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1
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ElMercurio,. Gallardo refers to what he calls the ‘monetarization’ of the electoral process: the outcome denends on spending money on electoral experts, on expensive propaganda, and on the campaign team. He notes that the 1993 election was much more like the 1992 municipal one‐with the emphasis on regional issues and local personalities‐than it was like the 1989 election which was a more traditional national and issue‐based contest.
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(1993)
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2
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84987385756
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and from the Mideplan CASEN surveys for, 1990 and, 1992.
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(1987)
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3
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84987383614
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(1994)
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but the form of the encounter prevented any real inter‐change between the candidates. The event was widely regarded as dull and uninformative.
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5
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84987444379
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CERC publications, Santiago, 1993.
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(1989)
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6
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in El Mercurio
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(1994)
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7
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and speeches and statements by a variety of party and trade union personalities, especially in 1993. The conservative and highly influential El Mercurio focused on human rights in two ways: it defended the military government on the grounds that in 1973 there was, in effect, a civil war being fought; and it criticised President Aylwin's commuting of sentences of political prisoners on the grounds that this was excusing political terrorism.
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8
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77956451865
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Truth and justice in the consolidation of democracy in Chile and Uruguay
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(1993)
Parliamentary Affairs
, vol.46
, pp. 579-593
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9
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84987394846
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Santiago, Chile
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(1994)
, pp. 15
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10
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It was committed by a special unit of the Carabineros. One of the reasons the investigation was successful appears to have been due to rivalry between the various intelligence units‐ especially that between the Carabineros Dicomar, and the army's CNI‐which led to information going to the judicial authorities. Judge Juica handed down sentences on 15 members of the Carabineros, the most severe of which were two of 18yearsandoneof 15.
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11
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Stange has since resumed full command of the Carabineros, though relations with the government are still somewhat tense. Nevertheless the incident does underline the limits to the power of the executive.
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(1713)
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12
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84987447797
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‘What remains of Pinochet's Chile', Occasional Papers No. 3, Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London
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(1993)
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13
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84987411333
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virtually the same (84.6 per cent) level of support given to President Aylwin when he began his term of office, El Mercurio, International Edn, 7‐ 14 April 1994. Marta Lagos points out the extent to which party identification has declined at the congressional level: ‘Los candidates no son identificados mayoritariamente con los partidos a los cuales pertenecen, siendo pocos los cases en que más de1 50 por ciento de los votantes de ese candidato sabe a que partido pertence'. ‘El Voto, la Persona, de1 Candidato, El Partido', El Mercurio
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(1993)
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14
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running in the MIDA Alliance, did less well (with 4.69 per cent of the vote) than the Ecological candidate, the Independent and well known ‘alternative’ economist Manfred Max Neff, who gained 5.55 per cent of the vote.
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15
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the architect, whilst a minister under Pinochet, of the reform of the pensions system and of the labour code. In the campaign, however, he concentrated on ethical issues such as capital punishment (which he favoured) and abortion (which he opposed) in a blatant attempt to capture the Hard Right vote.
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17
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that of Allamand the equally vague ‘The Force of an Idea'.
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18
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even though many of its candidates fought hard to win local contests‐even against members of their own alliance as in the Senatorial contest in the Quinta Regiòn (Valparaíso) between the PDC candidate Juan Hamilton and the incumbent PPD Senator Laura Soto, who was narrowly defeated and accused Hamilton's team of a dirty tricks campaign.
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19
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84987411342
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It is not clear how many fines are in fact paid (and in the past there was usually an amnesty for non‐voters after the election) but certainly the fear of having to do so is a positive incentive to vote.
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20
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84987444352
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‘The popular sector response to an autoritarian regime’, Latin American Perspectives No. 67
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(1991)
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21
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the dominant force in the MIDA (Movimiento Izquierdista Democrático Allendista) alliance, chose a radical priest, Father Eugenio Pizarro. Unfortunately, Pizarro, suspended from the Church, was unable to make any favourable impression, but proved exceptionally able at creating unfavourable ones.
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23
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(the Socialist party, and the Party for Democracy and also the Communist party) won 24.3 per cent; in 1970 the presidential candidate of the Left (supported by the Centre Radical party) won 36.2 per cent; and the average congressional vote from 1937 to 1973 was 24.2 per cent. This stability of electoral preferences is even more notable con‐ sidering that in 1992 half the voters had never voted before. An excellent article, from which these figures have been taken, is T. SCULLY and S. VALENZUELA, ‘From democracy to democracy: continuities and changes of electoral choices and party system in Chile’, in, A. VALENZUELA, (ed.), Politics, Society, Democracy: Latin America (Boulder)
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(1994)
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24
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but some disagreement amongst the members of the Concertaciòn. As a result the opposition has a majority on 16 of the 17 Senate Commissions (though the government retains a majority on the crucial Treasury Commission). El Mercurio, International Edn, 2430
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(1994)
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25
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where its candidate Arturo Alessandri was left to his own devices, was underfunded and under‐supported, and during the campaign he looked and sounded listless and uncommitted. It is hardly surprising that José Pinera got three‐quarters of a million votes presenting himself as the true ‘pinochetista'.
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26
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84987435339
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B. POLLACK, (ed.), Mobilization and Socialist Politics in Chile, ILAS Monograph series No. 9, 1981, and B. POLLACK and H. ROSENKRANZ, Revolutionary Social Democracy: The Chilean Socialist Party, Pinter (London)
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(1986)
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