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In this case and in many of the subsequent citations, the conclusion stated in the text is based on calculations using data from the cited reference(s) rather than results explicitly presented in the source(s).
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Cessation ratios should be interpreted with caution because cessation ratios are influenced by several factors in addition to current and previous quit rates. For example, those who began smoking at younger ages have had a longer time period during which they could have quit smoking, so, ceteris paribus, groups which began smoking at younger ages will have higher cessation ratios. In addition, former smokers generally have lower mortality than current smokers, and the greater survival of former smokers tends to inflate cessation ratios. In many populations, males have begun smoking at younger ages than females and men have had greater smoking-related mortality, so it would be expected that, even if men and women had equal quit rates, men would have higher cessation ratios for adults. To minimize bias due to differential mortality, cessation ratios for adults over age 60 have been excluded from consideration. Data for clients of smoking cessation clinics have [[Truncated]]
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This estimate and the most of the subsequent estimates of this type are based on the reasons for not taking up smoking reported by adults who had never smoked in national surveys in the United States in 1964 and 1966 [29]. These surveys were chosen for analysis because they provide comprehensive data for large, representative samples in an historical period when there were large gender differences in smoking. It will be of considerable interest to analyze comparable data from recent national surveys as these become available.It should be noted that there are two major sources of inaccuracy in estimates of this type. First, self-reports of motivations may be inaccurate both because respondents are not fully aware of the factors that motivate their behavior and because respondents may be biased toward under-reporting or over-reporting certain types of motivations. Second, respondents frequently give multiple reasons for not smoking, and it is not known how [[Truncated]]
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Only age-specific or age-adjusted data are considered, since employed women are younger than housewives, on average, and, until very recently, younger women were more likely than older women to be smokers.
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If it is assumed that the differentials in smoking by labor force status were due entirely to the effects of labor force participation on smoking, then the available data suggest that the gender differences in labor force participation were responsible for approximately 3% of the gender difference in ever having smoked in 1955 [82] and 11% of the gender difference in current smoking in 1970 [92,93].
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For teenagers in the United States in recent years, smokeless tobacco use has increased among males at the same time as cigarette smoking has decreased more among males than among females [10,107]. One possible interpretation is that smokeless tobacco use has served as a substitute for smoking for some teenage males. However, current evidence concerning the relationship between smokeless tobacco use and smoking is inconclusive, and some evidence suggests that smokeless tobacco use may actually increase the risk of becoming a smoker by establishing nicotine addiction [33,108].
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