International diplomacy and the crisis in Kosovo

International Affairs

Volumn 74, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 745-761

  Caplan, Richard ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0011123592     PISSN: 00205850     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1468-2346.00043     Document Type: Review

References (62)

1. For a discussion of coercive diplomacy and the Bosnian conflict see James Gow, 'The use of coercion in the Yugoslav crisis', The World Today 48: 11, Nov. 1992, pp. 198-202; and Richard Caplan,'Bombing and negotiating', in Ben Cohen and George Stamkoski, eds, With no peace to keep: UN peacekeeping and the war in the former Yugoslavia (London: Grain Press, 1995), pp. 158-60.
2. For a discussion of coercive diplomacy and the Bosnian conflict see James Gow, 'The use of coercion in the Yugoslav crisis', The World Today 48: 11, Nov. 1992, pp. 198-202; and Richard Caplan,'Bombing and negotiating', in Ben Cohen and George Stamkoski, eds, With no peace to keep: UN peacekeeping and the war in the former Yugoslavia (London: Grain Press, 1995), pp. 158-60.
3. Reuters, 7 March 1998.
4. International Herald Tribune, 12 June 1998.
5. See Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: a short history (London: Macmillan, 1998), chs 13-17.
6. On the re-emergence of minority rights as an international concern, see Jennifer Jackson Preece, 'Minority rights in Europe: from Westphalia to Helsinki', Review of International Studies 23: 1, Jan. 1997, pp. 75-92.
7. Joint Statement, 3 Sept. 1991, Bulletin of the European Communities 24:9 (1991),p. 65.
8. Opinions no. 1 (29 Nov. 1991) and no. 9 (4 July 1992) in International Legal Materials 31 (1992), pp. 1497, 1524.
9. The UN's Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States, adopted by the General Assembly on 24 October 1970, stipulates that 'States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State'. The declaration is generally viewed as an authoritative interpretation of the UN Charter.
10. The Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Belgrade: The Secretariat of the Federal Assembly Information Service, 1974); see alsoVeton Surroi, 'Kosova and the constitutional solutions', in Thanos Veremis and Evangelos Kofos, eds, Kosovo: avoiding another Balkan war (Athens: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, 1998), pp. 145-72.
11. The Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Belgrade: The Secretariat of the Federal Assembly Information Service, 1974); see alsoVeton Surroi, 'Kosova and the constitutional solutions', in Thanos Veremis and Evangelos Kofos, eds, Kosovo: avoiding another Balkan war (Athens: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, 1998), pp. 145-72.
12. Frits W. Hondius, The Yugoslav community of nations (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), ch. 1. The term 'nationality' was preferred to 'minority' which was considered officially to be a pejorative denomination. See Zoran Pajić, 'The former Yugoslavia', in Hugh Miall, ed., Minority rights in Europe (London: Pinter/ RIIA, 1994), p. 63.
13. Frits W. Hondius, The Yugoslav community of nations (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), ch. 1. The term 'nationality' was preferred to 'minority' which was considered officially to be a pejorative denomination. See Zoran Pajić, 'The former Yugoslavia', in Hugh Miall, ed., Minority rights in Europe (London: Pinter/ RIIA, 1994), p. 63.
14. The Economist, 29 June 1991.
15. Consider Karelia, which was a constituent republic of the Soviet Union from 1940 to 1956 when its status was downgraded to that of an autonomous republic in the Russian Federation. Had this not occurred, Rein Müllerson observes, the Karelians would have had a claim to independent statehood equal to that of the Ukrainians or the Byelorussians at the moment of the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991. See Rein Müllerson, International law, rights and politics (London: LSE/Routledge, 1994), p. 79.
16. James Crawford, The creation of states in international law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), chs 2 and 3.
17. Interviews with senior officials of EU member states, 1996-8.
18. These requirements are specified in EPC 'Declaration on Yugoslavia' (Brussels), EPC Press Release P.129/ 91, 16 December 1991.
19. Treaty Provisions for the Convention (23 Oct. 1991), Article 2c.
20. Henry Wynaendts, L'engrenage: chroniques yougoslaves juillet 1991-août 1992 (Paris: Denoël, 1993), p. 124.
21. Article 2.6.
22. Treaty Provisions for the Convention (4 Nov. 1991), ch. II. For a discussion of this point, see Hans-Heinrich Wrede, '"Friendly concern" - Europe's decision-making on the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia', Oxford International Review 4: 3, Summer 1993, p. 32.
23. Treaty Provisions for the Convention (4 Nov. 1991), ch. II. For a discussion of this point, see Hans-Heinrich Wrede, '"Friendly concern" - Europe's decision-making on the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia', Oxford International Review 4: 3, Summer 1993, p. 32.
24. Presidency statement of 9 April 1996, Bulletin of the European Union, 4-1996, p. 58.
25. Anthony Borden and Drago Hedl, 'How the Bosnians were broken: 21 days at Dayton', War Report no. 39, Feb.-Mar. 1996, pp. 32-3.
26. Pauline Neville-Jones, 'Dayton, IFOR and alliance relations in Bosnia', Survival 38: 4, Winter 1996-7, pp. 58-9. Neville-Jones was leader of the UK delegation at Dayton.
27. For a view of Milošević as the linchpin of the diplomatic process, see the reminiscences of Richard Holbrooke, the US envoy and chief architect of Dayton: 'The road to Sarajevo', New Yorker, 21 & 28 Oct. 1996, pp. 88-104. Holbrooke maintains that some effort, however, was made at Dayton to persuade Milošević of the need to restore the rights of the Kosovar Albanians. See Holbrooke's To end a war (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 357.
28. For a view of Milošević as the linchpin of the diplomatic process, see the reminiscences of Richard Holbrooke, the US envoy and chief architect of Dayton: 'The road to Sarajevo', New Yorker, 21 & 28 Oct. 1996, pp. 88-104. Holbrooke maintains that some effort, however, was made at Dayton to persuade Milošević of the need to restore the rights of the Kosovar Albanians. See Holbrooke's To end a war (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 357.
29. Helsinki Watch, Human rights abuses in Kosovo, 1990-1992 (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1992).
30. In 1997 at least 36 Kosovar Albanians were charged with the commission of crimes against the state -either 'terrorism' or 'enemy activities' - and jailed for up to 20 years. Financial Times, 27 Jan. 1998.
31. Reuters, 11 March 1998.
32. Veton Surroi, 'The Albanian national question: the post-Dayton pay-off', War Report no. 41, May 1996, p. 25.
33. Belgrade has been seeking not only to rout the separatists but also to create a cordon sanitaire along the border with Albania in an effort to stem the flow of weapons into the province.
34. International Herald Tribune, 14-15 March 1998.
35. UN Security Council Resolution 1022 (22 Nov. 1995) suspended most sanctions against the FRY in recognition of Belgrade's 'efforts . . . to reach a lasting peace settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina'.
36. Financial Times, 23 March 1997.
37. Financial Times, 27 Jan. 1998.
38. Guardian, 29 Dec. 1992.The Clinton administration reiterated the threat in February 1993.
39. US law stipulates that US sanctions shall remain in place until 'substantial progress' has been made towards the realization of self-rule for the people of Kosovo and until there has been a 'substantial improvement' in the human rights situation in Kosovo, among other requirements. The President, however, is permitted to waive sanctions to help achieve a negotiated settlement of the conflict in Bosnia. Section 540A, Public Law 104-107 (12 Feb. 1996).
40. New York Times, 13 March 1998.
41. Le Monde, 5 March 1998.
42. The Contact Group consists of Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Russia, and the United States.
43. Guardian, 25 March 1998; International Herald Tribune, 26 March 1998.
44. Guardian, 25 March 1998; International Herald Tribune, 26 March 1998.
45. Radio B92 Daily News Service (Belgrade), 30 March 1998 http://www.siicom.com/odrazb.
46. UN Security Council Resolution 827 (25 May 1993) approved the statute of the Tribunal.
47. Wall Street Journal Europe, 16 March 1998. The two crimes being investigated are genocide and crimes against humanity, Articles 4 and 5 respectively of the Tribunal's statute. See the interview with deputy prosecutor Graham Blewitt in Tribunal no. 11, June-July 1998, p. 1.
48. Wall Street Journal Europe, 16 March 1998. The two crimes being investigated are genocide and crimes against humanity, Articles 4 and 5 respectively of the Tribunal's statute. See the interview with deputy prosecutor Graham Blewitt in Tribunal no. 11, June-July 1998, p. 1.
49. International Herald Tribune, 12 June 1998.
50. Libération, 13-14 June 1998.
51. Reneo Lukic and Allen Lynch, Europe from the Balkans to the Urals: the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press/SIPRI, 1996), pp. 152-3.
52. Radio B92 Daily News Service, 10 July 1998.
53. Balkan Institute, Military Watch 3: 12, 18 June 1998 http://www.balkaninstitute.org.
54. International Crisis Group, 'Kosovo Spring', 20 March 1998, pp. 49-50.
55. International Herald Tribune, 8 July 1998.
56. International Crisis Group, 'Kosovo Spring', p. 48.
57. Ibid.
58. See e.g. Tim Judah, 'How Milosevic hangs on', New York Review of Books 45: 12, 16 July 1998, pp. 46-7; and Tihomir Loza, 'Kosovo Albanians: closing the ranks', Transitions 5: 5, May 1998, p. 17.
59. See e.g. Tim Judah, 'How Milosevic hangs on', New York Review of Books 45: 12, 16 July 1998, pp. 46-7; and Tihomir Loza, 'Kosovo Albanians: closing the ranks', Transitions 5: 5, May 1998, p. 17.
60. Jane Perlez, 'Few Serbs really support Milosevic on Kosovo', New York Times, 12 March 1998.
61. For a discussion of self-determination in democracies, see Müllerson, International law, rights and politics, pp. 67-71.
62. 'Recognize Kosovo', International Herald Tribune, 19 June 1998.