Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe

Imago Mundi

Volumn 40, Issue 1, 1988, Pages 57-76

  Harley, J B ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CARTOGRAPHY; IDEOLOGY; SECRECY;

EUROPE;

EID: 0024193574     PISSN: 03085694     EISSN: 14797801     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03085698808592639     Document Type: Article

References (120)

1. Harley, J. B., The map as ideology, forthcoming
2. An interesting variant of modern censorship is provided by remote sensing from satellites. The resolution of the instruments used for military intelligence is now so extraordinarily fine that satellites for civilian use (LANDSAT I launched in 1972, and LANDSAT V in 1984) have their imagery deliberately degraded; see: Gould, Peter, The geographer at work (London, 1985), 162–63, 211–13
3. For a shift of policy see: Broad, William J., ‘U.S. ends curb on photographs from satellites’, The New York Times, 21 January 1988
4. For an indication of the importance of this theme see James R. Akerman and David Buisseret, Monarchs, ministers, and maps: A cartographic exhibit at the Newberry Library (Chicago: Newberry Library, 1985)
5. Mazzeo, Joseph Anthony, Renaissance and seven-teenth-century studies (New York, 1964), 148
6. The word discourse has so many interpretations in linguistic and literary studies that it is necessary to define it here. I take the sense nearest to my own from Hulme, Peter, Colonial encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, 1492–1797 (London, 1986), 2, where he writes of‘colonial discourse, meaning by that term an ensemble of lin-guistically-based practices unified by their common deployment in the management of colonial relationships.’ I am also concerned with how ‘lin-guistically-based practices,’ broadly defined as both verbal and non-verbal language and systems of graphic representation including maps, have been used as political instruments. The sense is, therefore, also that of Michel Foucault, The archaeology of knowledge and the discourse on language, trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith (New York, 1972), who is concerned with discourse as a social practice with a set of meanings and effects that can be determined within particular historical societies
7. Silences can be detected, for example, in most of the technical stages of map production modelled by David Woodward: ‘The study of the history of cartography: A suggested framework American Cartographer, 1 (1974): 101–15
8. While he did not specify silences, an excellent discussion of the difficulty of assigning the nuances of cartographic representation to particular cultural or technical causes is given by H. R. Wilkinson: Maps and politics. A review of the ethnographic cartography of Macedonia (Liverpool, 1951), 314—323
9. I have found Bernard P. Dauenhauer's Silence: The phenomenon and its ontological significance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980) to be particularly helpful;
10. see also: Max Picard, The world of silence, trans. Stanley Godman (Chicago, 1952). I owe these references to Dr. Walter Mignolo of the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
11. Dauenhauer, op. cit., 23 (n. 8)
12. See Ihde, Don, Experimental phenomenology (New York, 1977) 68, 129
13. The ‘reader-response’ to maps in historical contexts has been neglected: for its place in literary studies see: Iser, Wolfgang, ‘The reading process: A phenomenological approach in Tompkins, Jane, P. (ed.) Reader-response criticism. From formalism to post-structuralism. (Baltimore, 1980), 50–51. The extent to which silences in maps may have stimulated their readers’ participation is worth pursuing. While early map-makers—unlike Laurence Sterne in Tristram Shandy where the reader is invited to add to the story on a provided blank page (see: Sterne, Laurence, The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman, ed. James Aiken Work (New York, 1940), 470— may not have generally envisaged such participation, it is possible to investigate its historical effects in the social construction of terrae incognitae. I owe the references in this note to Dr. Richard Eversole
14. The negative—even derisory—attitude towards blank spaces on maps was already well established by the eighteenth century most famously in Jonathan Swift, On poetry: a rhapsody (London, 1733), 12 in his well-known lines beginning ‘So geographers in Afric-maps.’
15. For a modern continuation see Lewis Carroll, ‘Bellman’s map’, The hunting of the snark, quoted by R. A. Skelton in Looking at an early map (Lawrence, Kansas, 1965), 3
16. Dauenhauer, op. cit., 4 (n. 8)
17. Recent anthropological research, revealing different cultural and contextual interpretations given to silence in speech patterns, can serve as a preliminary warning about the danger of overgeneralizing about the silences in maps. See, for example, Basso, K. H., ‘“To give up on words”: silence in Western Apache culture in Language and social context: Selected readings, ed. Pier Paolo Giglioli (London, 1972), 67–86
18. For a sociolinguistic example see: Coates, Jennifer, Women, men and language: A sociolinguistic account of sex differences in language (London, 1986), 33–34. Iowe these references to Dr. Michael Mikos
19. For an earlier step see; Harley, J. B., 'Maps, knowledge and power,' in Cosgrove, D. and Daniels, S. J., (eds.), The iconography of landscape (Cambridge, 1988), 277–312
20. Among Foucault's commentators and critics I have found to be particularly helpful for this paper Merquior, J. G., Foucault (Berkeley, California, 1985) and Poster, Mark, Foucault, Marxism and history: Mode of production versus mode of information (Cambridge, 1984)
21. Foucault, Michel, Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York, 1977), 27
22. Foucault, Michel, Power knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 1972–1977, ed. Colin Gordon; trans. Colin Gordon, Leo Marshall, John Mepham, Kate Sopher (New York, 1980), 74–75, during the interview “Questions on Geography”
23. Foucault, op. cit., 216(n. 5)
24. 'Discourse' here being a word for thought and knowledge as a social practice: Merquior, op. cit., 18 (n. 17)
25. Foucault, Michel, The order of things: An archaeology of the human sciences, trans. Alan Sheridan-Smith (New York, 1970), Preface
26. For literary parallels to cartographic censorship, which help us to view its practice as taken for granted rather than exceptional in early modern Europe, see: Patterson, Annabel, Censorship and interpretation. The conditions of writing and reading in early modern England (Madison, 1984)
27. See, for example, Needham, Joseph, and Ling, Wang, Science and civilization in China, vol. 3, Mathematics and the sciences of the heavens and the earth (Cambridge, 1959), 193;
28. Harley, J. B. and Woodward, David, (eds.), The history of cartography, vol. I, Cartography in prehistoric, ancient, and medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago, 1987), 254;
29. Davenport, William, 'Marshall Islands navigational charts,' Imago Mundi 15 (1967), 19–26
30. In terms of Foucault, Discipline and Punish, (23 n), 18, it was also a 'technology of power' closely enmeshed with the will to dominate in both domestic and overseas spheres
31. See also Akerman and Buisseret, op. cit., passim for examples of an increasing use of maps by the emergent states as tools of government
32. Mukerji, Chandra, 'Visual language in science and the exercise of power: the case of cartography in early modern Europe,' Studies in visual communication 10, n. 3. (1984), 30–45;
33. Sack, Robert David, Human territorialily: its theory and history (Cambridge, 1986)
34. See: Mann, Michael, The sources of social power, vol. 1, A history of power from the beginning to A.D. 1760 (Cambridge, 1986), 8, where he distinguishes between ‘authoritative power,’ which ‘comprises definite commands and conscious obedience’ and ‘diffused power’ which ‘spreads in a more spontaneous, unconscious, decentered way… not explicitly commanded.’ My intentional and unintentional silences in maps can be allocated to this broad distinction
35. Spence, Jonathan D., The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (London, 1984), 97
36. For example, in England, the crown had fully grasped the strategic importance of maps by the mid-sixteenth century. In 1551, for example, a chance visit to Portsmouth by a French ambassador en route for Scotland, in the company of an engineer/map-maker, was sufficient to alarm the English authorities into ordering the re-fortification of its castle: The chronicle and political papers of King Edward VI, ed. Jordan, W. K., (London, 1966), 97 (26 December 1551). I owe this reference to Peter Barber. In France, the models in the Musee des Plans-Reliefs, first constructed after 1668 for Louis XIV, were kept locked away in the Great Gallery of the Louvre and ‘few visitors were allowed to see them because examination by a potential enemy could have threatened military security’: Rothrock, George A., ‘Maps and models in the reign of Louis XIV,’ Proceedings of the annual meeting of the Western Society for French History 14 (1987), 50;
37. also Konvitz, Josef W., Cartography in France 1660–1848: Science, engineering, and statecraft (Chicago, 1987), 93. The same was true of other maps prepared for military purposes. Geoffrey Parker cites the case of the Duke of Alva who had a map of the Franche-Comte made for his pioneer march of 1567 but this was so accurate that he delayed its publication for a decade
38. See: Parker, Geoffrey, The army of Flanders and the Spanish Road 1567–1659. The logistics of Spanish victory and defeat in the Low Countries’ Wars (Cambridge, 1972), 83
39. Keuning, Johannes, ‘Isaac Massa, 1586–1643,’ Imago Mundi 10 (1953), 66–67;
40. Bagrow, Leo, A history of Russian cartography up to 1800, ed. Henry W. Castner (Wolfe Island, Ontario, 1975), 51
41. Bagrow, op. cit., 4–7, (n. 32)
42. Jager, Eckhard, Prussia-Karlen 1542–1810. Ge-schichte der Kartographischen Darstellung Ostpreussens vow 16. bis zum 19, Jahrhundert. Entstehung der Karten-Kosten-Vertrieb. Bibliographischer Katalog (Weis-senhorn, 1982), 168–71
43. Valerio, Vladimiro, ‘The Neapolitan Saxton and his survey of the Kingdom of Naples,’ The Map Collector 18 (1982), 14—17. The survey, intended to be produced as an atlas, remained unpublished because it was perceived as a threat to both the interests of Spain and the security of the Kingdom
44. Akerman and Buisseret, op. cit., 9 (n. 3), although this is debated
45. Eduard Imhof, Cartographic relief presentation, ed. H. J. Steward (Berlin, New York, 1982), 7
46. Skelton, R. A., Saxton's survey of England and Wales. With a facsimile of Saxton's wall-map of 1583 (Amsterdam, 1974), 15–18
47. William Lambarde, the sixteenth-century English historian, for example, had encountered opposition to the publication of a map of beacons in Kent, See: William Lambarde, A perambulation of Kent (1596), p. 69, where he wrote 'And now, if any man shall thinke that this laying open of the Beacons, is a point not meete to bee made publike: I pray him to give me leave to dissent in that opinion from him. For, as the profit to the Realme and subiect is manifest, in that it speedeth the service, where speed is the most profitable: so there is no secret hereby disclosed, whereof the enimie may take advantage.'
48. Helgerson, R., 'The land speaks: Cartography, chorography, and subversion in Renaissance England,' Representations 16 (1986), 51–85
49. Morgan, Victor, 'Lasting image of the Elizabethan era,' The Geographical Magazine 52 (1980), 401–08
50. Helgerson, op. cit., 81. (n. 40)
51. Cortesāo, Jaime, 'The pre-Columbian discovery of America,' The Geographical Journal 89 (1937), 29–42
52. Mukerji, Chandra, From graven images: Patterns of modern materialism (New York, 1983), 91
53. See, for example, Richard Eden's statement in the mid-sixteenth century: 'As touching these trades and voyages, as in manner of all the sciences, there are certain secrets not to be published and made common to all men.' Quoted by E. G. R. Taylor, in 'John Dee and the map of North-East Asia,' Imago Mundi 12 (1955), 103:
54. also Best, George, A true discourse of the late voyage of discoverie, for finding a passage to Cathaya, under M. Frobisher, General (London, 1578); and Richard Hakluyt who refers to a forthcoming 'very large and most exact terrestriall Globe, collected and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and latest discoueries, both Spanish, Portugall, and English' in The principal navigations voiages and discoveries of the English nation. A photo-lithographic facsimile with an introduction by David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton and with a New Index by Alison Quinn, imprinted at London, 1589 (Cambridge, 1965), xlviii-xlix
55. Wallis, Helen, 'The cartography of Drake's voyage,' in Thrower, Norman J. W., (ed.), Sir Francis Drake and the famous voyage, 1577-1580. Essays commemorating the quadricentennial of Drake's circumnavigation of the Earth (Berkeley, California, 1984), 121–163
56. Diffie, Bailey W., 'Foreigners in Portugal and the “Policy of Silence”, Terrae incongnitae 1 (1969), 23–34;
57. see also: Cortesāo, Armando, History of Portuguese Cartography, 2 vols. (Coimbra, 1969), II, 76, 116–18
58. Wallis, Helen (ed.), The maps and text ofthe Bake of idography presented by Jean Rotz to Henry VIII now in the British Library (Oxford, 1981), 40
59. Cortesāo, ‘The pre-Columbian discovery of America,’ 31 (n. 44);
60. see also, Kimble, George H., ‘Portuguese policy and its influence on fifteenth century cartography,’ Geographical Review 23 (1933), 653–59
61. Teixeira da Mota, A., ‘Some notes on the organization of hydrographical services in Portugal before the beginning of the nineteenth century,’ Imago Mundi 28 (1976), 51–60
62. Stevenson, Edward L., ‘The geographical activities of the Casa de la Contratacion, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 17 (1927), 39–59
63. Parry, J. H., The Spanish seaborn empire (London, 1966), 54–58
64. Stevenson, op. cit., 41 (n. 53)
65. Destombes, Marcel, Cartes Hollandaises: La cartographic de le compagnie des Indes orientales, 1593–1743 (Saigon, 1941), 5
66. Schilder, Gunter, ‘Organization and evolution of the Dutch East India Company’s Hydrographic Office in the seventeenth century,’ Imago Mundi 28 (1976), 61–78
67. I owe this point to Professor David B. Quinn: on the so-called ‘Secret atlas of the East India Company’ see: Wieder, F. C., Monumenta Cartographica, 5 (The Hague, 1933), 145—195
68. See also Campbell, Tony, ‘A descriptive census of Willem Blaeu’s sixty-eight centimetre globes,’ Imago Mundi 28 (1976), 21–50, esp. 27
69. Crone, G. R. and Skelton, R. A., ‘Collections of voyages and travels, 1625-1846,’ in Lynam, E. (ed.), Richard Hakluyt and his successors (London, Hakluyt Society, 1946), 65–140, esp. 67
70. Moodie, D. W., ‘Science and reality: Arthur Dobbs and the eighteenth-century geography of Rupert’s Land,’ Journal of Historical Geography 2, (1976), 293–309;
71. Williams, Glyndwr, ‘The Hud-son’s Bay Company and its critics in the eighteenth century,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th Series, 20 (1970), 150–51
72. Ruggles, R. I., ‘Governor Samuel Wegg: intelligent layman of the Royal Society,’ Notes and Records ofthe Royal Society of London 32 (1978), 181—199
73. Williams, op. cit., (n. 61)
74. I owe this point to Professor David B. Quinn
75. See, for example, Cortesāo, Armando, in Cartog-rafia e Cartografos Portugueses dos seculos XV et XVI (Lisbon: Ediçāo da “Seara Nova, 1935), I: 142—44, describes the acquisition of the Cantino map by the Duke of Ferrara. Alberto Cantino was sent to Lisbon under cover to obtain information on the progress of the Portuguese discoveries. In 1502, a letter from Cantino to the Duke states that he had bribed a Portuguese map-maker, probably one connected to the Casa da India, with twelve gold ducados to copy a map, probably the official padrao. Cantino left Lisbon with the planisphere at the end of October 1502, and through the intermediary of Francesco Cataneo, the duke had the map in his library by December. I owe this reference to Kevin Kaufman
76. Skelton, R. A., 'Raleigh as a geographer,' Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 71 (1963), 131–49
77. Lamb, Ursula, 'Science by litigation: A cosmographic feud,' Terrae incognitae 1 (1969), 40–57
78. Following the distinction of Mann, Michael, Sources of social power, 8 (n. 29)
79. Foucault, Michel, 'Résponse au cercle d'épistémologie,' Cahiers pour l'analyse 9 (Summer 1968), quoted by Merquior, op. cit., 81 (n. 17)
80. Foucault, Archaeology, 153–4 (n. 5), for a fuller discussion of the concept of the episteme as it relates to social constraints on the creation of knowledge
81. Merquior, op. cit., 46 (n. 17); these two characteristics comprise what Foucault termed the 'classical episteme.'
82. The appearance of the characteristic sheet on maps offers a diagnostic criterion for the formalization of this taxonomic tendency: see E. M. J. Campbell, 'The development of the characteristic sheet, 1533–1822,' Proceedings of the VII General Assembly—XVIlth Congress—of the International Geographical Union (Washington, 1952), 426–30. For other aspects of the early history of adoption of this device see Catherine Delano Smith, 'Cartographic signs on European maps and their explanation before 1700,' Imago Mundi 37 (1985), 9–29
83. These are, in effect, the assumptions of 'normal science' and they represent an important epistemological thread in the development of cartography
84. For an earlier statement of this view see Crone, Gerald R., Maps and their makers: An introduction to the history of cartography, 1st ed. (London, 1953), xi. Crone writes that 'the history of cartography is largely that of the increase in the accuracy with which… elements of distance and direction are determined and… the comprehensiveness of the map content.' That the interpretation persists is demonstrated, for example, by the Foreword by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie to Konvitz, op. cit., xi-xiv, where he writes in terms of concepts such as 'enormous progress,' 'Realistic understanding of space,' 'perfection of terrestrial concepts' and concludes that 'The progress of French cartography at the time of the Enlightenment was linked to collaborations between state and science' yet without, in the main, pursuing the ideological implications of the state interest in mapping
85. See Campbell, E. M. J. Figure 2, (n. 72)
86. For the effects of print culture on social thought with relevance to the argument in this paper see: Ong, Walter J., Orality and literacy: The technologizing of the word (London, 1982), esp. 117–23
87. Foucault sees this as inherent in the process of graphic representation: see Merquior, op. cit., 46–47 (n. 17);
88. Sack, Human territoriality, 131, (n. 28) makes the same point in his discussion of ‘abstract metrical territorial definition of social relationships’, imposed through maps
89. In relation to the concept of a ‘normal science’ episteme a weakness of Foucaults formulation is that he insists that ‘in any given culture and at any given moment, there is always only one episteme that defines the conditions of possibility of all knowledge’: Foucault, The order of things, 168 (n. 22)
90. For an understanding of patronage in the history of cartography in early modern Europe there is much to be derived from Baxendall, Michael, Painting and experience in fifteenth century Italy: A primer in the social history of pictorial style (Oxford, 1972). He writes (p. 1): ‘A fifteenth-century painting is the deposit of a social relationship. On one side there was a painter who made the picture, or at least supervised its making. On the other side there was somebody else who asked him to make it, provided funds for him to make it and, after he had made it, reckoned on using it in some way or other. Both parties worked within institutions and conventions—commercial, religious perceptual, in the widest sense social—that were different from ours and influenced the forms of what they together made.’
91. By the nineteenth century the place-names associated with linguistic minorities in many European states were being deliberately suppressed but the origins of such policies as an agent of statecraft still have to be described in the history of cartography: see Ormeling, F. J. Minority toponyms on maps: The rendering of linguistic minority toponyms on topographic maps of Western Europe (Utrecht, 1983)
92. Todorov, Tzvetan, The conquest of America: The question of the other, trans. Richard Howard (New York, 1984) is a revisionist essay with important ideological pointers.to the way we view the silences of the New World cartography of the ‘Discoveries’ period
93. Four styles of cross are used to identify ecclesiastical rank. The smallest category of civil settlement is identified by a plain dot while other settlements are shown by pictorial signs. These are not clearly distinguished but range from small to large
94. For a discussion of the impact of Reformist issues upon the content of maps of the Holy Land, see Delano Smith, Catherine, ‘Maps in bibles in the sixteenth century’, The Map Collector 39 (1987), 2–14
95. for other examples see Nebenzahl, Kenneth, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through two millenia (New York, 1986), esp. 70–133
96. For an analysis of the religious content in mappae-mundi see Woodward, David, ‘Medieval mappae-mundi, in Harley, J. B. and Woodward, David (eds.), The history of cartography, vol. 1 (Chicago, 1987), 286–370
97. For example, N. Claudianus’ map of Bohemia (1518) may have been prepared for the purpose of showing the distribution and status of Papal and Hussite adherents, since so little topographical information is included; P. de la Beke’s map of Flanders (1538), stronghold of Protestanism, concentrates on categories of religious institutions; C. Radziwill's map of Lithuania (1613) for its part distinguishes Orthodox from Roman bishops
98. Suggestive of such a silence of religous conviction is provided by John Norden, the late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth century English mapmaker. Norden was anti-Catholic and on only one of his county maps, Middlesex (1593), does he show 'bishop's sees' and then with a curious starlike sign rather than a cross (a papal symbol abhorred by some protestants). On the other hand, his unusual inclusion of chapels of ease on most of his other maps can be attributed to his deep interest in ecclesiastical matters. I owe this example to Catherine Delano Smith
99. Again further contextual research is needed to establish whether we can regard these silences as an action prophesying the ultimate triumph of Christendom or merely a failure to update old images and texts. On the persistence of an old topography of the Holy Land and its meaning see: Katzir, Yael, 'The conquests of Jerusalem, 1099 and 1178: historical memory and religious typology,' in The meeting of two worlds: cultural exchange between East and West during the period of the Crusades, ed. Vladimir P. Goss and Christine Verzar Bornstein (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1986), 103–131; for the continuing consequences of the mental set of the crusaders in Holy Land cartography, see Nebenzahl, op. cit., passim (note 83)
100. This may have been an indirect expression of the sumptuary laws which regulated how the members of some European social groups should dress. In the case of England and her colonies it has been suggested that the purpose of these laws was 'that no one would be able to slip over into a status to which he did not belong': see: Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, Settling with the Indians. The meeting of English and Indian cultures in America, 1580–1640 (Totowa, New Jersey, 1980), 3
101. For a wider discussion of the social significance of dress codes in early modern Europe see Braudel, Fernand, Civilization and capitalism 15th-18th century, vol. 1. The structures of everyday life: The limits of the possible, trans. Sian Williams (London, 1981), 311–33
102. Kupperman, op. cit., 2 (n. 88)
103. Key in north-east corner of John Smith's 'Virginia,' 1612. For a detailed description of this influential map and its various printed states see Verner, Coolie, 'The first maps of Virginia, 1590–1673,' The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 58 (1950), 3–15
104. For a somewhat later example of the deliberate use of maps in this way see De Vorsey, Louis Jr., 'Maps in colonial promotion: James Edward Oglethorpe's use of maps in “selling” the Georgia Scheme,' Imago Mundi 38 (1986), 35–45
105. For reproductions see Schwartz, Seymour I., and Ehrenberg, Ralph E., The mapping of America (New York, 1980), Chapter 4, 'Permanent colonization reflected on maps: 1600–1650,' 84–109
106. Kupperman, op. cit., 33 (n. 88)
107. This silence, like others, cannot be regarded as an historical constant. By the nineteenth century it has been pointed out that even popular maps were showing the location of Indian tribes in the American West and Southwest. This ‘probably confirmed in the reader’s mind an image of the… [region] as a place heavily peopled by hostile Indians’: The mapping of the American Southwest, ed. Reinhartz, Dennis, and Colley, Charles C., (College Station, Texas, 1987), 67
108. For a discussion relevant to the depictions of scenes of cannibalism on early manuscript and printed maps of the New World see Kolata, Gina, ‘Are the horrors of cannibalism fact—or fiction,’ Smithsonian 17, no. 12 (1978): 150-170;
109. for wider implications see also Arens, William, The man-eating myth (New York, 1979)
110. Helgerson, op. cit., 81 (note 40)
111. Monmonier, M. S., ‘Cartography, geographic information, and public policy,’ Journal of Geography in Higher Education 6, no. 2 (1982), 99—107
112. The notion of the ‘unthought’ (impense) is that of Foucault
113. In the cartographic literature see, notably, the two recent essays by Wood, see: Wood, Denis, and Fels, John, ‘Designs on signs: Myth and meaning in maps,’ Cartographica 23, no. 3 (1986): 54-103;
114. Wood, Denis, ‘Pleasure in the idea: The atlas as narrative form,’ in Atlases for schools: Design principles and curriculum perspectives, ed. Carswell, R. J. B., de Leeuw A. J. A., and Waters, N. M. Cartographica 24, no. 1 (1987, Monograph 36), 24–45
115. Helgerson, op. cit. n. 40, is an example of how ‘The new historicism’ in literary studies has brought maps within its purview as an aspect of representation; it is taken for granted that the map would be read as any other text: I owe this point to Dr. Richard Eversole of the University of Kansas at Lawrence
116. Muehrcke, Phillip C., Map use. Reading, analysis, and interpretation (Madison, 1978); 103. Foucault, Archaeology, Chapter 6, 'Science and Knowledge,' 178–195 (note 5), refuses to make a distinction between 'science' and 'ideology.' This places him apart from traditional marxism in which 'science' and 'ideology' have always been regarded as separate categories of knowledge. It is this latter position, derived from positivist science, which has established itself within cartography (and the history of cartography), and is reflected, for example, in the assumed major cleavage between 'propaganda maps' and 'truth maps.'
117. For similar conclusions about the artificiality of this divide, taking examples from present-day maps, see Axelsen, Bjørn, and Jones, Michael, 'Are all maps mental maps?' Geojournal 14, no. 4 (1987): 447–64
118. and (much earlier) Wood, Denis, I don't want to, but I will. The genesis of geographic knowledge: A real-time developmental study of adolescent images of novel environments (Worcester, Mass., 1973), passim
119. Mann, Michael, op. cit., 524–25 (n. 29). While he does not mention cartography specifically it is clearly part of 'the infrastructure available to power holders' and is among 'the social inventions that have crucially increased power capacities.'
120. The notion of'truth effects' is that of Foucault