Discourse and class struggle: The politics of industry in early modern England

Social History

Volumn 26, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 166-188

  Rollison, David ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN SYDNEY   (Australia)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; DEVELOPING COUNTRY; ECONOMICS; EDUCATION; ETHNOLOGY; HEALTH; HISTORY; INDUSTRY; LEGAL ASPECT; POLICY; POLITICS; RURAL POPULATION; SOCIAL CHANGE; SOCIAL CLASS; UNITED KINGDOM; URBAN POPULATION;

DEVELOPING COUNTRIES; ENGLAND; HISTORY, 16TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; INDUSTRY; POLITICS; PUBLIC POLICY; RURAL HEALTH; RURAL POPULATION; SOCIAL CHANGE; SOCIAL CLASS; URBAN HEALTH; URBAN POPULATION;

EID: 0013240909     PISSN: 03071022     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03071020110039733     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. David Hume, 'Of commerce' in Stephen Copley and Andrew Edgar (eds), Selected Essays (Oxford, 1993), 119.
2. Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, ed. Andrew Skinner (Harmondsworth, 1974), 192.
3. Gabrielle Spiegel, 'History, historicism and the social logic of the text in the Middle Ages', Past and Present, CXXXI (1991), repr. in Keith Jenkins (ed.), The Postmodern History Reader (London and New York, 1997), 181.
4. Gabrielle Spiegel, 'History, historicism and the social logic of the text in the Middle Ages', Past and Present, CXXXI (1991), repr. in Keith Jenkins (ed.), The Postmodern History Reader (London and New York, 1997), 181.
5. Gareth Stedman Jones, 'The determinist fix: some obstacles to the further development of the linguistic approach to history in the 1990s', History Workshop Journal, XLII (Autumn 1996); but cf. Neville Kirk's argument that '[Patrick] Joyces and Stedman Jones's views and practices at times lack clarity and consistency, and [above all, in my view] exhibit ambiguity' in crucial points: 'History, language, ideas and postmodernism', repr. in Keith Jenkins (ed.), op. cit., chap. 28, 330.
6. Gareth Stedman Jones, 'The determinist fix: some obstacles to the further development of the linguistic approach to history in the 1990s', History Workshop Journal, XLII (Autumn 1996); but cf. Neville Kirk's argument that '[Patrick] Joyces and Stedman Jones's views and practices at times lack clarity and consistency, and [above all, in my view] exhibit ambiguity' in crucial points: 'History, language, ideas and postmodernism', repr. in Keith Jenkins (ed.), op. cit., chap. 28, 330.
7. Bryan Magee, Confessions of a Philosopher: A Journey Through Western Philosophy (London, 1997), 79.
8. ibid., 84.
9. Miguel A. Cabrera, 'Linguistic approach or return to subjectivism? In search of an alternative to social history'. Social History, XXIV, 1 (January 1999).
10. ibid., 82-3.
11. David Levine, 'Industrialization and the proletarian family in England', Past and Present, CVII (May 1985), 169, argues that 'the first phase of capitalism' began around 'the middle of the sixteenth century'.
12. Mendels, 'Proto-industrialization: the first phase of the industrialization process', Journal of Economic History, XXXII (1972), 241-61; the quote is from Mendels. 'Proto-industrialization: theory and reality', Eighth International Economic History Congress, Budapest 1982, 77.
13. Mendels, 'Proto-industrialization: the first phase of the industrialization process', Journal of Economic History, XXXII (1972), 241-61; the quote is from Mendels. 'Proto-industrialization: theory and reality', Eighth International Economic History Congress, Budapest 1982, 77.
14. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
15. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
16. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
17. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
18. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
19. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
20. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
21. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
22. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
23. 'Franklin Mendels … made the relationship between rural industry and demographic change the cornerstone of the concept of proto-industrialization': Peter Kriedt, Hans Medick and Jurgen Schlumbohm, 'Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and domestic industry' in Continuity and Change, VIII, 2, special number on proto-industrialization, ed. Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 219; David Levine, 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization', Social History, II (1976); Levine, Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge, 1987); Levine, 'Production, reproduction, and the proletarian family in England, 1500-1851', in Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, 1984). Chapters 4 and 5 of Pat Hudson, The Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), provide a judicious summary of the field; Hudson notes (142) that 'empirical work has exposed a large gap between theory and reality'; further critical perspectives are to be found in two early reviews of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization, trans. Beate Schempe (Cambridge, 1981): D. C. Coleman, 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic History Review, XXXVI (1983), Rab Houston and K. D. M. Snell, 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution'. Historical Journal, XXVII (1984), 473; cf. also Sheila M. Ogilvie, 'Proto-industrialization in Europe' in Ogilvie, op. cit.; and Michael Zell, Industry in the Countryside: Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time, Cambridge, 1994).
24. Jurgen Schlumbohm, '"Proto-industrialization" as a research strategy and a historical period -a balance sheet' in Sheilagh C. Ogilvie and Marcus Cerman (eds), European Proto-industrialization (Cambridge, 1996), 12, writes that the concept 'aimed to introduce into economic and social history a new approach which would overcome the divorce between previously separate fields of research' and to bring 'together industrial and agrarian history, adding to them historical demography and the history of the family, and also including the history of everyday culture and the development of institutions'; Geoff Eley, 'The social history of industrialization: proto-industry and the origins of capitalism', Economy and Society, XIII, 4 (November 1984), also stressed the synthetic possibilities of the (then relatively) new field of research.
25. Jurgen Schlumbohm, '"Proto-industrialization" as a research strategy and a historical period - a balance sheet' in Sheilagh C. Ogilvie and Marcus Cerman (eds), European Proto-industrialization (Cambridge, 1996), 12, writes that the concept 'aimed to introduce into economic and social history a new approach which would overcome the divorce between previously separate fields of research' and to bring 'together industrial and agrarian history, adding to them historical demography and the history of the family, and also including the history of everyday culture and the development of institutions'; Geoff Eley, 'The social history of industrialization: proto-industry and the origins of capitalism', Economy and Society, XIII, 4 (November 1984), also stressed the synthetic possibilities of the (then relatively) new field of research.
26. Joan Thirsk has argued that to 'concentrate attention on the well-established economic activities of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries -wool clothmaking [in particular] - is like viewing England through a telescope stationed half-way to the moon. Only the most conspicuous landmarks are visible … none of the subtle changes within the structures of innumerable local economies can be discerned': Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978), 7. I take Thirsk's point that 'industry' (or the 'mania' for 'projects') meant more than just the 'well-established' manufactures, which represented a movement, a widespread enterprising habit of mind, almost an ideology. On this topic, cf. Jan de Vries, 'The industrial revolution and the industrious revolution'. Journal of Economic History, LIV, 2 (June 1994), 249-70. This said, the cloth industry was the most widespread and prominent form which 'projects' took, and it is perhaps best seen as the 'vanguard' of the movement in that it was via clothmaking that 'industry' inserted itself into national constitutional discourse.
27. Joan Thirsk has argued that to 'concentrate attention on the well-established economic activities of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries - wool clothmaking [in particular] - is like viewing England through a telescope stationed half-way to the moon. Only the most conspicuous landmarks are visible … none of the subtle changes within the structures of innumerable local economies can be discerned': Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978), 7. I take Thirsk's point that 'industry' (or the 'mania' for 'projects') meant more than just the 'well-established' manufactures, which represented a movement, a widespread enterprising habit of mind, almost an ideology. On this topic, cf. Jan de Vries, 'The industrial revolution and the industrious revolution'. Journal of Economic History, LIV, 2 (June 1994), 249-70. This said, the cloth industry was the most widespread and prominent form which 'projects' took, and it is perhaps best seen as the 'vanguard' of the movement in that it was via clothmaking that 'industry' inserted itself into national constitutional discourse.
28. Referring to the weak impact of the Enlightenment on British culture, Patrick Joyce writes that 'in comparison to much of Europe … Britain's well-developed political institutions meant that historically there was less difficulty in defining "society" in relation to the state (unlike much of Europe, where sociology was born out of social crisis': 'The return of history: postmodernism and the politics of academic history in Britain', Past and Present, CLVIII (February 1998), 217. I would argue that it was the nascent discourse that became political economy that helped teach the English to think (in a particular way) about 'society' and, as I am suggesting here, political economy was born out of an earlier social, economic and political crisis, when the political institutions and culture that Voltaire, for example, so admired were not yet 'well developed'. I am not of course suggesting that the discourse about industry, trade, the state and the common weal (i.e. early political economy) was the only element in the 'field of force': for the revolution in legal discourse, cf. Alan Cromartie, 'The constitutionalist revolution: the transformation of political culture in early Stuart England', Past and Present, CLXIII (May 1999), 76-120.
29. Referring to the weak impact of the Enlightenment on British culture, Patrick Joyce writes that 'in comparison to much of Europe … Britain's well-developed political institutions meant that historically there was less difficulty in defining "society" in relation to the state (unlike much of Europe, where sociology was born out of social crisis': 'The return of history: postmodernism and the politics of academic history in Britain', Past and Present, CLVIII (February 1998), 217. I would argue that it was the nascent discourse that became political economy that helped teach the English to think (in a particular way) about 'society' and, as I am suggesting here, political economy was born out of an earlier social, economic and political crisis, when the political institutions and culture that Voltaire, for example, so admired were not yet 'well developed'. I am not of course suggesting that the discourse about industry, trade, the state and the common weal (i.e. early political economy) was the only element in the 'field of force': for the revolution in legal discourse, cf. Alan Cromartie, 'The constitutionalist revolution: the transformation of political culture in early Stuart England', Past and Present, CLXIII (May 1999), 76-120.
30. Hudson, op. cit., passim.
31. Michel Foucault, 'Politics and the study of Discourse' in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller, The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (London, 1991), describes his 'project' as 'neither a formalization nor an exegesis, but an archaeology … as its name indicates only too obviously, the description of an archive'. By 'governmentality', Foucault meant: '1. The ensemble formed by the institutions, procedures, analyses and reflections, the calculations and tactics that allow the exercise of this very specific albeit complex form of power, which has as its target population, as its principal form of knowledge political economy, and as its essential technical means apparatuses of security; 2. The tendency which, over a long period and throughout the West, has steadily led towards the pre-eminence over all other forms (sovereignty, discipline, etc.) of this type of power which may be termed government, resulting, on the one hand, in the formation of a whole series of specific governmental apparatuses, and, on the other, in the development of a whole series of savoirs; 3. The process, or rather the result of the process, through which the state of justice of the Middle Ages, transformed into the administrative state during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, gradually becomes "governmentalized"': Foucault, ibid., 102-3.
32. Michel Foucault, 'Politics and the study of Discourse' in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller, The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (London, 1991), describes his 'project' as 'neither a formalization nor an exegesis, but an archaeology … as its name indicates only too obviously, the description of an archive'. By 'governmentality', Foucault meant: '1. The ensemble formed by the institutions, procedures, analyses and reflections, the calculations and tactics that allow the exercise of this very specific albeit complex form of power, which has as its target population, as its principal form of knowledge political economy, and as its essential technical means apparatuses of security; 2. The tendency which, over a long period and throughout the West, has steadily led towards the pre-eminence over all other forms (sovereignty, discipline, etc.) of this type of power which may be termed government, resulting, on the one hand, in the formation of a whole series of specific governmental apparatuses, and, on the other, in the development of a whole series of savoirs; 3. The process, or rather the result of the process, through which the state of justice of the Middle Ages, transformed into the administrative state during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, gradually becomes "governmentalized"': Foucault, ibid., 102-3.
33. Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley, 1982).
34. G. D. Ramsay, The English Woollen Industry (London, 1982), 52.
35. Calculations derived from John Smyth of Nibley, Men and Armour for Gloucestershire in 1608 (Gloucester, 1980); closer examination suggests that even when the larger clothiers lived in parishes situated in market towns, they nearly always lived at mills some distance from the town itself: e.g. Edward Halydaye 'clothmaker' of Rodborough (PCC Ayloffe 20, 1519); Roger Fowler of Bisley (PCC 34, November 1540); Thomas Sewell of Stroud (PCC Spent 23, 1540); Thomas Walworth of Dursley (PCC Fitiplace 17, 1512); Richard Halydaye complains (PRO Early Chancery Proc. 1005, 1540) that 'the hamlet of Rodborough [mainly concerned with clothmaking] is distant from their parish church of Minchinhampton two and a half miles'.
36. Joan Thirsk and J. P. Cooper (eds), Seventeenth Century Economic Documents (Oxford, 1972), 224.
37. 'All the outlying villages of the great parish of Manchester were given over to linen weaving. Fustians took hold first in the hilly country between Bolton and Blackburn; by 1630 they had also become firmly established in … the present Oldham area': Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire (Manchester, 1931), 25. The town of Stroud, in Gloucestershire, is somewhat exceptional in being pretty much a commercial and industrial centre from its formation in the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries: its story is told in N. M. Herbert, 'Stroud' in Herbert (ed.), VCH Gloucestershire, XI, 4-41, 99-144.
38. 'All the outlying villages of the great parish of Manchester were given over to linen weaving. Fustians took hold first in the hilly country between Bolton and Blackburn; by 1630 they had also become firmly established in … the present Oldham area': Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire (Manchester, 1931), 25. The town of Stroud, in Gloucestershire, is somewhat exceptional in being pretty much a commercial and industrial centre from its formation in the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries: its story is told in N. M. Herbert, 'Stroud' in Herbert (ed.), VCH Gloucestershire, XI, 4-41, 99-144.
39. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth, 1991), 446.
40. th Century (New York, 1979); The Wheels of Commerce, Vol. 2 (1982); The Perspective of the World, Vol. 3 (1984).
41. th Century (New York, 1979); The Wheels of Commerce, Vol. 2 (1982); The Perspective of the World, Vol. 3 (1984).
42. th Century (New York, 1979); The Wheels of Commerce, Vol. 2 (1982); The Perspective of the World, Vol. 3 (1984).
43. J. N. Hare, 'Growth and recession in the fifteenth-century economy: the Wiltshire textile industry and the countryside', Economic History Review, LI (1998), shows that the industrial archipelagos invariably enriched their agricultural hinterlands, adding another reason why 'industries in the countryside' must not be studied in isolation, but always in relation to their specific wider social and economic contexts.
44. J. Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton, 1980), 123-7.
45. SPD Elizabeth CXIV no. 5: in R. H. Tawney and E. Power, Tudor Economic Documents (London, 1924) (TED), vol. I, 176-7.
46. SPD Elizabeth CXIV no. 5: in R. H. Tawney and E. Power, Tudor Economic Documents (London, 1924) (TED), vol. I, 176-7.
47. SPD Hen VIII vol. 151, ff. 128-31: ibid., 177.
48. SPD Hen VIII vol. 151, ff. 128-31: ibid., 177.
49. Acts of Privy Council vol. III, 19-20: ibid., 184.
50. Acts of Privy Council vol. III, 19-20: ibid., 184.
51. Ramsay, op. cit., 76.
52. SP Ireland XXXV, no. 149: TED, vol. I, 189.
53. SP Ireland XXXV, no. 149: TED, vol. I, 189.
54. SPD Elizabeth CXIV no. 32: ibid., 191.
55. SPD Elizabeth CXIV no. 32: ibid., 191.
56. SPD Elizabeth CLVII no. 5: ibid., 191.
57. SPD Elizabeth CLVII no. 5: ibid., 191.
58. ibid., 214.
59. Wadsworth and Mann, op. cit., 7, where they add that 'the long controversy over the prohibition of middlemen dealers in wool … suggests that the transition to capitalist control was well under way, and that already the large scale entrepreneur had more influence than the petitioners cared (or were tree?) to admit'.
60. R. H. and A. J. Tawney, 'An occupational census of the seventeenth century', Economic History Review, first series, V (1934).
61. PRO E134 Jas I Easter 30: Seventeenth-Century Economic Documents, op. cit., 191-2.
62. Edward Misselden, Free Trade or, The Meanes To Make Trade Florish. Wherein, The Causes of the Decay of Trade in this Kingdome, are discovered: And the Remedies also to remoove the same, are represented (London, 1622).
63. Francis Bacon, 'On Seditions and Troubles', Essays (London, 1906), 44-5; but cf. also the pamphlet 'Howe to reforme the realme in settyng them to werke and to restore tillage' (c. 1535-6), in TED vol. III, 117: 'Wheras now so grete nombre of idull people ar in Englonde besyde all such that workith husbandry … havyng lyff in theym must needs have living. Ergo, yf they [by] workes of artificialitie gete no money … muste nedes bege or stele their lyvinge from them that werkith husbandrie, or otherwise by craftie meanes of beying and sellyng, or by policy to stody howe of plentie to make scarcitie, for their singulare weale to distroye the comon weale: that is the wisdome of this worlde' (emphasis added).
64. Francis Bacon, 'On Seditions and Troubles', Essays (London, 1906), 44-5; but cf. also the pamphlet 'Howe to reforme the realme in settyng them to werke and to restore tillage' (c. 1535-6), in TED vol. III, 117: 'Wheras now so grete nombre of idull people ar in Englonde besyde all such that workith husbandry … havyng lyff in theym must needs have living. Ergo, yf they [by] workes of artificialitie gete no money … muste nedes bege or stele their lyvinge from them that werkith husbandrie, or otherwise by craftie meanes of beying and sellyng, or by policy to stody howe of plentie to make scarcitie, for their singulare weale to distroye the comon weale: that is the wisdome of this worlde' (emphasis added).
65. Thomas Hobbes, 'Of the internal causes tending to the dissolution of government', chap. XII of Bernard Gert (ed.), The Citizen; Philosophical Rudiments Concerning Government and Society (Indianapolis, 1991), 251-2.
66. George Unwin, Studies in Economic History:The Collected Papers of George Unwin, ed. R. H. Tawney (London, 1927), 187-8. Cf. also Thirsk, op. cit., 1.
67. George Unwin, Studies in Economic History:The Collected Papers of George Unwin, ed. R. H. Tawney (London, 1927), 187-8. Cf. also Thirsk, op. cit., 1.
68. Neal Wood, Foundations of Political Economy: Some Early Tudor Views on State and Society (Berkeley, 1994); Wood, 'Foundations of political economy: the new moral philosophy of Sir Thomas Smith' in Paul A. Fideler and T. F. Mayer (eds), Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth: Deep Structure, Discourse and Disguise (Cambridge, 1997); Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven and London, 2000), 154-6.
69. Neal Wood, Foundations of Political Economy: Some Early Tudor Views on State and Society (Berkeley, 1994); Wood, 'Foundations of political economy: the new moral philosophy of Sir Thomas Smith' in Paul A. Fideler and T. F. Mayer (eds), Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth: Deep Structure, Discourse and Disguise (Cambridge, 1997); Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven and London, 2000), 154-6.
70. Neal Wood, Foundations of Political Economy: Some Early Tudor Views on State and Society (Berkeley, 1994); Wood, 'Foundations of political economy: the new moral philosophy of Sir Thomas Smith' in Paul A. Fideler and T. F. Mayer (eds), Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth: Deep Structure, Discourse and Disguise (Cambridge, 1997); Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven and London, 2000), 154-6.
71. A Discourse of the Commonweal of this Realm of England, attributed to Sir Thomas Smith, ed. Mary Dewar (Charlottesville, 1969), 87.
72. ibid., 89, 92.
73. The cloth industry was thought to provide employment for 'the fourth sort of men which do not rule … day labourers, poor husbandmen, yea merchants or retailers which have no free land, copyholders, and all artificers … (who) have no authority in our commonwealth': Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum (written before 1565), William Huse Dunham and Stanley Pargellis (eds), Complaint and Reform in England, 1436-1714 (New York, 1968), 212.
74. Thomas Wilson, The State of England, Anno. Dom. 1600 (London, 1925), 38-9.
75. 'In France they have divers bands of men of arms in divers places to repress such tumults quickly if any should arise. If we had the like here, we might be bold to have as many artificers as they have': the Knight, in A Discourse of the Commonweal, op. cit., 92.
76. John Smith, Memoirs of Wool, 1747 (Reprints of Economic Classics: New York, 1969), vol. I, 98-101.
77. Unwin, Collected Papers, op. cit., 188.
78. Richard Hakluyt the younger printed seven of the elder Hakluyt's memoranda in his Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, facsimiles of 1589 edition, eds David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton (Cambridge, 1965); cf. especially 'Inducements to the liking of the voyage intended towards Virginia' (1582) in E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (Hakluyt Society, London, 1935), 'Which way the Savage may be able to purchase our cloth' in 'Notes in writing by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire … To M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles Jackman … for the discoverie of the Northeast straight', ibid., 460ff., and 'Remembrance … for a principall English factor at Constantinople', ibid., 161ff.
79. Richard Hakluyt the younger printed seven of the elder Hakluyt's memoranda in his Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, facsimiles of 1589 edition, eds David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton (Cambridge, 1965); cf. especially 'Inducements to the liking of the voyage intended towards Virginia' (1582) in E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (Hakluyt Society, London, 1935), 'Which way the Savage may be able to purchase our cloth' in 'Notes in writing by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire … To M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles Jackman … for the discoverie of the Northeast straight', ibid., 460ff., and 'Remembrance … for a principall English factor at Constantinople', ibid., 161ff.
80. Richard Hakluyt the younger printed seven of the elder Hakluyt's memoranda in his Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, facsimiles of 1589 edition, eds David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton (Cambridge, 1965); cf. especially 'Inducements to the liking of the voyage intended towards Virginia' (1582) in E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (Hakluyt Society, London, 1935), 'Which way the Savage may be able to purchase our cloth' in 'Notes in writing by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire … To M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles Jackman … for the discoverie of the Northeast straight', ibid., 460ff., and 'Remembrance … for a principall English factor at Constantinople', ibid., 161ff.
81. Richard Hakluyt the younger printed seven of the elder Hakluyt's memoranda in his Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, facsimiles of 1589 edition, eds David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton (Cambridge, 1965); cf. especially 'Inducements to the liking of the voyage intended towards Virginia' (1582) in E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (Hakluyt Society, London, 1935), 'Which way the Savage may be able to purchase our cloth' in 'Notes in writing by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire … To M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles Jackman … for the discoverie of the Northeast straight', ibid., 460ff., and 'Remembrance … for a principall English factor at Constantinople', ibid., 161ff.
82. For a discussion of the historiography of the crisis, and a new reading of its significance, cf. Robert Brenner, 'The dynamics of commercial development, 1550-1640: a reinterpretation', chap. I of Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London's Overseas Traders, 1550-1653 (Cambridge, 1993). I think Brenner overstates the overall importance in the emerging field-of-force, of the company merchants, and that his interpretation is, as a result, too London-centred. In my interpretation the innovative force comes from the 'peripheries', i.e. the provincial industries.
83. A Discourse of the Commonweal, op. cit., 38-41.
84. 'I take not (enclosures) to be the only cause of this dearth [dearness] at this time, but this I think in my mind that if that kind of enclosure do as much increase in twenty years to come as it has done twenty years past, it comes to the great desolation and weakening of the King's strength of this realm which is more to be feared than dearth': ibid., 49 (emphasis added).
85. William Harrison, Description of England, ed. Georges Edelen (New York, 1994), 256.
86. Richard Hakluyt, A Particular Discourse Concerning the great necessity and manifold commodities that are like to grow … by the western discoveries … in William Huse Dunham and Stanley Pargellis (eds), Complaint and Reform in England, 1436-1714 (New York, 1968), 312.
87. Richard Hakluyt the Elder, Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage Intended Towards Virginia (c. 1585), repr. in Richard Hakluyt 'Preacher', Voyages and Discoveries …, op. cit.
88. Richard Hakluyt the Elder, Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage Intended Towards Virginia (c. 1585), repr. in Richard Hakluyt 'Preacher', Voyages and Discoveries …, op. cit.
89. ibid.
90. 'Notes in writing … given by Richard Hakluyt, of Eiton in the Countie of Hereford, Anno 1580, to M. Arthur Pet and M. Charles Jackman … merchants of the Muscovy Company' in Hakluyt the Preacher, Voyages and Discoveries … op. cit., 461.
91. 'Remembrance for Master S to give him the better occasion to inform himself of some things in England, and after of some other things in Turkie, to the greate profite of the common weale of this country, written … for a principall English factor at Constantinople, 1582' in E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), op. cit., 161ff.
92. Brenner's argument (op. cit., e.g. 5, n. 6) that 'imports powered commercial expansion' is fine as far as it goes, but chronologically, in my view, it puts the cart before the horse. I argue that the developing groundswell represented by what I am calling 'the discourse of industry' (and, in turn, its causes) was a precondition for the eventual victory of the merchants' political economy, which was to achieve its most abstract rhetorical form in Misselden's Circle of Commerce. What we call 'industry', the production of commodities, Misselden called 'Projects', which, 'though they promise much, yet the utility is commonly Contingent, which may be, or may not be'. Against the arguments of the clothiers, who wanted the merchant monopolies abolished, Misselden argued that 'industry' was contingent upon Trade. Thus 'in the mutation of the naturall course of Trade, there ought to be Perspicuity and apparency of evident utility: Else a Breach may be sooner made in Trade then can be repaired: and the Current once diverted, will hardly bee revolved, into it genuine Source and Course againe.' Wise governments tinkered with trade at their own peril. Industry needed governing. The great merchants knew best the crafts and mysteries of trade: Edward Misselden, op. cit.
93. Brenner's argument (op. cit., e.g. 5, n. 6) that 'imports powered commercial expansion' is fine as far as it goes, but chronologically, in my view, it puts the cart before the horse. I argue that the developing groundswell represented by what I am calling 'the discourse of industry' (and, in turn, its causes) was a precondition for the eventual victory of the merchants' political economy, which was to achieve its most abstract rhetorical form in Misselden's Circle of Commerce. What we call 'industry', the production of commodities, Misselden called 'Projects', which, 'though they promise much, yet the utility is commonly Contingent, which may be, or may not be'. Against the arguments of the clothiers, who wanted the merchant monopolies abolished, Misselden argued that 'industry' was contingent upon Trade. Thus 'in the mutation of the naturall course of Trade, there ought to be Perspicuity and apparency of evident utility: Else a Breach may be sooner made in Trade then can be repaired: and the Current once diverted, will hardly bee revolved, into it genuine Source and Course againe.' Wise governments tinkered with trade at their own peril. Industry needed governing. The great merchants knew best the crafts and mysteries of trade: Edward Misselden, op. cit.
94. Michael McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel 1600-1740 (Baltimore, 1988), chap. 4, 'The destabilization of social categories'; Keith Wrightson traces 'the language of sorts of people [… an essentially dichotomous perception of society …]' to 'the second quarter of the sixteenth century': 'Sorts of people in Tudor and Stuart England' in Jonathan Barry and Christopher Brooks (eds), The Middling Sort of People, Culture Society and Politics in England, 1550-1800 (London, 1994), 33-4.
95. Michael McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel 1600-1740 (Baltimore, 1988), chap. 4, 'The destabilization of social categories'; Keith Wrightson traces 'the language of sorts of people [… an essentially dichotomous perception of society …]' to 'the second quarter of the sixteenth century': 'Sorts of people in Tudor and Stuart England' in Jonathan Barry and Christopher Brooks (eds), The Middling Sort of People, Culture Society and Politics in England, 1550-1800 (London, 1994), 33-4.
96. The Works of Thomas Deloney, ed. Francis Oscar Mann (Oxford, 1912), 'Introduction', ix.
97. Gary Taylor, Reinventing Shakspeare: A Cultural History from the Restoration to the Present (London, 1990), chap. I.
98. 'We enjoy (Shakespeare) as an artistic refinement reserved precisely for us and allow ourselves to be as little disturbed by the repellent fumes and the proximity of the English rabble in which Shakespeare's art and taste live as we do on the Chiaja of Naples, where we go our way enchanted and willing with all our senses alert, however much the sewers of the plebeian quarters may fill the air': Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Harmondsworth, 1973), 134-5.
99. Deloney exemplifies a theory of 'plebeian realism' developed from two of the essays in Johan Huizinga, Men and Ideas, trans. James S. Holmes and Hans van Marie (New York, 1959). In 'Renaissance and realism', Huizinga defines 'realism' as 'a need to depict reality accurately' (ibid., 308); in 'The task of cultural history', he writes that 'if one removes the sting of disdain from the word "plebeian", the term "democratic" can be reserved for political and social fields, and the concept plebeian can be placed in antithesis to aristocratic in the field of culture' (ibid., 47).
100. Deloney exemplifies a theory of 'plebeian realism' developed from two of the essays in Johan Huizinga, Men and Ideas, trans. James S. Holmes and Hans van Marie (New York, 1959). In 'Renaissance and realism', Huizinga defines 'realism' as 'a need to depict reality accurately' (ibid., 308); in 'The task of cultural history', he writes that 'if one removes the sting of disdain from the word "plebeian", the term "democratic" can be reserved for political and social fields, and the concept plebeian can be placed in antithesis to aristocratic in the field of culture' (ibid., 47).
101. Deloney exemplifies a theory of 'plebeian realism' developed from two of the essays in Johan Huizinga, Men and Ideas, trans. James S. Holmes and Hans van Marie (New York, 1959). In 'Renaissance and realism', Huizinga defines 'realism' as 'a need to depict reality accurately' (ibid., 308); in 'The task of cultural history', he writes that 'if one removes the sting of disdain from the word "plebeian", the term "democratic" can be reserved for political and social fields, and the concept plebeian can be placed in antithesis to aristocratic in the field of culture' (ibid., 47).
102. Mann (ed.), op. cit., xiii, citing Skialetheia or the Shadow of the Truth (1598)
103. Mann (ed.), op. cit., XIII, citing Skialetheia or the Shadow of the Truth (1598)
104. 'They have in France more handicrafts occupied and a greater multitude of artificers than we have by a great deal, and for all that they have made many great stirs and commotions there before this. Yet they will not destroy artificers for they knew that the highest princes of them all without such artificers could not maintain their estate'. A Discourse of the Commonweal, op. cit., 89 (emphasis added).
105. Barry Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change in England, 1600-1642 (Cambridge, 1959), 56-7. Mary Poovey, A History of the Modern Fact: Problems of Knowledge in the Sciences of Wealth and Society (Chicago, 1998) sees the conjuncture as being of momentous significance. 'These developments', she writes (71), 'witnessed a realignment of the relations among politics, religion, economic activity, and the production of knowledge. This realignment created the idea that abstract knowledge (theory) [i. e. of society] could be value-free.' Unemployment among the cloth workers of England caused the social science mentality?
106. Barry Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change in England, 1600-1642 (Cambridge, 1959), 56-7. Mary Poovey, A History of the Modern Fact: Problems of Knowledge in the Sciences of Wealth and Society (Chicago, 1998) sees the conjuncture as being of momentous significance. 'These developments', she writes (71), 'witnessed a realignment of the relations among politics, religion, economic activity, and the production of knowledge. This realignment created the idea that abstract knowledge (theory) [i. e. of society] could be value-free.' Unemployment among the cloth workers of England caused the social science mentality?
107. 'State Papers relating to the cloth trade, 1622', Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, V, 154-62. For earlier sources indicating the same pattern: 'Negotiations between the clothiers and the Merchant Adventurers, 1550', TED, vol. I, 184; 'An agreement between the Western Clothiers and the merchant Adventurers, December 24 1586', ibid., 214-15; Rollison, 'Exploding England: the dialectics of mobility and settlement in early modern England', Social History, XXIV, 1 (January 1999), 11; William Woodall (curate of Stroud 1599-1610), A Sermon on the original and accidental causes of every dearth and famine, and especially of this dearth in England now 1608 and 1609 (London, 1609): Gloucestershire Records Office (Hyett Colln.), Pamphlet 351.
108. 'State Papers relating to the cloth trade, 1622', Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, V, 154-62. For earlier sources indicating the same pattern: 'Negotiations between the clothiers and the Merchant Adventurers, 1550', TED, vol. I, 184; 'An agreement between the Western Clothiers and the merchant Adventurers, December 24 1586', ibid., 214-15; Rollison, 'Exploding England: the dialectics of mobility and settlement in early modern England', Social History, XXIV, 1 (January 1999), 11; William Woodall (curate of Stroud 1599-1610), A Sermon on the original and accidental causes of every dearth and famine, and especially of this dearth in England now 1608 and 1609 (London, 1609): Gloucestershire Records Office (Hyett Colln.), Pamphlet 351.
109. 'State Papers relating to the cloth trade, 1622', Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, V, 154-62. For earlier sources indicating the same pattern: 'Negotiations between the clothiers and the Merchant Adventurers, 1550', TED, vol. I, 184; 'An agreement between the Western Clothiers and the merchant Adventurers, December 24 1586', ibid., 214-15; Rollison, 'Exploding England: the dialectics of mobility and settlement in early modern England', Social History, XXIV, 1 (January 1999), 11; William Woodall (curate of Stroud 1599-1610), A Sermon on the original and accidental causes of every dearth and famine, and especially of this dearth in England now 1608 and 1609 (London, 1609): Gloucestershire Records Office (Hyett Colln.), Pamphlet 351.
110. 'State Papers relating to the cloth trade, 1622', Transactions of the
111. 'State Papers relating to the cloth trade, 1622', Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, V, 154-62. For earlier sources indicating the same pattern: 'Negotiations between the clothiers and the Merchant Adventurers, 1550', TED, vol. I, 184; 'An agreement between the Western Clothiers and the merchant Adventurers, December 24 1586', ibid., 214-15; Rollison, 'Exploding England: the dialectics of mobility and settlement in early modern England', Social History, XXIV, 1 (January 1999), 11; William Woodall (curate of Stroud 1599-1610), A Sermon on the original and accidental causes of every dearth and famine, and especially of this dearth in England now 1608 and 1609 (London, 1609): Gloucestershire Records Office (Hyett Colln.), Pamphlet 351.
112. Although Woodall, op. cit., 61, indicated a common perception within the clothing communities when he blamed 'al cruel and covetous Corn-breeders, buyers, Corne-makers, corne-mongers, cloth-maisters, and everie other pinching penny-father', for the crisis of 1608-9.