-
1
-
-
84990639480
-
Pestschriften aus dem ersten 150 Jahren nach der Epidemie des 'schwarzen Todes' 1348, XX,
-
Karl Sudhoff published or described nearly three hundred of these treatises during the first quarter of the twentieth century. An index and statistical summary of this project appears in Karl Sudhoff
-
(1925)
Sudhoffs Archiv
, vol.17
, pp. 264-291
-
-
-
2
-
-
0141918296
-
The Scientific Approach to Disease: Specific Entity and Individual Sickness
-
For a discussion of medieval theories of health and disease, based on Italian commentaries on Galen's Tegni, see Per‐Gunnar Ottoson, Scholastic Medicine and Philosophy: A Study of Commentaries on Galen's Tegni (ca. 1300‐1450) (Uppsala: Institutionen For Ide‐och Lardomhistoria, Skrifter Nr. 1, 1982). For a stimulating discussion of these two fundamentally different ways of looking at disease, see Owsei Temkin, A.C. Crombie, New York:, Basic Books
-
(1963)
Scientific Change
, pp. 629-643
-
-
-
3
-
-
84990636078
-
Pestschriften, XVIII
-
“Volo aliqua de pestilencia scribere que nos frequencius invadit quam fecerit antiquos et ideo pauci antiqui per experienciam ab eis habitam pauca dicere poterunt” (Karl Sudhoff). Modern scholars disagree over the amount of experience the traditional authorities may have had with epidemic disease. See Manfred Ullman, “Islamic Medicine,”Islamic Surveys 12: 86–96 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978)
-
(1925)
Sudhoffs Archiv
, vol.17
, pp. 23
-
-
-
4
-
-
84990635969
-
-
“… factas tempore Ypocras … et illam que accidit occupariunt nisi unam partem regionis ista totam mundam” (MS Paris 7133A, fol. 85).
-
-
-
-
5
-
-
84990650255
-
-
Antiqui siquidem in causis talium morborum diminute et superficialiter transiuerunt quod utique fieri potuerit vel quia rarius et tardius nobis illos viderunt vel quia causas illorum vel modos actionis causarum ignoraverunt quia morbus est incognitus suis non cognitis causis vel modus actionis eorum. Morbus vero incognitus a medico non curatur, ideo antiqui morbos pestiferos non plene curaverunt (MSS Munich CLM 18444, fols. 200r‐v and Vatican City BAV Palat. 1229, fol. 294).
-
-
-
-
6
-
-
84990635972
-
There are two important monographic studies of the plague literature from the time of the Black Death: Anna M. Campbell
-
( New York:, Columbia University Press), and Domenick Palazzotto, “The Black Death and Medicine: A Report and Analysis of the Treatises Written Between 1348 and 1350,” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Kansas, 1973). Although it deals with a more specialized topic, Darrell Amundsen's, “Medical Deontology and Pestilential Disease in the Late Middle Ages,”Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 32(1977):, is helpful and treats works written after the Black Death
-
(1931)
The Black Death and Men of Learning
, pp. 403-411
-
-
-
7
-
-
84990630695
-
On the medical faculty at Montpellier, see Danielle Jacquart
-
( Geneva:, Librairie Droz), passim and Sonoma Cooper, “The Medical School of Montpellier in the Fourteenth Century,”Annals of Medical History 2(1930)
-
(1981)
La milieu medical en France du Xlle au XVe siècle
, pp. 164-195
-
-
-
8
-
-
84990652247
-
The frequency of occurrence and severity of plague epidemics seems to have varied tremendously from area to area. See Elisabeth Carpentier, “Autour de la peste noire
-
(1962)
Annales E.S.C.
, vol.17
, pp. 1062-1090
-
-
-
9
-
-
84990703090
-
-
6 pp.,. It was edited by L.A.J. Michon from a corrupt manuscript, (Documents inédits sur la grande peste de 1348, Paris: J. B. Ballière et fils), pp. 71‐81; my references will be to the superior recension contained in MS Paris BN 11227, fols. 209211
-
(1860)
, pp. 44-45
-
-
-
10
-
-
84990630673
-
Alphonse of Cordova's treatise is found in Karl Sudhoff, “Epistola et regimen Alphontii Cordubensis de pestilentia
-
(1910)
Sudhoffs Archiv
, vol.3
, pp. 223-226
-
-
-
11
-
-
84990635932
-
-
Alberti describes the buboes appearing in the emunctories (the “disposal areas” of the principal organs of the body), the classic symptom of bubonic plague, and a symptom not remarked upon in earlier discussions of pestilential fever. See MS Vatican City BAV Palat. 1331, fol. 291v.
-
-
-
-
12
-
-
84990647198
-
-
The definition contained in Avicenna's Canon, the fundamental teaching text of the Middle Ages was the starting point for medieval discussions of fever: “Fever is extraneous heat arising in the heart and proceeding from it, to the entire body by means of the spirits and blood” (Avicenna, Liber Canonis Venice, 1574; reprint Brussels, 1971), Liber IV, Fen I, Tractatus i, Capitulum i. Two important Montpellier masters writing just before the Black Death wrote on fevers, and their discussions closely parallel Avicenna's: Bernard of Gordon in his Lilium medicinae (MS Paris BN 11227, fols. 1–203) and Gerard de Solo in his De febribus (MS Seville BC 5–1–45, fols. 40–41). On Bernard, see Luke Demaitre, Doctor Bernard de Cordon: Professor and Practitioner (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980). On Gerard see Anne‐Sylvie Guenon, “Gérard de Solo, Maître de l'Université de médecine de Montpellier et practicien du XIVe siècle,”Positions des thèses (École Nationale des Paris, Chartes: 1982), pp. 75–82. There are few modern discussions of medieval theories of fever. Perhaps the most useful recent work on fevers, although focusing on a later period, is Iain M. Lonie, “Fever Pathology in the Sixteenth Century: Tradition and Innovation,” W. F. Bynum and V. Nutton, eds., Theories of Fever From Antiquity to the Enlightenment. Medical History, Suppl. no. 1 (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1981), pp. 19–44.
-
-
-
-
13
-
-
84990635930
-
-
In general discussions of fever, for example in Avicenna's Canon and Bernard of Gordon's Lilium, the threefold division is discussed, and chapters on the three types of fever follow; a chapter on pestilential fevers follows those chapters, without any explanation of how this fits into the classificatory scheme.
-
-
-
-
14
-
-
84990721573
-
-
2.
-
-
-
-
15
-
-
84990721571
-
-
6 pp. 39– 42).
-
-
-
-
16
-
-
84990635937
-
-
“… ascendit inde per venam organiam … ad pulmonem et … pulmonis motus cessat et non potest ventilare supra cor ad infrigidandum eum et tunc cor calefit et fit febris pestilentialis” (MS Paris BN 11227, fol. 209v).
-
-
-
-
17
-
-
84990647205
-
-
For example, see the discussion of the anonymous practitioner's theory of contagion below.
-
-
-
-
18
-
-
84894711882
-
An Historical Analysis of the Concept of Infection
-
3 pp. 86–96. For medieval western attitudes, amassing evidence that certain diseases were considered contagious, see Owsei Temkin, ( Baltimore:, The Johns Hopkins University Press, ; Charles and Dorothea Singer, “The Scientific Position of Girolamo Fracastoro 14787–1553 with Especial Reference to the Sources, Character and Influence of His Theory of Infection,”Annals of Medical History 1, 1917): 1–34; Mirko Grmek, “Le concept d'infection dans l'antiquité et au Moyen Age, les anciennes mesures sociales contre les maladies contagieuses et la fondation de la première quarantaine à Dubrovnik (1377),”Rad. Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetrosti 384 (1980): 9–54; and Vivian Nutton, “The Seeds of Disease: An Explanation of Contagion [Truncated]
-
(1953)
Studies in Intellectual History
, pp. 123-147
-
-
-
19
-
-
84990731669
-
-
Avicenna, Liber Canonis, L. IV, F. I, Tr. iv, Cap. 13, contains Avicenna's discussion of fevers and apostemes.
-
-
-
-
20
-
-
84990668294
-
-
There are other forms of plague besides the bubonic. See below.
-
-
-
-
21
-
-
84990668195
-
-
For example, Bernard Alberti writes: … si sint humores superflui in epate qui mittantur ad inguina vel in cerebro mittantur retro aures et si in corde ad acellas vel ad alia membra … ex quibus humoribus sit dispositus causabuntur bubones, herisipili, carbunculi, et alia diversa genera apostematum. (MS Vatican City BAV Palat. 1331, fol. 138v).
-
-
-
-
22
-
-
84990731676
-
-
… et aliquando cerebrum expellit hanc ventosa et venenosam materiam per nervos opticos concavos ad oculos … et quem spiritum visibilem si quis sanus aspexerit suscipit impres‐sionem morbi pestilenciales.” (Paris, BN MS 11227, fols. 209v‐210).
-
-
-
-
23
-
-
84990731674
-
-
Exemplum de basilisco qui respexerit fortiter aliquem sanum ipsum respicientem statim spiritus visibilis et aereus et venenosus egrediens ab oculi basilisci transiens in obiecto, scilicet in oculis respicientis basiliscum statim et subito intoxicat predictum hominem … legitur in libro Aristotelis ad Alexandrum [that is, the Secreta secretorum] de quadam domicella nutrita ex veneno per quamdam reginam quam illa regina misit Alexandro ut occidit Alexandrum solo viso et concubito suo quam domicellam videns Aristotelem novit per oculos suos ipsam esse venenosam (MS Paris BN 11227, fol. 210).
-
-
-
-
24
-
-
84990721533
-
-
10 p. 224).
-
-
-
-
25
-
-
84990699241
-
-
For biographical information on Guy, see Ernest Wickersheimer, ( Geneva:, Librairie Droz, ; reprint Geneva, 1979), pp.,. Guy's account of the pestilence has been translated into English by Michael McVaugh, in Edward Grant, ed. A Sourcebook in Medieval Science (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 773–774
-
(1936)
Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France au Moyen Age, 2 vols.
, pp. 214-215
-
-
-
27
-
-
84990644086
-
-
25 p.,. Raymundus's connection to Montpellier is not absolutely certain. Some support is found in the manuscript tradition; the end of one manuscript version of his treatises says “Compositus per me Raymundum Chamelli magistrum in artibus et in medicine preclari Montispessulani” (MS Munich CLM 18444, fol. 266)
-
-
-
-
28
-
-
84990635901
-
-
The treatise by Tornamira's pupil is problematic. It is found in a unique manuscript (MS Oxford Bodl. Canon, misc. 524) written in a late fifteenth‐century hand. Many references to individuals and institutions contained in the text are confused, but these may be due to scribal errors. One of the difficult passages is the one in which the author claims to be a student of Tornamira's: “et dixit dominus meus magister Johannes de Tornamira, compilator Clarificatori et cancellari predicti studii parisiensis” (fol. 105v). Tornamira did write the Clarificatorium, a commentary on the ninth book of Rhazes's Almansor, but was the chancellor of the Montpellier, not the Parisian, medical faculty. Despite the problems, I am inclined to accept the Montpellier provenance of the work.
-
-
-
-
29
-
-
84990639452
-
-
3 p. 24).
-
-
-
-
30
-
-
84990644088
-
-
3 pp.). Jacobi's account in his plague treatise agrees with his discussion of pestilential fever in his Secreta practice, a compendium of practice written for Charles VI of France: “sed in febre pestilenciali tales fumi sunt putredinales et veneosi per admixtionem aeris corrupti” (MS Seville BC 5–1–45, fol. 108)
-
-
-
-
31
-
-
84990651307
-
-
3 p. 25).
-
-
-
-
32
-
-
84990635910
-
-
Nota quod in hac febre non confert purgacionibus in sistere quia humor putredus non est causa sed vapor aeris venenosus et putredus cor inficius et cuius humiditatem” (MS Oxford Bodl. Canon, misc. 524, fol. 103v).
-
-
-
-
33
-
-
84990644096
-
-
Much of the prophylactic advice proffered involves avoiding the sources of noxious fumes and rectifying the air.
-
-
-
-
34
-
-
84990639455
-
-
3 pp.
-
-
-
-
35
-
-
84990710410
-
Cum morbi pestilenciales qui hactenus fuerunt, sunt et erunt … sint communiter apostema antrosa … ad quae sequitur febris ipsa concomitans, non quod ipsa febris sit pestilencialis”
-
For example, Johannes writes:, Karl Sudhoff, “Pestschriften III,”
-
(1912)
Sudhoffs Archiv
, vol.5
, pp. 48
-
-
-
36
-
-
84990630660
-
-
“Impressit enim talem formam in aere et in aliis elementis quod sicud adamas attrahit ferrum ita ipsa movebat humores grossos, adhustos et venenosos et congrebat eos ad interiorem qua et faciebant apostema” (MS Paris BN 7133A, fol. 85v). This fifteenth‐century copy of Guy's Magna chiurgia belonged to Jacques Angeli, who will be discussed below.
-
-
-
-
37
-
-
84990630654
-
-
“… et fit tante contagiositatis specialiter que fit cum sputo sanguinis quare non solum morando sed etiam inspiciendo unus respiciebat de alio in tantum” (MS Paris BN 7133A, fol. 84v).
-
-
-
-
38
-
-
84990630655
-
-
35).
-
-
-
-
39
-
-
84990703106
-
-
Ymmo ipso aere sereno existente et apparente tranquillo puro frigido et monstruoso fortior est ibi ipidimia et sic maior ut patet hodie et in magnis humidis corporibus et fortibus ut in pueris et iuvenibus et hoc est signum forte quid est ab influencia celi que fit insensibiliter (MS Munich CLM 18444, fol. 225).
-
-
-
-
40
-
-
84990703102
-
-
“… omnis morbus dicitur pestilencialibus cuius causa efficiens est aer alteratus, infectus et corruptus a causa superiora, inferiori vel utrumque.” (MS Munich CLM 18444, fol. 245v).
-
-
-
-
41
-
-
84990731961
-
-
De ratione morbis pestilencialis sunt tria: primum aeris malignatio, secundum cordis prima invasio, tertium humorum invenenatio. Primas duas condiciones posuerunt antiqui doctores scientie fundatores ut Ypocras, Galienus, Rasis et Avicenna in locis sepe allegatis. Tertium posuerunt moderni doctores ut magnus magister Gentilis de Furlino et magister Jacobus Rotunda Romanus (MS Munich CLM 18444, fol. 245v).
-
-
-
-
42
-
-
84990721590
-
-
This division is clearly seen in the structure of the therapeutic portion of his treatise: Tertia pars principalis huius tractatus est de cura morborum pestilentialium magis particulosorum et habet duo capitula: primum est de apostematibus venenosis simul cum febres pestiferis existentibus, secundum est de febribus pestilentialibus sine apostematibus (MS Munich CLM 18444, fol. 245v).
-
-
-
-
43
-
-
85035383338
-
-
( Avignon:, Les Presses Universelles), p. 181, mentions an epidemic in 1407 and then none until 1481. The town chronicle, Le Petit Thalamus (Montpellier: Martel, 1836) however, mentions pestilences or mortalities occurring in 1407, 1408, 1409, and 1411; of course all of these outbreaks need not be plague.
-
(1975)
La medecine à Montpellier, t. 1
-
-
Dulieu1
-
44
-
-
84990731960
-
-
For biographical details, see Bruno Delmas, “Le chancelier Jacques Angeli et la medecine à Montpellier au milieu du XVe siècle,”Positions des Thèses (Paris: École Nationale des Charles,. As far as I know the only reference to Angeli's deanship is found in an anonymous baccalaureate address, see note 50 below). The Puncta medicine exists in three codices of Seville: MSS Seville BC 5‐7‐16, 5‐7‐17, and 5‐7‐18
-
(1966)
, pp. 23-28
-
-
-
45
-
-
84990721593
-
-
3 p.
-
-
-
-
46
-
-
84990652240
-
-
3 pp., 113. and MS London Sloane 428, fols. 145v, 151v
-
-
-
-
47
-
-
84990646752
-
-
25 p.
-
-
-
-
48
-
-
84990639576
-
-
In addition to the copies found in the Philonium, there are separate manuscript versions: MSS New York NYAM 4, fols. 294–301v; Paris BN fr. 630, fols. 43v‐49; Seville BC 5–1–45, fols. 226–226, 259v‐262. The Seville version was actually copied from a copy of the Philonium.
-
-
-
-
49
-
-
84990629555
-
-
MS Paris BN nal 3035, fols. 69v‐80v.
-
-
-
-
50
-
-
84990629556
-
-
25 p. 157)
-
-
-
-
51
-
-
84990734218
-
-
Valescus de Taranta, Practica que alia philonium dicatur (Venice, 1502), fols.
-
-
-
-
52
-
-
84990703189
-
-
MS Seville BC 5–7–16, fols. 152v‐155v.
-
-
-
-
53
-
-
84990707525
-
-
3 p.
-
-
-
-
54
-
-
84990734223
-
-
3 pp.
-
-
-
-
55
-
-
84990629562
-
-
“Dico quod cum febris precedit glandulam, illa febris non est epidimialis sed effimera que superveniente glandula imitatur in pestilenciam” (MS London BL Sloane 428, fol. 150; missing in Sudhoff's edition).
-
-
-
-
56
-
-
84990661922
-
-
Since this portion of the treatise is garbled in Sudhoff's edition, it is worthwhile quoting in extenso. Ego vero studebam Tolose redit pestilencia que iam cessaverat duobus annis et peremit ultra cc studentes et paucos cives. Et tunc super hoc venit michi glandula in inguine dextro sine febre, quare stati aperui sophenam dextri pedis. Et nocte sequenti supervenit alia glandula in inguine et prima cum dolore forti crevit et cum hoc me febre fortiter invasit quare timens et surgens mane, feci venire meum Phylippum et lephantis, magnum et universalem phylosophum et valentem medicum ut interesset maioris glandule apertioni in principio reunebat. Sed meis rationibus quia materia erat furiosa et morbus acutis‐simus oportebat earn evacuari presto per locum propinquissium aquievit, quare imposito flebothomio per digit spacium in profundum et tantumdem in latum exivit parum sanguinis, et tantum de aqua crocea quam tamen capi potent in testa avellane, qua emissa statim febre evanuit supra cuius apertionem. Magister meus apposuit medicinam glutinarem nec ob hoc destiti a ergerem febrem tunc vero nocte sequenti iuvenili farmaco evacuari quem quies et surgens mane ammovi emplastrum et reperi vulnus consolidatum taliter quod vix apparebat cicatrix. Et sic fui curatus mirante magitsro meo curam tarn subito terminari. Ex quo experimento tria precepi: primum quod materia venenosa in principio invasionis non erat nisi in glandula, secunda febris fuit accidens eius, tertia quod tardato in evacuando est facere infirmum periclitarem (MS London BL Sloane 428, fols. 151v‐152).
-
-
-
-
57
-
-
84990709452
-
-
3 pp.
-
-
-
-
58
-
-
84990630780
-
-
Et primum quidem accidens et magis generale seu accidentia magis generalia sunt struma seu glandula vel bubo et flegmones antraces et similia apostemate maligna” (MS Paris BN nal 3035, fol. 74v).
-
-
-
-
59
-
-
84990739047
-
-
There are twenty‐seven accidents or symptoms: dolor capitis, frenesis, subecli vel litargia, vigilie, fluxus sanguinis narium, sitis, nigredo lingue, excoriatio oris et trachee artherie, squinancia, tussis, pleuresis, peripulmonia, sputus sanguinis, sincopis, vomitus, dolor stomachi, vermes, dolor et calor epatis, dolor splenis, dolor ventris, yliaca passio, fluxus ventris, restrictio ventris, retencio urine, variole et morbilli, and sudor dyaforeticus (MS Paris BN nal 3035, fol. 75v).
-
-
-
-
60
-
-
84990739044
-
-
3 pp.
-
-
-
-
61
-
-
84990630777
-
-
3 pp., and MS Leipzig KMU 1162, fols. 356–359v). Chapters 3 through 9 do not appear in the MS; either they are missing or the chapters are incorrectly numbered
-
-
-
-
62
-
-
84990661941
-
-
Alia est species pestis squinancia: est apostema gutturis” (MS Leipzig KMU 1162, fol. 356v. This is missing in Sudhoff's extracts). “Alia species pestis est que vocatur glandula seu bocium que fit in emunctorio membri principalis” (fol. 356v).
-
-
-
-
63
-
-
84990639564
-
-
35 p.
-
-
-
-
65
-
-
84990721637
-
-
Several of the authors discussed above demonstrate how poison allows a satisfactory explanation of contagion. In note 39, Raymundus Chamelli de Vivario's claim that plague attacked the young and the strong is given. Valescus de Taranta maintained that the disease first attacks the “prepared,” namely the most susceptible, but then attacks others because it is contagious (“quia contagiosus morbus est alios cuiuscumque complexionis fuerint potest inficere cum ab eis fumi mali et corrupti et venenosi,” Philonium, fol. 189).
-
-
-
-
66
-
-
84990721639
-
-
Venenum est materia horribilissime qualitatis” (Johannes de Tornamira, De febribus, MS Bern 570, fol. 100v59v).
-
-
-
-
68
-
-
84990709546
-
-
18 pp. 35–54
-
-
-
|
