expressed by Urdu supporters in personal interviews in Nov. 1993 in Lucknow and Jan. 1994 in New Delhi; see also Muslim India (Sept. 1984), 430. I.K. Gujral made the same argument himself in 1984; '"Controversy will hamper promotion of Urdu"', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 April 1984. Paul R. Brass (The Politics of India since Independence, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 156-9) also notes this argument at the end of his discussion of The status of the Urdu language'. In this discussion Brass tends to assume that Bihar and UP are similar if not identical in their treatment of Urdu in the 1980s, a position with which I disagree.
16. AS, 'Language Muddle'; 'Urdu made second official language', The Indian Nation (Patna), 20 Nov. 1980, 1.
17. AS, 'Language Muddle'; 'Urdu made second official language', The Indian Nation (Patna), 20 Nov. 1980, 1.
18. Paul R. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics in North India (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 269.
19. Interview with members of Chetna Samiti, a Maithili-language organisation, Patna, 8 Oct. 1993. Brass (Language, Religion and Politics, 51-2, 93)
20. notes that although north Bihar (which includes Mithilanchal, an administrative term that is increasingly used to designate ancient Mithila) is more economically and socially backward than the rest of the state, it has a higher voter turn-out. AS ('Language Muddle', 1580) notes the 'political power of [the Maithili] regional elite'. The question of whether Maithili is a language specific to Maithili Brahmins or is spoken by all castes in Mithilanchal is still widely debated in Bihar, with a large dose of politics influencing one's assessment. For example, Ghulam Sarwar, Speaker of the Assembly, and a Janata Dal Muslim representing a district in Mithilanchal, claimed that his non-Brahmin constituents speak Hindi or a non-Maithili dialect (interview with Ghulam Sarwar, Patna, 9 Oct. 1993). This is the position taken as well by his boss, Lallu Prasad Yadav, as will be discussed further in this article. The Director of the A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, a think-tank closely linked with the current Janata Dal state government, himself a non-Brahmin Maithili speaker, claims that Maithili is the common dialect throughout the region (conversation with M.N. Kama, Patna, 13 Oct. 1993).
21. The Indian Nation (Patna), 12 Dec. 1980,3; 4 Dec. 1980,4; 13 Dec. 1980; 22 Dec. 1980,4; AS, 'Language Muddle'.
22. Francine R. Frankel, 'Caste, Land and Dominance in Bihar', in F. Frankel and M.S.A. Rao (eds.), Dominance and State Power in Modern India, Vol. 1 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), 105. See also PN. Ojha (gen. ed.), History of Indian National Congress in Bihar 1885-1895 (Patna: K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute, 1985), 802-13.
23. Francine R. Frankel, 'Caste, Land and Dominance in Bihar', in F. Frankel and M.S.A. Rao (eds.), Dominance and State Power in Modern India, Vol. 1 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), 105. See also PN. Ojha (gen. ed.), History of Indian National Congress in Bihar 1885-1895 (Patna: K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute, 1985), 802-13.
24. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 260-72. It was the role of the Jana Sangh in the non-Congress coalition governments in the late 1960s in Bihar and UP that Brass contrasts in explaining the differing effect of coalition patterns on the Urdu issue in each state.
25. 'Smooth passage for Urdu Bill', The Indian Nation (Patna), 20 Dec. 1980, 1. When asked what was the biggest difference between 1967 and 1980 in regard to the Urdu issue, Ghulam Sarwar (who was very involved in 1967; see Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 243-4) immediately pointed to the obstructionist position taken by the Jana Sangh in 1967 compared to the virtual inactivity of the BJP (the successor to the Jana Sangh) on the issue in 1980 (interview with Ghulam Sarwar, Patna, 9 Oct. 1993).
26. 'Smooth passage for Urdu Bill', The Indian Nation (Patna), 20 Dec. 1980, 1. When asked what was the biggest difference between 1967 and 1980 in regard to the Urdu issue, Ghulam Sarwar (who was very involved in 1967; see Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 243-4) immediately pointed to the obstructionist position taken by the Jana Sangh in 1967 compared to the virtual inactivity of the BJP (the successor to the Jana Sangh) on the issue in 1980 (interview with Ghulam Sarwar, Patna, 9 Oct. 1993).
27. The Indian Nation (Patna), 18/19/20 Dec. 1980, 1; 'Bihar CPM backs stir on farmers' dues', Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 6 Jan. 1981, 5. For numbers dead in 1967, see Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 261.
28. The Indian Nation (Patna), 18/19/20 Dec. 1980, 1; 'Bihar CPM backs stir on farmers' dues', Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 6 Jan. 1981, 5. For numbers dead in 1967, see Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 261.
29. The Indian Nation (Patna), 18/19/20 Dec. 1980, 1; 'Bihar CPM backs stir on farmers' dues', Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 6 Jan. 1981, 5. For numbers dead in 1967, see Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 261.
30. The Indian Nation (Patna), 10 Dec. 1980, 1; 12 Dec. 1980, 1.
31. The Indian Nation (Patna), 13 Dec. 1980.
32. 'Urdu Bill Okayed', The Indian Nation (Patna), 20 Dec. 1980, 4. I am grateful to the audience at a talk I gave at the Centre of Linguistics and English, School of Language, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 21 Jan. 1994, for reminding me of the importance of this.
33. Atul Kohli, Democracy and Discontent (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 215.
34. Upendra Mishra, Caste and Politics in India (New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1986), 249.
35. According to The Indian Nation (Patna), 25 Dec. 1980, Home Minister Zail Singh claimed that Bihar had not consulted the centre before declaring Urdu the second official language in 1980. On the other hand, Khaliq Anjum, General Secretary of the Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind), told me in an interview (New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994) that in 1980 a high-ranking Muslim in the Home Ministry informed Anjum that Mrs Gandhi wanted to declare Urdu the second official language in one of the two states promised in the Congress(I) 1980 manifesto, that is, either Bihar or UP, and asked Anjum's opinion on which of these two. Anjum responded that Bihar would be the better choice because the issue would be too controversial and would be perceived in communal terms in UP. So, according to Anjum, Mrs Gandhi ordered Jagannath Mishra to declare second official language status for Urdu. That Jagannath Mishra was able personally to reap the benefits of the decision is apparent in the extent to which Urdu organisations feted him and continue to do so, as well as, more anecdotally, the extent to which advocates of the Urdu cause whom I interviewed imparted admirable qualities to Mishra and credited him for the decision. Even an adversary such as Ghulam Sarwar admitted in an interview (Patna, 9 Oct. 1993) that Jagannath Mishra deserved credit. When, in 1989, Bihar Chief Minister S.N. Sinha tried to gain political mileage out of extending the 1980 Urdu legislation to all districts in Bihar, political in-fighting within Congress(I) broke out between him and Jagannath Mishra over who rightly deserved credit. See 'Cong(I) men use Urdu to knife each other', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Oct. 1989; 'Bihar Cong-I joins Urdu bandwagon', The Statesman (Calcutta), 30 Sept. 1989.
36. According to The Indian Nation (Patna), 25 Dec. 1980, Home Minister Zail Singh claimed that Bihar had not consulted the centre before declaring Urdu the second official language in 1980. On the other hand, Khaliq Anjum, General Secretary of the Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind), told me in an interview (New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994) that in 1980 a high-ranking Muslim in the Home Ministry informed Anjum that Mrs Gandhi wanted to declare Urdu the second official language in one of the two states promised in the Congress(I) 1980 manifesto, that is, either Bihar or UP, and asked Anjum's opinion on which of these two. Anjum responded that Bihar would be the better choice because the issue would be too controversial and would be perceived in communal terms in UP. So, according to Anjum, Mrs Gandhi ordered Jagannath Mishra to declare second official language status for Urdu. That Jagannath Mishra was able personally to reap the benefits of the decision is apparent in the extent to which Urdu organisations feted him and continue to do so, as well as, more anecdotally, the extent to which advocates of the Urdu cause whom I interviewed imparted admirable qualities to Mishra and credited him for the decision. Even an adversary such as Ghulam Sarwar admitted in an interview (Patna, 9 Oct. 1993) that Jagannath Mishra deserved credit. When, in 1989, Bihar Chief Minister S.N. Sinha tried to gain political mileage out of extending the 1980 Urdu legislation to all districts in Bihar, political in-fighting within Congress(I) broke out between him and Jagannath Mishra over who rightly deserved credit. See 'Cong(I) men use Urdu to knife each other', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Oct. 1989; 'Bihar Cong-I joins Urdu bandwagon', The Statesman (Calcutta), 30 Sept. 1989.
37. According to The Indian Nation (Patna), 25 Dec. 1980, Home Minister Zail Singh claimed that Bihar had not consulted the centre before declaring Urdu the second official language in 1980. On the other hand, Khaliq Anjum, General Secretary of the Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind), told me in an interview (New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994) that in 1980 a high-ranking Muslim in the Home Ministry informed Anjum that Mrs Gandhi wanted to declare Urdu the second official language in one of the two states promised in the Congress(I) 1980 manifesto, that is, either Bihar or UP, and asked Anjum's opinion on which of these two. Anjum responded that Bihar would be the better choice because the issue would be too controversial and would be perceived in communal terms in UP. So, according to Anjum, Mrs Gandhi ordered Jagannath Mishra to declare second official language status for Urdu. That Jagannath Mishra was able personally to reap the benefits of the decision is apparent in the extent to which Urdu organisations feted him and continue to do so, as well as, more anecdotally, the extent to which advocates of the Urdu cause whom I interviewed imparted admirable qualities to Mishra and credited him for the decision. Even an adversary such as Ghulam Sarwar admitted in an interview (Patna, 9 Oct. 1993) that Jagannath Mishra deserved credit. When, in 1989, Bihar Chief Minister S.N. Sinha tried to gain political mileage out of extending the 1980 Urdu legislation to all districts in Bihar, political in-fighting within Congress(I) broke out between him and Jagannath Mishra over who rightly deserved credit. See 'Cong(I) men use Urdu to knife each other', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Oct. 1989; 'Bihar Cong-I joins Urdu bandwagon', The Statesman (Calcutta), 30 Sept. 1989.
38. 'Jagannath Mishra: Solving Other's Problems', India Today, 15 Feb. 1994, 35; Harry W. Blair, 'Local Support Bases and the Ninth General Election in Bihar and Maharashtra', in Harold A. Could and Sumit Ganguly (eds.), India Votes (San Francisco: Westview Press, 1993), 51.
39. 'Jagannath Mishra: Solving Other's Problems', India Today, 15 Feb. 1994, 35; Harry W. Blair, 'Local Support Bases and the Ninth General Election in Bihar and Maharashtra', in Harold A. Could and Sumit Ganguly (eds.), India Votes (San Francisco: Westview Press, 1993), 51.
40. Interview with Nil Ratan, political scientist at A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna, 27 Sept. 1993.
41. 'Cover Story: The Aftermath: All Eyes on Mrs Gandhi', India Today, V, 13 (1-15 July 1980), 57.
42. G.S. Bhargava, 'Vishwanath Pratap Singh: A Thumbnail Sketch', in G.S. Bhargava (ed.), Perestroika in India: V.P. Singh's Prime Ministership (New Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1990), 33.
43. 'Second language status for Urdu by Dec 31 : UP CM', Indian Express (New Delhi), 30 Dec. 1981; 'UP ordinance on Urdu withheld', Indian Express (New Delhi), 1 Jan. 1982; 'UP ordinance on Urdu', Indian Express (New Delhi), 10 April 1982. V.P. Singh had claimed privately that the PM and the centre had been preventing him from acting on his promises regarding Urdu all along (interview with Ram Lall, Lucknow, 28 Nov. 1993).
44. 'Second language status for Urdu by Dec 31 : UP CM', Indian Express (New Delhi), 30 Dec. 1981; 'UP ordinance on Urdu withheld', Indian Express (New Delhi), 1 Jan. 1982; 'UP ordinance on Urdu', Indian Express (New Delhi), 10 April 1982. V.P. Singh had claimed privately that the PM and the centre had been preventing him from acting on his promises regarding Urdu all along (interview with Ram Lall, Lucknow, 28 Nov. 1993).
45. 'Second language status for Urdu by Dec 31 : UP CM', Indian Express (New Delhi), 30 Dec. 1981; 'UP ordinance on Urdu withheld', Indian Express (New Delhi), 1 Jan. 1982; 'UP ordinance on Urdu', Indian Express (New Delhi), 10 April 1982. V.P. Singh had claimed privately that the PM and the centre had been preventing him from acting on his promises regarding Urdu all along (interview with Ram Lall, Lucknow, 28 Nov. 1993).
46. '9 Varanasi Students hurt in firing', Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 14 Jan. 1982; 'Three Varanasi students hurt in police firing', Patriot (New Delhi), 14 Jan. 1982.
47. '9 Varanasi Students hurt in firing', Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 14 Jan. 1982; 'Three Varanasi students hurt in police firing', Patriot (New Delhi), 14 Jan. 1982.
48. 'Road blockade plan against Urdu in UP', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 Jan. 1982; 'Urdu: Policy Mess By V.P. Singh Govt', Patriot (New Delhi), 29 Jan. 1982; 'Anti-Urdu rally by Bihar BVP', Patriot (New Delhi), 13 March 1981.
49. 'Road blockade plan against Urdu in UP', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 Jan. 1982; 'Urdu: Policy Mess By V.P. Singh Govt', Patriot (New Delhi), 29 Jan. 1982; 'Anti-Urdu rally by Bihar BVP', Patriot (New Delhi), 13 March 1981.
50. 'Road blockade plan against Urdu in UP', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 Jan. 1982; 'Urdu: Policy Mess By V.P. Singh Govt', Patriot (New Delhi), 29 Jan. 1982; 'Anti-Urdu rally by Bihar BVP', Patriot (New Delhi), 13 March 1981.
51. 'Urdu: Policy Mess by V.P. Singh Govt', Patriot (New Delhi), 29 Jan. 1982; 'Urdu imbroglio in Uttar Pradesh', M.P. Chronicle (Bhopal), 4 Feb. 1982; 'Fighting on status of Urdu', Free Press Journal (Bombay), 7 May 1982.
52. 'Urdu: Policy Mess by V.P. Singh Govt', Patriot (New Delhi), 29 Jan. 1982; 'Urdu imbroglio in Uttar Pradesh', M.P. Chronicle (Bhopal), 4 Feb. 1982; 'Fighting on status of Urdu', Free Press Journal (Bombay), 7 May 1982.
53. 'Urdu: Policy Mess by V.P. Singh Govt', Patriot (New Delhi), 29 Jan. 1982; 'Urdu imbroglio in Uttar Pradesh', M.P. Chronicle (Bhopal), 4 Feb. 1982; 'Fighting on status of Urdu', Free Press Journal (Bombay), 7 May 1982.
54. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics, 262.
55. This suggests, especially when compared to the Anjuman in UP, that a breakdown into factions does not necessarily render an organisation incompetent, but may actually lead to healthy competition. The other main faction of the Bihar Anjuman is controlled by Ghulam Sarwar; indeed Sarwar was the leader of the Anjuman when Brass (Language, Religion and Politics, 243) was doing his study. The split between the two occurred in 1978 over an internal election controversy. Today, the Ghulam Sarwar faction is the weaker of the two (interviews with Dr Rab, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna, 15 Oct. 1993; Khaliq Anjum, Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind), New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994). For membership numbers, see 'Working and Performance of Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu Bihar', Monograph (Patna: Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu, Bihar, 22 May 1990). Professor Moghni kindly provided me with an English translation of this monograph written in Urdu.
56. This suggests, especially when compared to the Anjuman in UP, that a breakdown into factions does not necessarily render an organisation incompetent, but may actually lead to healthy competition. The other main faction of the Bihar Anjuman is controlled by Ghulam Sarwar; indeed Sarwar was the leader of the Anjuman when Brass (Language, Religion and Politics, 243) was doing his study. The split between the two occurred in 1978 over an internal election controversy. Today, the Ghulam Sarwar faction is the weaker of the two (interviews with Dr Rab, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna, 15 Oct. 1993; Khaliq Anjum, Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind), New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994). For membership numbers, see 'Working and Performance of Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu Bihar', Monograph (Patna: Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu, Bihar, 22 May 1990). Professor Moghni kindly provided me with an English translation of this monograph written in Urdu.
57. This suggests, especially when compared to the Anjuman in UP, that a breakdown into factions does not necessarily render an organisation incompetent, but may actually lead to healthy competition. The other main faction of the Bihar Anjuman is controlled by Ghulam Sarwar; indeed Sarwar was the leader of the Anjuman when Brass (Language, Religion and Politics, 243) was doing his study. The split between the two occurred in 1978 over an internal election controversy. Today, the Ghulam Sarwar faction is the weaker of the two (interviews with Dr Rab, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna, 15 Oct. 1993; Khaliq Anjum, Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind), New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994). For membership numbers, see 'Working and Performance of Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu Bihar', Monograph (Patna: Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu, Bihar, 22 May 1990). Professor Moghni kindly provided me with an English translation of this monograph written in Urdu.
58. Interview with Abdul Moghni, Patna, 29 Sept. 1993.
59. 'Working and Performance of Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu Bihar', Monograph.
60. Interview with Jagannath Mishra, Patna, 17 Oct. 1993.
61. The Indian Nation (Patna), 3 Dec. 1980, 4. Harry Blair ('The 1980 Election in Bihar: Disintegration or Emerging Party Stability?', unpublished MS, Bucknell University, July 1983, 16) notes that the 1980 election results in Bihar appear to confirm the return of Muslims to the Congress(I) fold, whereas this does not appear to be the case for UP Muslims, at least not to the same extent; see Paul R. Brass, Caste. Faction and Party in Indian Politics: Volume 2 (Delhi: Chanakya, 1985), 200, 312.
62. The Indian Nation (Patna), 3 Dec. 1980, 4. Harry Blair ('The 1980 Election in Bihar: Disintegration or Emerging Party Stability?', unpublished MS, Bucknell University, July 1983, 16) notes that the 1980 election results in Bihar appear to confirm the return of Muslims to the Congress(I) fold, whereas this does not appear to be the case for UP Muslims, at least not to the same extent; see Paul R. Brass, Caste. Faction and Party in Indian Politics: Volume 2 (Delhi: Chanakya, 1985), 200, 312.
63. The Indian Nation (Patna), 3 Dec. 1980, 4. Harry Blair ('The 1980 Election in Bihar: Disintegration or Emerging Party Stability?', unpublished MS, Bucknell University, July 1983, 16) notes that the 1980 election results in Bihar appear to confirm the return of Muslims to the Congress(I) fold, whereas this does not appear to be the case for UP Muslims, at least not to the same extent; see Paul R. Brass, Caste. Faction and Party in Indian Politics: Volume 2 (Delhi: Chanakya, 1985), 200, 312.
64. Interview with Hayat Ullah Ansari, Lucknow, 23 Nov. 1993.
65. Pioneer (Lucknow), 23 Jan. 1989; interviews with Abdul Moghni, Patna, 29 Sept. 1993; Khaliq Anjum, New Delhi, 25 Jan. 1994; Abdus Salam Siddiqui, Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993; Syed Shahabuddin, New Delhi, 14 Jan. 1994.
66. 'Urdu ordinance challenged', National Herald, 18 Jan. 1984; 'Official status to Urdu challenged', Northern India Patrika (hereafter NIP) (Lucknow), 18 Jan. 1984.
67. 'Urdu ordinance challenged', National Herald, 18 Jan. 1984; 'Official status to Urdu challenged', Northern India Patrika (hereafter NIP) (Lucknow), 18 Jan. 1984.
68. 'Urdu ordinance verdict', Pioneer (Lucknow) 14 April 1984; NIP (Lucknow), 13 April 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 239; interviews with Zafaryab Jilani and Abdul Mannan (both of whom represented the Urdu Academy in the suit), Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993. Although the court decision explicitly stated that 'promotion of Urdu language would not be violative of Article 351 (Directive for Development of Hindi) of the Constitution', it did state that 'giving Urdu full-fledged status as an official language would involve "insurmountable difficulties". The court, however, only explicitly ruled that the ordinance was ultra vires because of Article 213 of the Constitution, that is, the circumstances permitting repromulgation of the ordinance were not satisfied in this case; the court did not 'quash' the ordinance because it said that an ordinance was not even necessary to accomplish what this ordinance stipulated, but instead could be done through government orders. See 'U.P. Govt. will stick to Urdu policy: CM', The Hindu (Madras), 9 April 1984.
69. 'Urdu ordinance verdict', Pioneer (Lucknow) 14 April 1984; NIP (Lucknow), 13 April 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 239; interviews with Zafaryab Jilani and Abdul Mannan (both of whom represented the Urdu Academy in the suit), Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993. Although the court decision explicitly stated that 'promotion of Urdu language would not be violative of Article 351 (Directive for Development of Hindi) of the Constitution', it did state that 'giving Urdu full-fledged status as an official language would involve "insurmountable difficulties". The court, however, only explicitly ruled that the ordinance was ultra vires because of Article 213 of the Constitution, that is, the circumstances permitting repromulgation of the ordinance were not satisfied in this case; the court did not 'quash' the ordinance because it said that an ordinance was not even necessary to accomplish what this ordinance stipulated, but instead could be done through government orders. See 'U.P. Govt. will stick to Urdu policy: CM', The Hindu (Madras), 9 April 1984.
70. 'Urdu ordinance verdict', Pioneer (Lucknow) 14 April 1984; NIP (Lucknow), 13 April 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 239; interviews with Zafaryab Jilani and Abdul Mannan (both of whom represented the Urdu Academy in the suit), Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993. Although the court decision explicitly stated that 'promotion of Urdu language would not be violative of Article 351 (Directive for Development of Hindi) of the Constitution', it did state that 'giving Urdu full-fledged status as an official language would involve "insurmountable difficulties". The court, however, only explicitly ruled that the ordinance was ultra vires because of Article 213 of the Constitution, that is, the circumstances permitting repromulgation of the ordinance were not satisfied in this case; the court did not 'quash' the ordinance because it said that an ordinance was not even necessary to accomplish what this ordinance stipulated, but instead could be done through government orders. See 'U.P. Govt. will stick to Urdu policy: CM', The Hindu (Madras), 9 April 1984.
71. 'Urdu ordinance verdict', Pioneer (Lucknow) 14 April 1984; NIP (Lucknow), 13 April 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 239; interviews with Zafaryab Jilani and Abdul Mannan (both of whom represented the Urdu Academy in the suit), Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993. Although the court decision explicitly stated that 'promotion of Urdu language would not be violative of Article 351 (Directive for Development of Hindi) of the Constitution', it did state that 'giving Urdu full-fledged status as an official language would involve "insurmountable difficulties". The court, however, only explicitly ruled that the ordinance was ultra vires because of Article 213 of the Constitution, that is, the circumstances permitting repromulgation of the ordinance were not satisfied in this case; the court did not 'quash' the ordinance because it said that an ordinance was not even necessary to accomplish what this ordinance stipulated, but instead could be done through government orders. See 'U.P. Govt. will stick to Urdu policy: CM', The Hindu (Madras), 9 April 1984.
72. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 March 1984; 'Urdu bill creates crisis in House', NIP (Lucknow), 23 March 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 237. A few months earlier (Dec. 1983), on the eve of a by-election, Chief Minister Shripati Mishra had similarly proposed submitting a bill mirroring the ordinance in the next session of the Assembly. 'UP's quandary over Urdu', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 31 Dec. 1983; 'Row over Urdu in UP Cong-I', Patriot (New Delhi), 15 Dec. 1983; 'UP to accord Urdu high status', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Dec. 1983.
73. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 March 1984; 'Urdu bill creates crisis in House', NIP (Lucknow), 23 March 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 237. A few months earlier (Dec. 1983), on the eve of a by-election, Chief Minister Shripati Mishra had similarly proposed submitting a bill mirroring the ordinance in the next session of the Assembly. 'UP's quandary over Urdu', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 31 Dec. 1983; 'Row over Urdu in UP Cong-I', Patriot (New Delhi), 15 Dec. 1983; 'UP to accord Urdu high status', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Dec. 1983.
74. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 March 1984; 'Urdu bill creates crisis in House', NIP (Lucknow), 23 March 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 237. A few months earlier (Dec. 1983), on the eve of a by-election, Chief Minister Shripati Mishra had similarly proposed submitting a bill mirroring the ordinance in the next session of the Assembly. 'UP's quandary over Urdu', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 31 Dec. 1983; 'Row over Urdu in UP Cong-I', Patriot (New Delhi), 15 Dec. 1983; 'UP to accord Urdu high status', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Dec. 1983.
75. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 March 1984; 'Urdu bill creates crisis in House', NIP (Lucknow), 23 March 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 237. A few months earlier (Dec. 1983), on the eve of a by-election, Chief Minister Shripati Mishra had similarly proposed submitting a bill mirroring the ordinance in the next session of the Assembly. 'UP's quandary over Urdu', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 31 Dec. 1983; 'Row over Urdu in UP Cong-I', Patriot (New Delhi), 15 Dec. 1983; 'UP to accord Urdu high status', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Dec. 1983.
76. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 March 1984; 'Urdu bill creates crisis in House', NIP (Lucknow), 23 March 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 237. A few months earlier (Dec. 1983), on the eve of a by-election, Chief Minister Shripati Mishra had similarly proposed submitting a bill mirroring the ordinance in the next session of the Assembly. 'UP's quandary over Urdu', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 31 Dec. 1983; 'Row over Urdu in UP Cong-I', Patriot (New Delhi), 15 Dec. 1983; 'UP to accord Urdu high status', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Dec. 1983.
77. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev', Indian Express (New Delhi), 25 March 1984; 'Urdu bill creates crisis in House', NIP (Lucknow), 23 March 1984; Muslim India (May 1984), 237. A few months earlier (Dec. 1983), on the eve of a by-election, Chief Minister Shripati Mishra had similarly proposed submitting a bill mirroring the ordinance in the next session of the Assembly. 'UP's quandary over Urdu', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 31 Dec. 1983; 'Row over Urdu in UP Cong-I', Patriot (New Delhi), 15 Dec. 1983; 'UP to accord Urdu high status', Indian Express (New Delhi), 5 Dec. 1983.
78. 'Shripati stands by decision on Urdu', Indian Express (New Delhi), 8 April 1984; 'UP allows ordinance on Urdu to lapse', Indian Express (New Delhi), 9 May 1984. The UP government initiated an appeal to the Supreme Court, primarily because of the implication of the High Court's decision for virtually all ordinances. However, it did not follow through completely on the appeal process. 'UP Govt to move SC on Urdu issue', Indian Express (New Delhi), 10 April 1984; interview with Zafaryab Jilani, Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993.
79. 'Shripati stands by decision on Urdu', Indian Express (New Delhi), 8 April 1984; 'UP allows ordinance on Urdu to lapse', Indian Express (New Delhi), 9 May 1984. The UP government initiated an appeal to the Supreme Court, primarily because of the implication of the High Court's decision for virtually all ordinances. However, it did not follow through completely on the appeal process. 'UP Govt to move SC on Urdu issue', Indian Express (New Delhi), 10 April 1984; interview with Zafaryab Jilani, Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993.
80. 'Shripati stands by decision on Urdu', Indian Express (New Delhi), 8 April 1984; 'UP allows ordinance on Urdu to lapse', Indian Express (New Delhi), 9 May 1984. The UP government initiated an appeal to the Supreme Court, primarily because of the implication of the High Court's decision for virtually all ordinances. However, it did not follow through completely on the appeal process. 'UP Govt to move SC on Urdu issue', Indian Express (New Delhi), 10 April 1984; interview with Zafaryab Jilani, Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993.
81. 'No Action Mooted against Vasudev'.
82. See Nirmal Mukarji and Ashis Banerjee, 'Neo-nationalism', Seminar, 313 (Sept. 1985), 27.
83. NIP (Lucknow), 16 July 1985.
84. Interview with Ram Lall (Chair of Rabta Committee in 1985), Lucknow, 28 Nov. 1993.
85. For example, six more districts were added in 1986 (Muslim India, May 1986, 239). For expansion to whole of state in 1989, see 'Urdu gets official status in all Bihar districts', The Telegraph (Calcutta), 20 Aug. 1989. Note, however, that criticisms of implementation continue to occur; see Hindustan Times (Patna), 1 Aug. 1993. Note also that in Bihar the 1980 legislation did grant official status to Urdu, whereas in UP the fight was over second language status with no mention of official status.
86. For example, six more districts were added in 1986 (Muslim India, May 1986, 239). For expansion to whole of state in 1989, see 'Urdu gets official status in all Bihar districts', The Telegraph (Calcutta), 20 Aug. 1989. Note, however, that criticisms of implementation continue to occur; see Hindustan Times (Patna), 1 Aug. 1993. Note also that in Bihar the 1980 legislation did grant official status to Urdu, whereas in UP the fight was over second language status with no mention of official status.
87. For example, six more districts were added in 1986 (Muslim India, May 1986, 239). For expansion to whole of state in 1989, see 'Urdu gets official status in all Bihar districts', The Telegraph (Calcutta), 20 Aug. 1989. Note, however, that criticisms of implementation continue to occur; see Hindustan Times (Patna), 1 Aug. 1993. Note also that in Bihar the 1980 legislation did grant official status to Urdu, whereas in UP the fight was over second language status with no mention of official status.
88. Times of India (Lucknow) 16 Sept. 1989; 'Urdu Bill at PM's behest'. The Tribune (Chandigarh), 8 Oct. 1989.
89. Times of India (Lucknow) 16 Sept. 1989; 'Urdu Bill at PM's behest'. The Tribune (Chandigarh), 8 Oct. 1989.
90. 'Uttar Pradesh: using Urdu to catch votes', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 25 Sept. 1989; 'Urdu Bill to sabotage opposition unity', The Statesman (New Delhi), 1 Oct. 1989.
91. 'Uttar Pradesh: using Urdu to catch votes', Deccan Herald (Bangalore), 25 Sept. 1989; 'Urdu Bill to sabotage opposition unity', The Statesman (New Delhi), 1 Oct. 1989.
92. 'Urdu bill to sabotage opposition unity', The Statesman (New Delhi), 1 Oct. 1989; 'Intriguing aspect in Urdu bill', The Hindu (Madras), 7 Oct. 1989.
93. 'Urdu bill to sabotage opposition unity', The Statesman (New Delhi), 1 Oct. 1989; 'Intriguing aspect in Urdu bill', The Hindu (Madras), 7 Oct. 1989.
94. 'Urdu Bill passed amid uproar', Indian Express (New Delhi), 30 Sept. 1989.
95. Interviews with Zafaryab Jilani and Abdul Mannan, Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993.
96. Because of the ambiguous status of the 1989 legislation, it is not surprising that there is much confusion in many secondary sources on the status of Urdu in UP, especially when compared with Bihar. For example, Arvind Das (India Invented, Delhi: Manohar, 1992, 126) states that '[r]ecently, after much agitation on the issue and in order to mollify the Muslim electorate, Urdu has been accorded the status of secondary official language in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh', implying the same time-frame for making legislation official in both states. Brass (The Politics of India since independence) claims that neither Bihar nor UP passed formal legislation making Urdu official, but rather both relied on ordinances, with the UP ordinance lapsing. Christopher King (One Language, Two Scripts, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1994, xi) claims that Urdu became the second official language in UP in 1989, a questionable claim given the legal suit thwarting implementation of the legislation.
97. Because of the ambiguous status of the 1989 legislation, it is not surprising that there is much confusion in many secondary sources on the status of Urdu in UP, especially when compared with Bihar. For example, Arvind Das (India Invented, Delhi: Manohar, 1992, 126) states that '[r]ecently, after much agitation on the issue and in order to mollify the Muslim electorate, Urdu has been accorded the status of secondary official language in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh', implying the same time-frame for making legislation official in both states. Brass (The Politics of India since independence) claims that neither Bihar nor UP passed formal legislation making Urdu official, but rather both relied on ordinances, with the UP ordinance lapsing. Christopher King (One Language, Two Scripts, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1994, xi) claims that Urdu became the second official language in UP in 1989, a questionable claim given the legal suit thwarting implementation of the legislation.
98. Because of the ambiguous status of the 1989 legislation, it is not surprising that there is much confusion in many secondary sources on the status of Urdu in UP, especially when compared with Bihar. For example, Arvind Das (India Invented, Delhi: Manohar, 1992, 126) states that '[r]ecently, after much agitation on the issue and in order to mollify the Muslim electorate, Urdu has been accorded the status of secondary official language in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh', implying the same time-frame for making legislation official in both states. Brass (The Politics of India since independence) claims that neither Bihar nor UP passed formal legislation making Urdu official, but rather both relied on ordinances, with the UP ordinance lapsing. Christopher King (One Language, Two Scripts, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1994, xi) claims that Urdu became the second official language in UP in 1989, a questionable claim given the legal suit thwarting implementation of the legislation.
99. Interview with Uttam Sengupta, Patna, 15 Oct. 1993. Rath yatra refers to the political mobilisation of Hindu nationalists by Advani as he journeyed through north India in a van decorated like the chariot of the Hindu god, Rama.
100. Interview with Zafaryab Jilani, Lucknow, 21 Nov. 1993.
101. The term 'bullock capitalists' is used by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshmi (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987). Marxists (for example, Achin Vanaik, The Painful Transition, New York: Verso, 1990) use the term 'kulak farmers'. D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian', The Illustrated Weekly of India, 19 Aug. 1990,34-7) uses the term 'mofussils'. Brass prefers 'middle (proprietary) castes' (sec Brass, Caste, Faction and Party, 202, note 6). Harry Blair ('Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar', in J.R. Wood (ed.), State Politics in Contemporary India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 67) discusses the overlap between progressive farmers and backward castes in Bihar. For a general treatment of the competitive struggle between established and emerging elites as manifested in language politics in India (as well as in the US, Belgium, and the former Soviet Union), see Selma K. Sonntag, 'Elite Competition and Official Language Movements', in J. Tollefson (ed.), Power and Inequality in Language Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91-111.
102. The term 'bullock capitalists' is used by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshmi (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987). Marxists (for example, Achin Vanaik, The Painful Transition, New York: Verso, 1990) use the term 'kulak farmers'. D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian', The Illustrated Weekly of India, 19 Aug. 1990,34-7) uses the term 'mofussils'. Brass prefers 'middle (proprietary) castes' (sec Brass, Caste, Faction and Party, 202, note 6). Harry Blair ('Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar', in J.R. Wood (ed.), State Politics in Contemporary India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 67) discusses the overlap between progressive farmers and backward castes in Bihar. For a general treatment of the competitive struggle between established and emerging elites as manifested in language politics in India (as well as in the US, Belgium, and the former Soviet Union), see Selma K. Sonntag, 'Elite Competition and Official Language Movements', in J. Tollefson (ed.), Power and Inequality in Language Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91-111.
103. The term 'bullock capitalists' is used by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshmi (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987). Marxists (for example, Achin Vanaik, The Painful Transition, New York: Verso, 1990) use the term 'kulak farmers'. D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian', The Illustrated Weekly of India, 19 Aug. 1990,34-7) uses the term 'mofussils'. Brass prefers 'middle (proprietary) castes' (sec Brass, Caste, Faction and Party, 202, note 6). Harry Blair ('Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar', in J.R. Wood (ed.), State Politics in Contemporary India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 67) discusses the overlap between progressive farmers and backward castes in Bihar. For a general treatment of the competitive struggle between established and emerging elites as manifested in language politics in India (as well as in the US, Belgium, and the former Soviet Union), see Selma K. Sonntag, 'Elite Competition and Official Language Movements', in J. Tollefson (ed.), Power and Inequality in Language Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91-111.
104. The term 'bullock capitalists' is used by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshmi (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987). Marxists (for example, Achin Vanaik, The Painful Transition, New York: Verso, 1990) use the term 'kulak farmers'. D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian', The Illustrated Weekly of India, 19 Aug. 1990,34-7) uses the term 'mofussils'. Brass prefers 'middle (proprietary) castes' (sec Brass, Caste, Faction and Party, 202, note 6). Harry Blair ('Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar', in J.R. Wood (ed.), State Politics in Contemporary India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 67) discusses the overlap between progressive farmers and backward castes in Bihar. For a general treatment of the competitive struggle between established and emerging elites as manifested in language politics in India (as well as in the US, Belgium, and the former Soviet Union), see Selma K. Sonntag, 'Elite Competition and Official Language Movements', in J. Tollefson (ed.), Power and Inequality in Language Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91-111.
105. The term 'bullock capitalists' is used by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshmi (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987). Marxists (for example, Achin Vanaik, The Painful Transition, New York: Verso, 1990) use the term 'kulak farmers'. D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian', The Illustrated Weekly of India, 19 Aug. 1990,34-7) uses the term 'mofussils'. Brass prefers 'middle (proprietary) castes' (sec Brass, Caste, Faction and Party, 202, note 6). Harry Blair ('Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar', in J.R. Wood (ed.), State Politics in Contemporary India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 67) discusses the overlap between progressive farmers and backward castes in Bihar. For a general treatment of the competitive struggle between established and emerging elites as manifested in language politics in India (as well as in the US, Belgium, and the former Soviet Union), see Selma K. Sonntag, 'Elite Competition and Official Language Movements', in J. Tollefson (ed.), Power and Inequality in Language Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91-111.
106. The term 'bullock capitalists' is used by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshmi (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1987). Marxists (for example, Achin Vanaik, The Painful Transition, New York: Verso, 1990) use the term 'kulak farmers'. D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian', The Illustrated Weekly of India, 19 Aug. 1990,34-7) uses the term 'mofussils'. Brass prefers 'middle (proprietary) castes' (sec Brass, Caste, Faction and Party, 202, note 6). Harry Blair ('Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar', in J.R. Wood (ed.), State Politics in Contemporary India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 67) discusses the overlap between progressive farmers and backward castes in Bihar. For a general treatment of the competitive struggle between established and emerging elites as manifested in language politics in India (as well as in the US, Belgium, and the former Soviet Union), see Selma K. Sonntag, 'Elite Competition and Official Language Movements', in J. Tollefson (ed.), Power and Inequality in Language Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 91-111.
107. Sukumar Muralidharan, 'BJP the loser', Frontline, 17 Dec. 1993,6. See also Ajit Roy, 'New Thrust of Caste Mobilisation', Economic and Political Weekly, 4 Dec. 1993, 2641. The incorporation of dalits in Lallu Prasad Yadav's coalition is less explicit than in the 1993-1995 SP-BSP coalition in UP (see Kalyan Chaudhuri, 'The Dalit card', Frontline, 28 Jan. 1994, 42-3), but nevertheless is present, shown by his frequent, often highly personalised, campaigns, such as literally scrubbing dalits clean. See also Hindustan Times (New Delhi), I Feb. 1994, 5.
108. Sukumar Muralidharan, 'BJP the loser', Frontline, 17 Dec. 1993,6. See also Ajit Roy, 'New Thrust of Caste Mobilisation', Economic and Political Weekly, 4 Dec. 1993, 2641. The incorporation of dalits in Lallu Prasad Yadav's coalition is less explicit than in the 1993-1995 SP-BSP coalition in UP (see Kalyan Chaudhuri, 'The Dalit card', Frontline, 28 Jan. 1994, 42-3), but nevertheless is present, shown by his frequent, often highly personalised, campaigns, such as literally scrubbing dalits clean. See also Hindustan Times (New Delhi), I Feb. 1994, 5.
109. Sukumar Muralidharan, 'BJP the loser', Frontline, 17 Dec. 1993,6. See also Ajit Roy, 'New Thrust of Caste Mobilisation', Economic and Political Weekly, 4 Dec. 1993, 2641. The incorporation of dalits in Lallu Prasad Yadav's coalition is less explicit than in the 1993-1995 SP-BSP coalition in UP (see Kalyan Chaudhuri, 'The Dalit card', Frontline, 28 Jan. 1994, 42-3), but nevertheless is present, shown by his frequent, often highly personalised, campaigns, such as literally scrubbing dalits clean. See also Hindustan Times (New Delhi), I Feb. 1994, 5.
110. Sukumar Muralidharan, 'BJP the loser', Frontline, 17 Dec. 1993,6. See also Ajit Roy, 'New Thrust of Caste Mobilisation', Economic and Political Weekly, 4 Dec. 1993, 2641. The incorporation of dalits in Lallu Prasad Yadav's coalition is less explicit than in the 1993-1995 SP-BSP coalition in UP (see Kalyan Chaudhuri, 'The Dalit card', Frontline, 28 Jan. 1994, 42-3), but nevertheless is present, shown by his frequent, often highly personalised, campaigns, such as literally scrubbing dalits clean. See also Hindustan Times (New Delhi), I Feb. 1994, 5.
111. Gillian Wright, 'The decline of Congress: the rise of Mulayam', Seminar, 432 (Aug. 1995), 23.
112. For background on Lohia, see Girish Mishra and B.K. Pandey, Rammanohar Lohia: The Man and his Ism (New Delhi: Eastern Books, 1992). For Lohia's own pronouncements on English, see Rammanohar Lohia, Language (Hyderabad: Navakind, 1966).
113. For background on Lohia, see Girish Mishra and B.K. Pandey, Rammanohar Lohia: The Man and his Ism (New Delhi: Eastern Books, 1992). For Lohia's own pronouncements on English, see Rammanohar Lohia, Language (Hyderabad: Navakind, 1966).
114. Sheth, 'No English Please, We're Indian', 35.
115. Badri Raina, 'Note on Language, and the Politics of English in India', in S. Joshi (ed.), Rethinking English (New Delhi: Trianka, 1991), 293.
116. Mukarji and Banerjee, 'Neo-nationalism', 25.
117. Critical to economic gains were land reform, the green revolution, and general agricultural transformation toward capitalism (on the latter, see Blair, 'Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar'). For political gains, D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian') points to the 'logic of numbers' in the democratisation process at the state level; however, Sheth notes that this logic of numbers will not work in wresting national power from the 'neo-colonial Nehruvian elite' because here power is legitimised through defining the terms of political discourse and the political agenda rather than simply majority rule. Prestige and social status are critical in this type of legitimation.
118. Critical to economic gains were land reform, the green revolution, and general agricultural transformation toward capitalism (on the latter, see Blair, 'Structural Change, the Agricultural Sector, and Politics in Bihar'). For political gains, D.L. Sheth ('No English Please, We're Indian') points to the 'logic of numbers' in the democratisation process at the state level; however, Sheth notes that this logic of numbers will not work in wresting national power from the 'neo-colonial Nehruvian elite' because here power is legitimised through defining the terms of political discourse and the political agenda rather than simply majority rule. Prestige and social status are critical in this type of legitimation.
119. Ibid., 35.
120. '"We will defeat the BJP": Interview with Mulayam Singh Yadav', Frontline (24 Sept. 1993), 119. Reversing the anti-copying policy is also indicative of Mulayam Singh Yadav's support for his backward-caste constituency: as upwardly mobile backward-caste youths move into university for the first time, they find themselves at an educational disadvantage vis-à-vis the forward-caste youths, for whom attaining university education is not a new phenomenon among their castes; the backward-caste youths can overcome this disadvantage by 'copying' (cheating).
121. 'Govt revokes decision on English', Hindustan Times (Patna), 16 July 1993, 1.
122. 'CM strong votary of English', Hindustan Times (Patna), 19 July 1993, 1.
123. Krishna Kumar, 'Foul Contract', Seminar, 377 (Jan. 1991), 43-6.
124. On L.K. Advani's stand, see 'Laloo's retreat' (editorial), Hindustan Times (Patna), 17 July 1993, 7. One of the biggest advocates of angrezi hatao is V.P. Vaidik, editor of Bhasha, the Hindi news agency of Press Trust of India (see his Angrezi hatao: kyo aur kaise?, Delhi: Prabhat Prakashan, 1991), who is also a BJP sympathiser (interview wilh Krishna Kumar, Delhi, 19 Jan. 1994). V.P. Vaidik (interview, New Delhi, 15 Jan. 1994) told me he had been in contact with Mulayam Singh Yadav after the latter had been reinstated as chief minister in early December 1993 in regard to a tentative plan for another angrezi hatao conference along the lines of the 1991 Indore conference. Mulayam Singh Yadav's subsequent troubles because of resistance to his extension of reservations to backward castes may have put a damper on his collusion with V.P. Vaidik on angrezi hatao since, in Vaidik's philosophy, if English were removed then there would be no need for reservations for backward castes or dalits since English, not caste stigma, is the major barrier to upward mobility. As another indication of BJP support for angrezi hatao, the BJP Delhi city government, elected in Nov. 1993, attempted to drop the study of English from the initial primary grades of schools under its jurisdiction and proposed making Hindi the sole official language of the city government ('Hindi Replaces English in New Delhi', United Press International, 15 Feb. 1995).
125. On L.K. Advani's stand, see 'Laloo's retreat' (editorial), Hindustan Times (Patna), 17 July 1993, 7. One of the biggest advocates of angrezi hatao is V.P. Vaidik, editor of Bhasha, the Hindi news agency of Press Trust of India (see his Angrezi hatao: kyo aur kaise?, Delhi: Prabhat Prakashan, 1991), who is also a BJP sympathiser (interview wilh Krishna Kumar, Delhi, 19 Jan. 1994). V.P. Vaidik (interview, New Delhi, 15 Jan. 1994) told me he had been in contact with Mulayam Singh Yadav after the latter had been reinstated as chief minister in early December 1993 in regard to a tentative plan for another angrezi hatao conference along the lines of the 1991 Indore conference. Mulayam Singh Yadav's subsequent troubles because of resistance to his extension of reservations to backward castes may have put a damper on his collusion with V.P. Vaidik on angrezi hatao since, in Vaidik's philosophy, if English were removed then there would be no need for reservations for backward castes or dalits since English, not caste stigma, is the major barrier to upward mobility. As another indication of BJP support for angrezi hatao, the BJP Delhi city government, elected in Nov. 1993, attempted to drop the study of English from the initial primary grades of schools under its jurisdiction and proposed making Hindi the sole official language of the city government ('Hindi Replaces English in New Delhi', United Press International, 15 Feb. 1995).
126. Interview with S.N. Jha, Lucknow, 8 Nov. 1993.
127. Krishna Kumar, 'Quest for Self-Identity', Economic and Political Weekly (9 June 1990), 1247-55; interview with Krishna Kumar, Delhi, 19 Jan. 1994.
128. Interview with Anil Kumar Jha (BJP Maithili language activist), Patna, 11 Oct. 1993.
129. Interview with Uttam Sengupta, Patna, 15 Oct. 1993.
130. Amalendu, 'The great language divide: Politicising the issue', Hindustan Times, Sunday Special (Patna), 15 March 1992, 7: 'Already encouraged by a swing of the Brahmin voters towards the party, the BJP think-tank is now engaged to give more political teeth to the issue by marginalising others, particularly the Congress whose main vote bank has been the Brahmins over the years'.
131. Amalendu. 'The great language divide'; interview with Ghulam Sarwar, Patna, 9 Oct. 1993.
132. Hindustan Times (Patna), 13 March 1992, 4.
133. Conversation with Nil Ratan, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna, 27 Sept. 1993. In an interview with Jagannath Mishra (Patna, 17 Oct. 1993), Mishra claimed that Lallu Prasad Yadav had removed Maithili from the public service exam because Maithili speakers support Congress(I). Mishra's assistant, also present during the interview, noted the association of the Maithili language with Brahmins, hence Lallu Prasad Yadav's decision to consolidate anti-Brahmin appeal.
134. Conversation with Nil Ratan, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna, 27 Sept. 1993.
135. 'Bihar headed for linguistic conflict', Hindustan Times (Patna), 29 Feb. 1992, 1. On the BJP opposition, see 'Maithili's deletion to be opposed', Hindustan Times (Patna), 28 Feb. 1992, 2. Jagannath Mishra also opposed the government's decision to drop Maithili, calling it unconstitutional and creating caste hatred; Hindustan Times (Patna), 2 March 1992, 3. The Chetna Samiti has filed suit against the government's move, but not much has come of this.
136. 'Bihar headed for linguistic conflict', Hindustan Times (Patna), 29 Feb. 1992, 1. On the BJP opposition, see 'Maithili's deletion to be opposed', Hindustan Times (Patna), 28 Feb. 1992, 2. Jagannath Mishra also opposed the government's decision to drop Maithili, calling it unconstitutional and creating caste hatred; Hindustan Times (Patna), 2 March 1992, 3. The Chetna Samiti has filed suit against the government's move, but not much has come of this.
137. 'Bihar headed for linguistic conflict', Hindustan Times (Patna), 29 Feb. 1992, 1. On the BJP opposition, see 'Maithili's deletion to be opposed', Hindustan Times (Patna), 28 Feb. 1992, 2. Jagannath Mishra also opposed the government's decision to drop Maithili, calling it unconstitutional and creating caste hatred; Hindustan Times (Patna), 2 March 1992, 3. The Chetna Samiti has filed suit against the government's move, but not much has come of this.
138. Conversation with Arun Jha, Patna, 15 Oct. 1993.
139. Interview with Anil Kumar Jha, Patna, 11 Oct. 1993.
140. '"I have fought wordy wars": Interview with Dr Masood Ahamed', Frontline (29 July 1994), 13-14.
141. See Seminar 432 (Aug. 1995).
142. D.L. Sheth, 'The Great Language Debate: Politics of Metropolitan versus Vernacular India', in Upendra Baxi and Bhikhu Parekh (eds.), Crisis and Change in Contemporary India (New Delhi: Sage, 1995), 194.