Commercialization without capitalism - Processes of environmental change in south China, 1550-1850

Environmental History

Volumn 1, Issue 1, 1996, Pages

  Marks, Robert B ^a  

^a WHITTIER COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMMERCIALISATION; ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE; ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY; HISTORICAL STUDY; MAN-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONS; SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT;

CHINA, (SOUTH);

EID: 0029846655     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3985064     Document Type: Article

References (118)

1. On the force of capitalism, see Donald Worster, "Transformations of the Earth," chap. 4 of The Wealth of Nature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 45-63. On Chinese farming, see Alfred W. Crosby, "An Enthusiastic Second," Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1107. An interesting variation on this theme of Chinese exceptionability is presented by J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames in the epilogue to Nature in Asian Traditions of Thought: Essays in Environmental Philosophy, ed. J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 279-89. Callicott and Ames argue that Asian traditions present a vision of human's relation to nature in ways that "resonate with contemporary ecological ideals," while attributing the widespread environmental degradation in Asia to "the matrix of presuppositions in which [modern] technology is embedded."
2. On the force of capitalism, see Donald Worster, "Transformations of the Earth," chap. 4 of The Wealth of Nature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 45-63. On Chinese farming, see Alfred W. Crosby, "An Enthusiastic Second," Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1107. An interesting variation on this theme of Chinese exceptionability is presented by J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames in the epilogue to Nature in Asian Traditions of Thought: Essays in Environmental Philosophy, ed. J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 279-89. Callicott and Ames argue that Asian traditions present a vision of human's relation to nature in ways that "resonate with contemporary ecological ideals," while attributing the widespread environmental degradation in Asia to "the matrix of presuppositions in which [modern] technology is embedded."
3. On the force of capitalism, see Donald Worster, "Transformations of the Earth," chap. 4 of The Wealth of Nature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 45-63. On Chinese farming, see Alfred W. Crosby, "An Enthusiastic Second," Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1107. An interesting variation on this theme of Chinese exceptionability is presented by J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames in the epilogue to Nature in Asian Traditions of Thought: Essays in Environmental Philosophy, ed. J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 279-89. Callicott and Ames argue that Asian traditions present a vision of human's relation to nature in ways that "resonate with contemporary ecological ideals," while attributing the widespread environmental degradation in Asia to "the matrix of presuppositions in which [modern] technology is embedded."
4. China's population is 1.2 billion today.
5. G. William Skinner, "Cities and the Hierarchy of Local Systems," The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1977). p. 282.
6. G. William Skinner. "Regional Urbanization in Nineteenth-Century China," in Skinner, City in Late Imperial China, p. 216. Skinner's macroregional approach to China and Chinese history has been influential, and although criticized, much empirical work has proved the efficacy of basing historical research upon Skinner's macroregional foundation. For examples of ways other Chinese scholars have applied Skinner's insights to their work, and for an extended discussion of the critiques of Skinners model, see Daniel Little, Understanding Peasant China: Case Studies in the Philosophy of Social Science (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1989). pp. 68-104. For macroregional approaches to Chinese history, see Susan Naquin and Evelyn S. Rawski, Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, Connecticut Yale University Press, 1987); and Robert Hartwell, "Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 2 (December 1982): 365-442. Because Skinner explicitly links physiography to agriculture, I think the macroregional model is an appropriate framework for exploring the ecological relationship of environment to economy in late imperial China.
7. G. William Skinner. "Regional Urbanization in Nineteenth-Century China," in Skinner, City in Late Imperial China, p. 216. Skinner's macroregional approach to China and Chinese history has been influential, and although criticized, much empirical work has proved the efficacy of basing historical research upon Skinner's macroregional foundation. For examples of ways other Chinese scholars have applied Skinner's insights to their work, and for an extended discussion of the critiques of Skinners model, see Daniel Little, Understanding Peasant China: Case Studies in the Philosophy of Social Science (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1989). pp. 68-104. For macroregional approaches to Chinese history, see Susan Naquin and Evelyn S. Rawski, Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, Connecticut Yale University Press, 1987); and Robert Hartwell, "Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 2 (December 1982): 365-442. Because Skinner explicitly links physiography to agriculture, I think the macroregional model is an appropriate framework for exploring the ecological relationship of environment to economy in late imperial China.
8. G. William Skinner. "Regional Urbanization in Nineteenth-Century China," in Skinner, City in Late Imperial China, p. 216. Skinner's macroregional approach to China and Chinese history has been influential, and although criticized, much empirical work has proved the efficacy of basing historical research upon Skinner's macroregional foundation. For examples of ways other Chinese scholars have applied Skinner's insights to their work, and for an extended discussion of the critiques of Skinners model, see Daniel Little, Understanding Peasant China: Case Studies in the Philosophy of Social Science (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1989). pp. 68-104. For macroregional approaches to Chinese history, see Susan Naquin and Evelyn S. Rawski, Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, Connecticut Yale University Press, 1987); and Robert Hartwell, "Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 2 (December 1982): 365-442. Because Skinner explicitly links physiography to agriculture, I think the macroregional model is an appropriate framework for exploring the ecological relationship of environment to economy in late imperial China.
9. G. William Skinner. "Regional Urbanization in Nineteenth-Century China," in Skinner, City in Late Imperial China, p. 216. Skinner's macroregional approach to China and Chinese history has been influential, and although criticized, much empirical work has proved the efficacy of basing historical research upon Skinner's macroregional foundation. For examples of ways other Chinese scholars have applied Skinner's insights to their work, and for an extended discussion of the critiques of Skinners model, see Daniel Little, Understanding Peasant China: Case Studies in the Philosophy of Social Science (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1989). pp. 68-104. For macroregional approaches to Chinese history, see Susan Naquin and Evelyn S. Rawski, Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, Connecticut Yale University Press, 1987); and Robert Hartwell, "Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 2 (December 1982): 365-442. Because Skinner explicitly links physiography to agriculture, I think the macroregional model is an appropriate framework for exploring the ecological relationship of environment to economy in late imperial China.
10. 10°C is the minimum growing temperature for rice. Because of higher altitude and exposure to winter cold currents, there are only about two hundred twenty-five frost free days in northern Guangdong province. As a result, the rice-growing season is shorter. See International Rice Research Institute, Rice Research and Production in China (Los Banos, Philippines: IRRI, 1979), p. 25.
11. G. Fenzel. "On the Natural Conditions Affecting the Introduction of Forestry as a Branch of Rural Economy in the Province of Kwangtung, Especially in North Kwangtung," Lingnan Science Journal 7 (June 1929): 72.
12. These natural forests would have existed from one thousand to three thousand years ago, before humans dramatically altered the environment.
13. Wang Chi-wu, The Forests of China (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1961). See the summary of Wang's work in Stanley Dennis Richardson, Forests and Forestry in China (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1990), pp. 37-86. For the synthesized findings of Chinese scientists, see Lishi ziran dili, vol. 10 of Zhongguo ziran dili, ed. Chen Binyin (Beijing, China: Kexue chuban she, 1982).
14. Wang Chi-wu, The Forests of China (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1961). See the summary of Wang's work in Stanley Dennis Richardson, Forests and Forestry in China (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1990), pp. 37-86. For the synthesized findings of Chinese scientists, see Lishi ziran dili, vol. 10 of Zhongguo ziran dili, ed. Chen Binyin (Beijing, China: Kexue chuban she, 1982).
15. Wang Chi-wu, The Forests of China (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1961). See the summary of Wang's work in Stanley Dennis Richardson, Forests and Forestry in China (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1990), pp. 37-86. For the synthesized findings of Chinese scientists, see Lishi ziran dili, vol. 10 of Zhongguo ziran dili, ed. Chen Binyin (Beijing, China: Kexue chuban she, 1982).
16. Over three hundred people per square kilometer resided in Guangzhou and the Pearl River delta. The West River valley lies west of Guangzhou and held about one hundred fifty people per square kilometer.
17. Ling Daxie, "Wo guo senlin ziyuan de bunqian." Zhongguo nongshi, no. 2 (1983): 25-35.
18. The phrase "changes in the land" comes from William Cronon's work on colonial America, Changes in the Land: Indian, Coloniste, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983). I have used it intentionally to refer to similar changes in land cover and land use in South China.
19. Fernand Braudel cites the early seventeenth-century observations of a Spanish friar: "Father de Las Cortes admired the multiple harvest in the Canton area in 1626. He noted that from the same land, 'they obtain three consecutive harvests in one year, two of rice and one of wheat, with a yield of 40 or 50 to 1, because of the moderate heat, atmospheric conditions and most excellent soil, much better and more fertile than any soil in Spain or Mexico.'" Fernand Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century, vol. 1. The Structures of Everyday Life, trans. Sian Reynolds (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), p. 152.
20. Coincidental with the beginning of the European export trade, China's climate changed as well; wanner temperatures lasted from the 1550s until the 1620s.
21. See William S. Atwell. "Notes on Silver, Foreign Trade, and the Late Ming Economy," Ch'ing Shih Wen-t'i 8, no. 3 (1977): 1-33, and William S. Atwell, "International Bullion Flows and the Chinese Economy Circa 1530-1650." Past and Present 95 (May 1982): 68-90.
22. See William S. Atwell. "Notes on Silver, Foreign Trade, and the Late Ming Economy," Ch'ing Shih Wen-t'i 8, no. 3 (1977): 1-33, and William S. Atwell, "International Bullion Flows and the Chinese Economy Circa 1530-1650." Past and Present 95 (May 1982): 68-90.
23. In the twentieth century, five kinds of fish were raised in the ponds, all from fry secured from local rivers. See William E. Hoffman, "Preliminary Notes on the Fresh-Water Fish Industry of South China, Especially Kwangtung Province," Lingnan Science Journal 8 (December 1929): 167-68.
24. A long-yan tree. Euphoria longan (Lour.) Steud., produces small round fruit that are dried before eating.
25. YeXian'en and Tan Dihua, "Lun Zhujiang sanjiaozhou de zu tian," Ming Qing Guangdong shehui jingji xingtai yanjiu, ed. Ye Xian'en and Jiang Zuyuan (Guangzhou, China: Guangdong renmin chuban she, 1985), p. 22.
26. E. F. Bruenig et al., Ecological-Socioeconomic System Analysis and Simulation: A Guide for Application of System Analysis to the Conservation, Utilization, and Development of Tropical and Subtropical Land Resources in China (Bonn, Germany: Deutsches Nationalkomitee für das UNESCO Programm "Der Mensch und die Biosphäre," 1986). See also Shi ming Luo and Chun ru Han, "Ecological Agriculture in China," Sustainable Agricultural Systems, ed. Clive A. Edwards et al. (Ankeny, Iowa: Soil and Water Conservation Society, 1990), pp. 299-322.
27. E. F. Bruenig et al., Ecological-Socioeconomic System Analysis and Simulation: A Guide for Application of System Analysis to the Conservation, Utilization, and Development of Tropical and Subtropical Land Resources in China (Bonn, Germany: Deutsches Nationalkomitee für das UNESCO Programm "Der Mensch und die Biosphäre," 1986). See also Shi ming Luo and Chun ru Han, "Ecological Agriculture in China," Sustainable Agricultural Systems, ed. Clive A. Edwards et al. (Ankeny, Iowa: Soil and Water Conservation Society, 1990), pp. 299-322.
28. Ye Xian'en and Tan Dihua, "Ming Qing Zhu Jiang sanjiaozhou nongye shangyehua yu xushi de fazhan," Guangdong shehui kexue, no. 2 (1984): 78.
29. Quoted in Huang Juzhen, "Qingdai qianqi guangdong de dui wai maoyi" (paper presented at the Fourth International Conference on Chinese Social and Economic History, Shenzhen, China, December 1987), p. 6.
30. Quoted in Hosea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, 5 vols. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1926-29; reprint, Taibei, Republic of China: Chengwen Reprint, 1966), 1:104.
31. Sarasin Viraphol, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade 1652-1853 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, 1972), p. 51.
32. Jennifer Wayne Cushman, Fields from the Sea: Chinese Junk Trade with Siam during the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Studies on Southeast Asia, 1993), pp. 82-83, 87.
33. See the edition of early Qing text: Qu Dajun, Guangdong xin yu (Hong Kong: Zhonghua Shuju, 1974), p. 426; the text is translated somewhat differently in Sucheta Mazumdar, A History of the Sugar Industry in China: The Political Economy of a Cash Crop in Guangdong, 1644-1834 (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1984), p. 350. Mazumdar has studied extensively the commercialization of agriculture in the Pearl River delta.
34. See the edition of early Qing text: Qu Dajun, Guangdong xin yu (Hong Kong: Zhonghua Shuju, 1974), p. 426; the text is translated somewhat differently in Sucheta Mazumdar, A History of the Sugar Industry in China: The Political Economy of a Cash Crop in Guangdong, 1644-1834 (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1984), p. 350. Mazumdar has studied extensively the commercialization of agriculture in the Pearl River delta.
35. Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, p. 292.
36. Quoted in Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, p. 350.
37. Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, pp. 323-95.
38. Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, pp. 290-91.
39. Li Diaoyuan, Yuedong biji (Shanghai, China: Huiwentang, 1915), juan (chapter) 14.
40. Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, p. 288.
41. "Journey of a Trip Overland from Hainan to Canton in 1819," The Chinese Repository 18, no. 5 (May 1849): 237.
42. The best and most accessible standard accounts include Frederick Wakeman, Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (Boston, Massachusetts: The Free Press, 1975). pp. 111-30; Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), pp. 117-64; and Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rite of Modern China, 3d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 130-95.
43. The best and most accessible standard accounts include Frederick Wakeman, Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (Boston, Massachusetts: The Free Press, 1975). pp. 111-30; Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), pp. 117-64; and Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rite of Modern China, 3d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 130-95.
44. The best and most accessible standard accounts include Frederick Wakeman, Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (Boston, Massachusetts: The Free Press, 1975). pp. 111-30; Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), pp. 117-64; and Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rite of Modern China, 3d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 130-95.
45. The correlation coefficient is .9, and a linear regression of customs duty on the number of foreign ships has an Rz value of .8.
46. Alvin So, The South China Silk District: Local Transformation and World-System Theory (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1986), pp. 80-81.
47. One picul equals 133 pounds.
48. One mu is about one-sixth of an acre.
49. So, South China Silk District, pp. 84-85.
50. Translated and quoted in So, South China Silk District, p. 85.
51. Quoted in So, South China Silk District, p. 85.
52. Memorial dated Yongzheng (hereafter YZ) 5.4.13 (year 5, month 4, day 13, hereafter memorial dates will follow this format), Gongzhongdang Yongzheng chao zouhe, 25 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, 1977-88), 8:25.
53. Memorial dated YZ 12.9.2, Gongzhongdang Yongzheng chao zouzhe, 23:468.
54. The Pearl River delta accounted for about one-third of all arable land in Guangdong province.
55. See Ye and Tan, "Lun Zhujiang sanjiaozhou de zu tian," pp. 58-68. See also Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, pp. 263-322.
56. See Ye and Tan, "Lun Zhujiang sanjiaozhou de zu tian," pp. 58-68. See also Mazumdar, History of the Sugar Industry, pp. 263-322.
57. Luo Yixing, "Shi lun Qing dai qian zhong qi Lingnan shichang zhongxin de fenbu tedian" (paper presented at the Fourth International Conference on Chinese Social and Economic History, Shenzhen, China, December 1987), pp. 8-15.
58. Memorial dated YZ 2.4i.17, Gongzhongdang Yongzheng chao zouzhe, 2:582-83.
59. Memorial dated YZ 5.7.1, Yongzheng chao hanwen zhupi zouzhe, 38 vols. (Nanjing, China: Jiangsuguji chuban she, 1989), 10:101-103.
60. Da Qing li chao [Yongzheng] shi lu, juan 6:253, 94 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Hualian chubanshe, 1964), 14:113.
61. Da Qing li chao [Yongzheng] shi lu, juan 6:253, 94 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Hualian chubanshe, 1964), 14:113.
62. Da Qing li chao [Yongzheng] shi lu, juan 6:25b, 94 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Hualian chubanshe, 1964), 14:113.
63. Da Qing li chao [Yongzheng] shi lu, juan 6:25b, 94 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Hualian chubanshe, 1964), 14:113.
64. As a preface to selecting one of them to honor, the emperor intoned. "The peasant's lot is hard; his hands and feet are covered with calluses...He pays rent and taxes, provides for his parents, and raises his children." Da Qing li chao [Yongzheng] shi lu, juan 6:25a, 14:259.
65. As a preface to selecting one of them to honor, the emperor intoned. "The peasant's lot is hard; his hands and feet are covered with calluses...He pays rent and taxes, provides for his parents, and raises his children." Da Qing li chao [Yongzheng] shi lu, juan 6:25a, 14:259.
66. Memorial dated YZ 7.3.3, Gongzhongdang Yongzheng chao zouzhe, 12:599.
67. Qin ding Da Qing huidian shi li (Guangxu edition), juan 164:9b-10a, 24 vols. (Taiwan: Zhongwen shuju, 1963), 9:7247-48.
68. Qin ding Da Qing huidian shi li (Guangxu edition), juan 164:9b-10a, 24 vols. (Taiwan: Zhongwen shuju, 1963), 9:7247-48.
69. Qin ding Da Qing huidian shi li (Guangxu edition), juan 164:13b, 24 vols. (Taiwan: Zhongwen shuju. 1963), 9:7249.
70. Qin ding Da Qing huidian shi li (Guangxu edition), juan 164:13b, 24 vols. (Taiwan: Zhongwen shuju. 1963), 9:7249.
71. In 1737 the governor of Guangdong requested and received lower tax rates on "hard to reclaim land" in the southwest littoral. See the brief note discussing Yang Yongbin's memorial in Da Qing li chao (Qianlong) Shi lu, juan 37:2a-b, 94 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Hualian chubanshe, 1964), 17:705.
72. In 1737 the governor of Guangdong requested and received lower tax rates on "hard to reclaim land" in the southwest littoral. See the brief note discussing Yang Yongbin's memorial in Da Qing li chao (Qianlong) Shi lu, juan 37:2a-b, 94 vols. (Taibei, Republic of China: Hualian chubanshe, 1964), 17:705.
73. Two or three mu of dry land, for instance, was taxed at the rate of one mu of irrigated land and therefore registered as one, not three, mu.
74. My estimates are discussed in Marks. "Population Increases Dairy, But the Land Does Not': The Story of Land Clearance in the 18th Century," Tigere, Rice, Silk, and Silt: Environment and Economy in Late Imperial South China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, forthcoming).
75. Fenzel, "On the Natural Conditions." p. 81.
76. Fenzel, "On the Natural Conditions," p. 93.
77. Fenzel, "On the Natural Conditions," p. 92.
78. "Journey of a Trip Overland." p. 247.
79. Robert Pendleton, "Cogonals and Reforestation with Leucaena Glauca," Lingnan Science Journal 12 (October 1933): 555.
80. Pendleton, "Cogonals and Reforestation," p. 556.
81. Albert N. Steward, "The Burning of Vegetation on Mountain Land, and Slope Cultivation in Ling Yuin Hsien, Kwangsi Province, China," Lingnan Science Journal 13 (January 1934): 1.
82. Fenzel, "On the Natural Conditions," p. 42.
83. Pendleton, "Cogonals and Reforestation," p. 559.
84. Steward, "The Burning of Vegetation," pp. 2-3.
85. Sir George L. Staunton, An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: n.p., 1799), 2:213-14.
86. Pendleton, "Cogonals and Reforestation," p. 557.
87. Pendleton, "Cogonals and Reforestation," p. 557.
88. Fenzel, "On the Natural Conditions," p. 42.
89. Guangzhou fuzhi, 1879 ed., juan 80-81, entry for KX19.
90. Huizhou fuzhi, 1877 ed., juan 17-18, entry for KX16.
91. Gaoqing fuzhi, 1827 ed., juan 49, entry for YZ1.
92. Wuzhou fuzhi (1769 ed.), entry for QL17. Liuzhou fuzhi (1764 ed.), entry for KX35.
93. Wuzhou fuzhi (1769 ed.), entry for QL17. Liuzhou fuzhi (1764 ed.), entry for KX35.
94. Edward O. Wilson made the point that while tigers and lions in captivity have been crossbred ("The offspring are called tiglons when the father is a tiger and ligers when the father is a lion"), in the wild, the two species do not "hybridize." Besides radically different behavior (lions are social, tigers are solitary), "they liked different habitats. Lions stayed mostly in open savanna and grasslands and tigers in forests." Edward O. Wilson, The Diversity of Life (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press, 1992), p. 39. Had lions been anywhere near Lingnan when the burning off of the hills began, they might have replaced tigers and the peasant farmers would have been faced with a choice: which do you prefer, the tiger or the lion?
95. Such tigers didn't overlook women and children; the "man-eating" label is McDougal's.
96. Charles McDougal, "The Man-Eating Tiger in Geographic and Historical Perspective," in Ronald L. Tilson and Ulysses S. Seal, eds., Tigers of the World: The Biology, Biopolitics, Management, and Conservation of an Endangered Species (Park Ridge, New Jersey: Noyes Publications, 1987), pp. 445-46.
97. Lu Huoji, "Habitat Availability and Prospects for Tigers in China," in Tilson and Seal, Tigers of the World, pp. 71-74. Lu estimates that four thousand tigers inhabited the area in 1949, one hundred fifty to two hundred in 1981, and fifty to eighty in the mid-1980s.
98. Qu, Guangdong xin yu, pp. 551, 532.
99. Huizhou fuzhi, juan 18, entry for KX6.
100. Qu, Guangdong xin yu, p. 531.
101. For descriptions of the drought-prevention ceremonies, see M. W. de Visser, The Dragon in China and Japan (Wiesbaden, Germany: M. Sandig, 1969), pp. 119-20.
102. Ling Daxie, "Wo guo senlin ziyuan de bianqian," Zhongguo nongshi 1983.2: 25-35.
103. Leizhou fuzhi (1811 ed.): juan 2: 67a-b.
104. I examine global climatic change as another source of environmental change in Marks, Tigers, Rice, Silk, and Silt, and in Robert Marks, "'It Never Used To Snow:' Climate Variability and Agricultural Productivity in South China, 1650-1850," Sediments of Time: Environment and Society in China, ed. Mark Elvin and Liu Ts'ui-jung (New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
105. I examine global climatic change as another source of environmental change in Marks, Tigers, Rice, Silk, and Silt, and in Robert Marks, "'It Never Used To Snow:' Climate Variability and Agricultural Productivity in South China, 1650-1850," Sediments of Time: Environment and Society in China, ed. Mark Elvin and Liu Ts'ui-jung (New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
106. Alfred W. Crosby, "An Enthusiastic Second," The Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1107.
107. Today Guangxi is one of China's poorest provinces. This early relationship to the wealth of the Pearl River delta helps explain the origins of Guangxi's twentieth-century backwardness and poverty.
108. Donald Worster, The Wealth of Nature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 58.
109. Cronon, Changes in the Land, p. 161. Cronon qualifies this conclusion by acknowledging that the diseases that Europeans brought and spread to the Indians had nothing to do with capitalism.
110. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974 ). For the best application of Immanuel Wallerstein's theories to Chinese history, see Frances V. Moulder, Japan, China, and the Modern World Economy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977). For a specific case study, see So, South China Silk District and Worster, The Wealth of Nature, p. 57.
111. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974 ). For the best application of Immanuel Wallerstein's theories to Chinese history, see Frances V. Moulder, Japan, China, and the Modern World Economy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977). For a specific case study, see So, South China Silk District and Worster, The Wealth of Nature, p. 57.
112. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974 ). For the best application of Immanuel Wallerstein's theories to Chinese history, see Frances V. Moulder, Japan, China, and the Modern World Economy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977). For a specific case study, see So, South China Silk District and Worster, The Wealth of Nature, p. 57.
113. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974 ). For the best application of Immanuel Wallerstein's theories to Chinese history, see Frances V. Moulder, Japan, China, and the Modern World Economy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977). For a specific case study, see So, South China Silk District and Worster, The Wealth of Nature, p. 57.
114. Worster, The Wealth of Nature, p. 56.
115. For an explanation of this point, see Robert B. Marks. "Rice Prices, Food Supply, and Market Structure in Eighteenth-Century South China," Late Imperial China 12, no. 2 (December 1991): 64-116.
116. Following Mao Zedong's dictum that China was developing capitalist relations of production before nineteenth-century imperialism derailed that movement Chinese Marxist historiographers have searched for the "sprouts of capitalism" in China before 1840, and have produced much good work as a result.
117. For another view of China's late imperial economy as being commercialized but not capitalist, see Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350-1988 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1990).
118. Worster, The Wealth of Nature, p. 56.