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The Mohajir Quomi Movement (MQM) is a national political movement which has its popular support base among the Urdu speaking immigrant communities settled in Karachi. In the last elections held in November 1993, the MQM boycotted the national assembly elections but contested the provincial assembly seats. They are identified as a militant political movement and held responsible for creating instability and violence in Karachi and other cities of Sindh, over almost the past decade. The army was asked by the Sindh government 2 years prior to the elections, to undertake a massive ‘clean up operation’ in the province, with a focus on Karachi.
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The ODA (UK) has been innovative in this respect, with similar studies having been commissioned for a number of other countries.
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See, for example, the following quote from the 1993–1997 Strategy Paper of Action Aid India: ‘ACTIONAID India believes that in defining poverty, the perceptions of local communities are of fundamental importance. This is because standard welfarist poverty norms using nutritional adequacy and income flow/stock definitions only present a partial view of a multi-dimensional problem. Wealth ranking and other participatory methods are increasingly being used in identifying the poor and ACTIONAID India is committed to accepting subjective, and sometimes non-comparable, yardsticks of poverty” (June 1993), p. 24.
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Ellen Wratten questions the value of the concept of ‘urban poverty’. She challenges the usefulness of treating urban poverty as a separate conceptual category and argues that “Any such classification is intrinsically arbitrary. More importantly, from a structural perspective, the determinants of urban and rural poverty are interlinked and have to be tackled in tandem”; “Conceptualizing Urban Poverty”, background paper for the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat) Global Report on Human Settlements 1996, July 1994.
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Urban Poverty and Socially Sustainable Development
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(1993)
DPU News
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The Shariah are rules laid down by the Quran and as explained or interpreted by the Prophet Muhammad. There have been differences over their interpretation. Zakat is deducted at source from deposits and investments in banks and other financial institutions and constitutes 2.5% of the face-value of assets held. Deductions are made annually on well specified dates during Ramadhan.
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Naila Kabeer makes a similar point with reference to policy approaches to women, in her recent book Reversed Realities, Gender Hierarchy in Development Thought (Verso, London, 1994).
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Baluchistan was excluded from this study on the basis of the low concentration of population in the Province and because of time and distance.
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The definition of household used was sharing the same kitchen. This was difficult to apply in this settlement where food was either cooked outside communally, or was purchased from vendors and ‘hotels’ on the borders of the settlement. Moreover, in each house there were both extended families and renters. In this context, therefore, for ‘household’ read ‘house’.
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Because Zakat excludes non-Muslims and some Muslim sects, Nawaz Sharif, when Chief Minister of the Punjab, introduced this programme to target those not covered by Zakat. In 1992 this was extended to the national level and included a food stamp programme.
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At the end of 1994, the Rehmanabad community was once again torched and their reed houses and shops burnt to the ground.
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