Invented traditions, symbolic boundaries, and national identity in Southeastern Europe: Greece and Serbia in comparative historical perspective (1830-1880)

East European Quarterly

Volumn 32, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 429-468

  Roudometof, Victor ^a  

^a American College of Thessaloniki   (Greece)

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EID: 0009766481     PISSN: 00128449     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (177)

1. E.J. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 1-14 for the original employment of the term. The notion of "invention" as applied in this particular discussion does not imply a complete "fabrication" - but rather a process of "social construction" for a particular identity.
2. See P. Schlesinger, "On National Identity: Some Conceptions and Misconceptions criticized," Social Science Information, 1987, 26(2): 219-64;
3. and P.L. Berger and T. Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality (New York: Anchor, 1966).
4. J.A. Petropulos, Politics and Statecraft in the Kingdom of Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), p. 37.
5. M. Herzfeld, Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology, and the Making of Modern Greece (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982), pp. 19-21; C. Giannaras, Ορθοδοξια και Δυση στη Νεωτερη Ελλαδα, (Athens: Domos, 1992); A. Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια. Ιδεολογιεs και νοοτροπιεs στην Ελλαδα του 1830-1880 (Athens: E.M.N.E - Mnimon, 1993); and K.Th. Dimaras, Νεοελληνικοs Ρωμαντισμοs (Athens: Ermis, 1985), p. 345.
6. The narrow viewpoint was espoused by local historians who viewed the 1821 revolution as a movement associated solely with the new state. In defining "Greece" as the post-1832 kingdom of Greece they aimed to make state and national boundaries coincide. See Elli Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο και Η Μεγαλη Ιδεα (Athens: Politipo, 1988), p. 35-38.
7. Petropulos, "Politics," p. 38 and 41; and Dimaras, Νεοελληνικοs Ρωμαντισμοs, p. 330. On the extensive Europeanization of the Athens society in the 1830-1880 period, see Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια.
8. Petropulos, "Politics," p. 162.
9. In the first Regency (February 1833 - July 1834), two of the regents, Maurer and Heidek, the "regency majority," routinely prevailed over the third regency member, Armansperg. In the second regency (August 1834-May 1835), Armansperg was in control and, although Otto came of age, he continued to rule until January 1837 since the king was away in Bavaria for a considerable period of time (Petropulos, "Politics," p. 157).
10. Otto ruled as an autocrat until 1843. The Bavarian administration organized a Bavarian-dominated army and offered considerable technical assistance in road-building, gardening, husbandry, and the construction of private and public buildings (Petropulos, "Politics," p. 164).
11. Giannaras, Ορθοδοξια, pp. 256-58. The architect Christian Hansen was responsible for building the Athens University (1839), while his brother Theophil built the Observatory (1842-46), the Eye Hospital (1847), and the Academy (1859-65). The architect Lisadros Kaftajoglou, a declared opponent of the Byzantine style, built, in a neoclassical style, the St. Georgios Karitsis Church (1845), St. Irene (1846), the Arsakios School (1846-52), and the Metsovio Polytechnic (1862).
12. Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 40-42.
13. Quoted in Dimaras, Νεοελληνικοs Διαφωπσμοs, (Athens: Ermis), p. 394, translation mine.
14. Dimaras, Ρωμαντισμοs, p. 339.
15. Skopetea, To Προτυπο Βασιλειο, p. 43.
16. Dimaras, Ρωμαντισμοs, p. 161. Contrary to the deliberate undermining of this holiday by the state authorities, private-sponsored celebrations took place in the 1839-1842 period. In this period, the tragedy Rigas written by Ioannis Zambelios, became a focal point for March 25 celebrations since it implied the continuity of the liberation struggle; by 1843, Rigas Velestinlis became "the protomartyr" of the Greek cause - as a poem read in that year's celebration declared him to be.
17. C.A. Frazee, Orthodox Church and Greek Independence (Athens: Domos, 1987), pp. 134-41;
18. also Petropulos, "Politics," pp. 184-189.
19. Frazee, Orthodox Church, p. 156 and Giannaras, Ορθοδοξια, pp. 272-75.
20. Giannaras, Ορθοδοξια, pp. 278-80 and Frazee, Orthodox Church, pp. 189-92. Plans were undertaken for the foundation of a Protestant University in Athens by J. King.
21. Petropulos, "Politics," pp. 424-26. In 1841, Ms. Hill, the wife of the American missionary John Hill wrote to her husband that a number of Greek girls enrolled in their Athens girls' school were converted to Protestantism. The letter was leaked to the Greek press causing another round of accusations concerning the missionaries' activities.
22. See A. Aroni-Tsichli, Αγροτικεs Εξεγερσειs στην Παλια Ελλαδα 1833-1881 (Athens: Papazisi, 1989) for overviews of the revolts in Tinos (1833), Mani (1834, 1839, 1845), Messinia-Arkadia (1834), Aitoloakarnania (1836), Patra (1837), Hydra and Spetses (1838), Pilia Messinias (1838), Ermoupolis (1839), Nisios and Pirgos (1840). Most revolts in the 1844-48 period were related with attempts of local leaders to extort money from the government and usually those who did not succeed started a revolt. Aroni-Tsichli, Αγροτικεs, pp. 329 notes that, almost in all cases, the protection of Orthodoxy was the pretext justifying the armed mobilization of the population.
23. Born in 1780 in Thessaly, Oikonomos served in various posts in Smyrna and Constantinople. Initially a disciple of Korais, he grew conservative with age (Petropulos, "Politics," p. 294). In 1821 he fled to Odessa where he read the commemoratory speech in the burial of Patriarch Gregorius V, a speech that soon became legendary. In 1822 he went to St. Petersburg for theological studies.
24. Before returning to Greece, the Tsar offered him a 7,000 rubles per year pension (for a biographical sketch, Frazee, Orthodox Church, pp. 173-79 and Giannaras, Ορθοδοξια, pp. 281-88).
25. On the opposite viewpoints regarding the ecclesiastical affairs, see also Petropulos, "Politics," p.189-92.
26. The Kairis affair was another major case where the two sides clashed. The priest Theophilos Kairis, another significant Enlightenment figure, operated since 1835 an orphanage in the island of Andros. Trained in Western universities in Pisa and Paris, Kairis was a follower of Korais. Under the influence of Auguste Comte, Kairis developed his own philosophical system (theosophy). By February and March 1839 the religious authorities began to investigate him and by September Patriarch Gregorius VI condemned theosophy as heretical and blasphemous. At the Patriarch's request, the government send armed forces to arrest Kairis; by October 21, Kairis stood against the Holy Synod to answer the accusation of heresy. In his defense, Kairis suggested that he was prosecuted because of his attempt to educate the public. Despite his bold defense, he was excommunicated by the Patriarch in December 1839. He was released and remained unrepentant up until his death in 1866 (Frazee, Orthodox Church, pp. 187-191). Since Pharmakidis, who was a member of the Synod, initially supported Kairis, his conservative opponents fiercely attacked him and were successful in removing him from his chair of Theology in the University (he was given the Modern Greek chair instead).
27. Skopetea, To Προτυπο Βασιλειο, p. 129. Some of the Westernizers were inspired by Protestant ideals: for example the issue of whether priests should participate in the ecclesiastical synod was the subject of a heated debate since the inclusion of priests was concomitant with the Calvinist idea that the church ought to be governed by ministers, a thesis considered heretical and against Orthodox tradition by the conservatives (Frazee, Orthodox Church, p. 185-87).
28. Kosmas Flamiatos, a prominent member of the Orthodox reaction, was accused for participation in the conspiracy, but his participation can not be documented. See B. Jelavich, "The Philorthodox Conspiracy of 1839. A Report to Metternich," Balkan Studies, 1966, 7(1): 89-102;
29. Frazee, Orthodox Church, pp. 193-95;
30. J. Nikolopoulos, "From Agathangelos to Megali Idea: Russia and the Emergence of Modern Greek Nationalism," Balkan Studies, 1985, 26(1): 49-50; and Giannaras, Ορθοδοξια, pp. 295-96.
31. Petropulos, "Politics," pp. 357.
32. I. Dimakis, Η Πολιτειακη Μεταβολη του 1843 και το Ζητημα των Αυτοχθονων και των Ετεροχ,θονων (Athens: Themelio, 1991), pp. 51-3, 60-2. Mavrocordatos successfully divided the two issues: he suggested that the definition of the Greek citizen be separated from the eligibility for civil servant positions. His solution was approved by the assembly and provided the basis of further discussions on this issue.
33. Dimakis, Η Πολιτειακη Μεταβολη, p.230. "They" were the Phanariots and other members of the state elite who drew the resentment of the indigenous warriors and local patricians.
34. Quoted in G. Augustinos, Consciousness and History: Nationalist Critics of Creek Society 1897-1914 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs), p. 14.
35. Dimaras, Διαφωτισμοs, p. 407-10 and Κωνσταντινοs Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, p. 97 has pointed out that the Great Idea did not predate Kolletis' speech. According to Alexandras Soutsos, contemporary observer, the slogan did not even exist in 1840 (see also Skopetea, To Προτυπο Βασιλειο, pp. 257-71). Strictly speaking, the indigenous Aristides Rentis, predated Kolletis by giving a speech that also called for the liberation of the rest of the Greek counties (Dimakis, Η Πολιτειακη Μεταβολη, pp. 76-7). However, Kolletis' speech was the one that captured everybody's attention. Kolletis was more influential, an elder, the leader of a party, and a better speaker.
36. In 1864 the new king George I was given the title "king of the Hellenes" and not "king of Greece" as a means of expressing the unrealized hopes of national unification (M. L. Smith, Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor, London: Allen Lane, 1973, p. 3).
37. In 1851-2, the Papoulakos' movement exemplified this trend. Papoulakos was a butcher and pig trader who lived in the village Arbouna of Kalavrita. In 1842 he got sick, possibly of typhus, and after his recovery, he gave his property to his brothers, became a monk, and started traveling the villages living off the peasants' offers and offering support to orphans and widows. Papoulakos condemned "Godless education" and taking oaths in public court (he considered it to be contrary to Orthodox tradition). He also viewed the foundation of national Church as illegal, accused the English and Protestants of trying to destroy Orthodoxy, declared the Jews to be "scum," called for abolition of the Athens University ("Devil's University") because, he said, it taught atheism, and finally, addressed accusations against the king himself. He believed that he taught the "word of God" and the peasants viewed him as a holy man capable of performing miracles, and rallied around him. It became impossible to arrest him because of his large following and that was accomplished in 1852 only through entrapment made possible by the bribery of one of his former followers (see Aroni-Tsihli, Αγροτικεs, pp. 286-98).
38. Skopetea, To Προτυπο Βασιλειο, p.131.
39. K.Th. Dimaras, Ιστορια τηs Ελληνικηs Λογοτεχνιαs (Athens: Ikaros, 1988), p. 325.
40. Dimaras, Ρωμαντισμοs, p. 389.
41. Dimaras, Ιστορια, pp. 331-32; Ρωμαντισμοs, pp. 389-90.
42. Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο , p.133.
43. See A. Politis, Η Ανακαλυψη των Ελληνικων Δημοτικων Τραγουδιων (Athens: Themelio, 1984), pp. 21-40 on the general European intellectual trends that aided the cultivation of folklore studies. Not surprisingly, Korais rigorously castigated the romantic turn as betrayal to classical standards and endorsement of humble passions (Dimaras, Ρωμαντισμοs, pp. 144-56); but other intellectuals, like Ragavis, I. Zambelios, and A. Soutsos were far less hostile to it.
44. G. Veloudis, O Jacob Philip Fallmerayer και η Γενεση του Ελληνικου Ιστορισμου (Athens: E.M.N.E - Mnimon, 1982), pp. 28-35 and Herzfeld, "Ours Once More," pp. 75-6.
45. Herzfeld, "Ours Once More," p. 77
46. and Veloudis, "Fallmerayer," pp. 35-36.
47. Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο, pp. 172-73 and Veloudis, "Fallmerayer," pp. 8-16. The first collection of Greek folk songs by Fauriel (1824-5) did not have an immediate response from within the Greek intelligentsia. Prior to 1821, only the Greek communities of the Habsburg Empire were sympathetic and knowledgeable with regard to the work of Herder and inclined to pay more attention to folk tradition. This was in sharp contrast to Korais, whose approach had been molded by French Enlightenment. See Politis, Η Ανακαλυψη, pp. 132-63 for a discussion.
48. Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 36-37 and Veloudis, "Fallmerayer," pp. 20-21. For example, in his "Philosophical Treatise on the Progress and Fall of the Old Greece"(1839), Georgios Kozakis-Tipaldos constructed a philosophy of history structured around the concepts of "morality" and "nation." For an discussion, see R. D. Argyropoulou, Ο Γεωργιοs Κοζακιs-Τυπαλ δοs μεταξυ Διαφωτισμου και Ρωμαντισμου, Δελτιον τηs Ιστορικηs και Εθνολογικηs Ετερειαs τηs Ελλαδοs, 1989 (XXXII): 82-96. Tipaldos' division of Greek history into different periods is maybe the first attempt to construct a genealogy of Greek historical continuity undertaken by a Greek author.
49. Herzfeld, "Ours Once More," p. 80. Among these replies, the most notable cases include treatises by Emmanouil Vivilakis (1840), Dionisios Sourmelis (1842), Georgios Pantadis Darvaris (1842), Sophoklis Oikonomou (1843), Anastasios Georgiadis Lefkias (1843), Andreas Papadopoulos-Vretos (1854), and Kiriakos Pitakis (1852).
50. See Veloudis "Fallmerayer," pp. 47-63
51. and Herzfeld, "Ours Once More," pp. 75-96 for details.
52. Spiridon Zambelios' viewpoint stands in sharp contrast to the views of his father, Ioannis Zambelios. Ioannis was a typical Enlightenment representative and viewed Modern Greece as a revitalization of Ancient Greece. This viewpoint was slightly modified later in his life, as the influence of romanticism became stronger. For a comparison between father and son, see A. Tambaki, Η Μεταβαση απο τον Διαφωτισμο στο Ρωμαντισμο. Η Περιπτωση του Ιωαννη και Σπυριδωνα Ζαμπελιου, Δελτιον τηs Ιστορικηs και Εθνολογικηs Ετερειαs τηs Ελλαδοs, 1987 (XXX): 31-45.
53. Quoted in Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, p. 54.
54. Herzfeld, "Ours Once More," pp. 55-71 and Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 58-60 for analyses of this transformation. Despite the resurgence of interest in folk songs, most publications simply reproduced the material of earlier collections whereas in some cases, the folk songs were "rewritten" to suit the ideological purposes of the authors (Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 59-60).
55. Quoted in Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 44.
56. Dimaras, Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, pp. 119-124.
57. Dimaras, Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, pp. 117-28 and 138-39.
58. Dimaras, Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, p. 186.
59. Dimaras, Ρωμαντισμοs, p. 461.
60. Dimaras, Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, p. 241 and K. Vergopoulos, Κρατοs και Οικονομικη Πολιτικη στην Ελλαδα τον 19ο Αιωνα (Athens: Exantas, 1994), pp. 180-83.
61. Quoted in Dimaras, Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, p. 241.
62. Quoted in Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, p.147.
63. Dimaras, Παπαρρηγοπουλ οs, p. 227-34.
64. Vergopoulos, Κρατοs, pp. 180-81.
65. Quoted in Augustinos, "Critics," p. 14. Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 60-6; Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο ; and Dimaras, Ρωμαντισμοs also highlight the trend.
66. In 1866, in the introduction of Papisa Ioanna, Roidis mockingly defined the "Great Idea" as the liberation of Thessaly and Epirus alone. In 1877, Nikolaos Saripolos in a dialogue between himself and king George defined the Greek irredenta as including Crete, Thessaly, Epirus, Thrace, Macedonia, Black sea up to Trebizond, Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, and Cyprus. King George, however, replied that such a vision was extending the boundaries of Greece too far (quoted in Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, p. 63).
67. On criticisms from within the Greek kingdom, see Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο, pp. 347-60; and Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια, pp. 101-6. Politis, Ρομαντικα χρονια p. 72 quotes Andreas Sigros in 1868 writing that at the time, the Greeks "lived through their imagination" (φαντασια in Greek, the word can be rendered both as "imagination" and "fantasy" depending upon the context). The implication is, of course, that nationalist delusions of grandeur were rampant in this period.
68. C. Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση και αναπαραγωγη. Ο κοινωνικοs Ρολοs των Εκπαιδευτικων μηχανισμων στην Ελλαδα 1830-1922 (Athens: Themelio, 1987), p. 392.
69. By 1885, the Greek kingdom had 2,400 university students. The per capita student body was higher than most other European states. This high number was the outcome of Greeks from all over the East Mediterranean attending the Athens University. Between 1837-1877 40.7% of all students went into Law and 31.8% in Medicine while the rest was distributed into theology, philosophy, mathematics, and pharmaceutics (Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση p. 439).The major reason for the predominance of lawyers was the ability of the profession to be absorbed into the civil sector that remained throughout the nineteenth century the most stable of urban occupations.
70. On the transformation of katharevusa and its ideological use by the Greek elites, see P. Iliou, Ιδεολογικεs Χρησειs του Κοραισμου στο Εικοστο Αιωνα (Athens: E.M.N.E - Mnimon, 1989); N. Mouzelis, Modern Greece. Facets of Underdevelopment (London: Macmillan, 1978); and Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση, pp. 527-68.
71. On the rise of the demoticist movement, see Dimaras, Ιστορια, pp. 353-71 and G. Jusdanis, Belated Modernity and Aesthetic Culture: Inventing National Literature (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), pp. 70-78.
72. Members of the demoticist movement, like Kostis Palamas, were also ardent nationalists (see Augustinos, "Critics").
73. G. Augustinos, The Greeks of Asia Minor: Confession, Community, and Ethnicity in the Nineteenth Century (Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1992), p. 153.
74. K. Mamoni, "Les associations pur la propagation de l'instruction Greque a Constantinople," Balkan Studies, 1975, 16(1): 104.
75. Augustinos, "The Greeks," p. 179.
76. Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση, p.453. For an extensive overview of the societies in Anatolia, see Mamoni, Σωματιακη Οργανωση του Ελληνισμου στην Μικρα Ασια, Δελτιον τηs Ιστορικηs και Εθνολογικηs Ετερειαs τηs Ελλαδοs, 1983 (XXVI): 63-114; also Augustinos, "The Greeks," pp. 162-69 for a brief summary and analysis.
77. For the proliferation of Greek nationalism in the Greek-Orthodox communities in Pontos, Asia Minor, and Cyprus, see Paschalis Kitromilides, "Greek Irredentism in Asia Minor and Cyprus," Middle Eastern Studies, 1990, 26(1): 3-17.
78. In Thrace alone, the Society for the Propagation of the Greek Letters financed in the 1869-1897 period three Greek schools, 21 girls' elementary schools, and 24 boys' elementary schools. See E.D. Belia, Η Εκπαιδευτικη Πολιτικη του Ελληνικου Κρατουs προs την Θρακη 1869-1910 in Η Ιστορικη, Αρχαιολογικ η , και Λαογραφικη Ερευνα τηs Θρακηs (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1988) pp. 244-51 and Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση, p.456.
79. Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση, p.549.
80. Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση, p. 464. For Smyrna see Augustinos, "The Greeks," pp. 158-62.
81. By 1870 the monetary contributions of Kritskis, Dombolis, Vernardakis, Vambakis, Rizaris, Valianos, Chloros, Sina, Tositsa, and Papadaki added to a total of 25,000,000 drachmas, a sum higher than all the money spend by the Ministry of Education up to 1870 (Tsoukalas, Εξαρτηση, p. 488).
82. Augustinos, "The Greeks," p. 172.
83. D. Rusinow, "The Yugoslav Peoples," in P. Sugar (ed.), Eastern European Nationalism in the Twentieth Century_(Washington: American University Press, 1995), p. 356. See also Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο, pp. 387-96.
84. M.B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia 1804-1918 (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1976), Vol. I, pp. 103-20; D. Djordjevic, Ιστορια τηs Σερβιαs 1800-1918 (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1970), pp. 74-78;
85. and V. Dedijer, I. Bozic, S. Cirkovic, and M. Ekmečić, History of Yugoslavia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974), pp. 280-81.
86. G. Stokes, Legitimacy Through Liberalism: Vladimir Jovanovic and the Transformation of Serbian Politics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1975), p. 4
87. and T. Stoianovich, "The Pattern of Serbian Intellectual Evolution, 1830-1880," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 1959, I(3): 246.
88. Petrovich, "History," Vol. I, p. 142; Skopetea, Το Προτυπο Βασιλειο, pp. 374-81; and Stoianovich, "The Pattern," pp. 242-48.
89. Petrovich, "History," Vol. I, pp. 143-44.
90. For the complete text of Karadžić's 1832 letter, see D. Wilson, The Life and Times of Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic 1787-1864: Literacy, Language, and National Independence in Serbia (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970), pp. 253-68.
91. Djordjevic, Ιστορια, pp. 84-93 and Petrovich, "History," Vol. I, pp. 156-58.
92. A. Dragnich, The Development of Parliamentary Government in Serbia (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1978), p. 23
93. and D. MacKenzie, Ilija Garašanin: Balkan Bismarck (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1985), pp. 24-42.
94. MacKenzie, Garašanin, p. 25. In the 1840s Garašanin offered several times his resignation to Alexander who refused it - as he realized that Garašanin was critical to the regime's survival.
95. For an overview, see Petrovich, "History," Vol. I, pp. 167-222. An estimated 94% of the 680,000 in the Serb principality were peasants. Most of them were free peasants living outside joint families (zadrugas)
96. (Dedijer et. al., History, p. 283).
97. By 1850, the principality of Serbia had almost as many Serbs as the Habsburg territories. During the 1850-1910 period this trend continued; in this period the principality's population increased by 1,965,165 while the population of the Serbs under Hungarian rule only by 216,000 (D. Djordjevic, "The Serbs as an Integrating and Disintegrating Factor," Austrian History Yearbook, 1967, Vol. III Part 2, p. 57).
98. Djordjevic, Ιστορια, pp. 94-97 and Dragnich, "Development," pp. 25-6.
99. Petrovich, "History," Vol. I, p. 210 and K. Vavouskos, Εκκλησιαστικ εs Σχεσειs Σερβων και Οικουμενικου Πατριαρχειου κατα τον 19ο αιωνα in Συνεργασια Ελληνων και Σερβων κατα τουs απελευθερωτκ ουs αγωνεs 1804-1830 (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1979), pp. 19-24.
100. Petrovich, "History," Vol. I, p. 213.
101. I. Banac, "The Role of Vojvodina in Karadjordje's Revolution," Sudost-Forschungen, 1981, XL: 31-61. The mobilization of the Vojvodina Serbs was connected with their efforts to maintain their status as a privileged ethnoconfessional community.
102. See P. Adler, "Nation and Nationalism among the Serbs of Hungary 1790-1870," East European Quarterly, 1979, XIII(3): 271-85.
103. P. Adlet, "Notes on the Beginnings of Modern Serbian Literature: The Kurzbeck Press in Vienna and Its Successors," Southeastern Europe, 1974, I(1): 234-45. The press was frequently in conflict with the Serb ecclesiastical authorities who viewed its existence as an intrusion upon their spiritual leadership of the Serb Orthodox community within the Habsburg Empire.
104. S. Kimball, "The Serbian Matica - Prototype of Austro-Slav Literary Foundations: The First Fifty Years 1826-1876" East European Quarterly, 1969, III(3): pp. 353-55.
105. D. Djordjevic, "The Tradition of Kosovo in the Formation of the Modern Serbian Statehood in the Nineteenth Century" in W.S. Vucinich and T.A. Emmert (eds.), Kosovo: Legacy of a Medieval Battle (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), p. 311.
106. Jovan Sterija Popović's historical novels provide a good example of the importance of Kosovo as a major literary theme (M. Holton and V.D. Mihailovich, Serbian Poetry from the Beginnings to the Present, New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1988 pp. 68-69).
107. A. Barac, A History of Yugoslav Literature (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications, 1973), p. 89.
108. T.A. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha: Kosovo 1389 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1990), pp. 105-23
109. and V.D. Mihailovich, "The Tradition of Kosovo in Serbian Literature" in "Kosovo: Legacy of a Medieval Battle," pp. 142-50.
110. For a biography of Njegoš, see M. Djilas' Njegoš (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1966)
111. and Barac, "History," pp. 90-95.
112. Djilas, "Njegoš," p. 159.
113. See Holton and Mihailovich, "Serbian Poetry," pp. 144-56
114. and Djilas "Njegoš," p. 335.
115. R. Bogert, "Paradigm of Defeat or Victory? The Kosovo Myth versus the Kosovo Covenant in Fiction" in "Kosovo: Legacy of a Medieval Battle," p.180.
116. Quoted in M. Ekmečić, "The Emergence of St. Vitus Day as the Principal National Holiday of the Serbs," in "Kosovo: Legacy of a Medieval Battle," p. 335. The poem was originally published by Karadžić in 1823 and in its final form in 1845.
117. Quoted in Djilas, "Njegoš," p. 339.
118. Quoted in Djilas "Njegoš," p. 342.
119. Ilija was born in 1812 in the pashalik of Belgrade (in Garaši). He studied in the Greek school of Semlin in Vojvodina and entered Prince Miloš service in 1827 (MacKenzie, Garašanin, pp. 10-15). Garašanin's rise to such a prominent position was mainly the result of close family relations between his father Milutin and prince Miloš as well as the general shortage of educated personnel.
120. E.M. Despalatovic, Ljudevit Gaj and the Illyrian Movement_(Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1975), pp. 155-57.
121. The literature on Načertanije is voluminous. For overviews, see Z. Zlatar, "Nationalism in Serbia," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism, 1979, (6): 100-13;
122. P.N. Hehn, "The Origins of Modern Pan-Serbianism - The 1844 Načertanije of Ilija Garašanin: An Analysis and Translation," East European Quarterly, 1975, IX(2): 153-71;
123. and MacKenzie, Garašanin, pp. 42-61.
124. According to MacKenzie, Garašanin, p. 44
125. and C. Jelavich, "Serbian Nationalism and the Question of Union with Croatia in the Nineteenth Century," Balkan Studies, 1962, 3(1): 29-35, Garašanin's views reflected the aspirations of the bureaucratic elite to which he belonged.
126. Djordjevic, "Tradition," p. 315.
127. The Serb government's military assistance to the 1848 Habsburg Serb revolt was part of Garašanin's policy. See MacKenzie, Garašanin, pp. 94-112
128. and his "Serbia as Piedmont and the Yugoslav Idea," East European Quarterly, 1994, XXVIII(2): 160.
129. Ilija Garašanin's Načertanije [1844]
130. reprinted in Hehn, "Origins," pp. 159-60.
131. See MacKenzie, "Serbian Nationalist and Military Organizations and the Piedmont Idea 1844-1914," East European Quarterly, 1982, XVI(3): 323-33;
132. and his "Ilija Garašanin, Serbia's Nationalist Leader 1843-1867" in B.K. Kiraly and A.A. Nofi (eds.), War and Society in East Central Europe Vol. XXV: East Central European War Leaders, Civilian and Military (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1988), p. 15.
133. MacKenzie, Garašanin, pp. 63-69. This circle included Stevan Herkalović, a Croat residing in Belgrade since 1837, the Slovak Janko Safarik, Kovacević, a former Franciscan, Pavao Carlović, a Croat and colleague of the Illyrian leader Ljudevit Gaj, Zah, the Czech émigré, and Raja Damjanović, an official of Garašanin's Interior Ministry.
134. Quoted in D. Djordjevic, "The Serbian Peasant in the 1876 War," in B. K. Kiraly and G. Stokes (eds.), War and Society in East Central Europe Vol. XVII: Insurrections, Wars, and the Eastern Crisis in the 1870s (Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, 1985), pp. 309-11.
135. Ekmečić, "The Emergence," p. 333
136. and C. Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms: Textbooks and Yugoslav Union before 1914 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1990), p. 40.
137. Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms, p. 54.
138. The low levels of literacy resulted in a relative absence of good historical works (see M.B. Petrovich, "The Emergence of Modern Serbian and Bulgarian Historiography" in Actes Du Premier Congres International Des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes Vol. V. Histoire, Sofia: Association Internationale des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes, 1970, pp. 294-309).
139. C. Jelavich, "Serbian Nationalism and the Croats: Vuk Karadžić's Influence on Serbian Textbooks," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism, 1990, XVII(1-2): 33-34.
140. See also I. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), p. 80.
141. Jelavich, "Serbian Nationalism," p. 34.
142. M.B. Petrovich, "Karadžić and Nationalism," Serbian Studies, 1988, 4 (Spring): 42.
143. See Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms, for an extensive analysis.
144. Dedijer et. al., History, p. 296.
145. Stoianovich, "The Pattern," p. 249.
146. See M. Karanovich, "Higher Education in Serbia During the Constitutionalist Regime 1838-1858," Balkan Studies, 1987, 28(1): 125-50 for a detailed description. The Lyceum copied the structure and curriculum of the German institutions. Emphasis was placed in providing Serbia with native educated graduates.
147. Djordjevic, Ιστορια, p. 105 and Karanovich, "Higher Education," p. 146.
148. Barac, "History," p. 124-25 and Djordjevic, Ιστορια, 142-44.
149. D. Djordjevic, "The Role of St. Vitus in modern Serbian History," Serbian Studies, 1990, 5(3): 34-35.
150. Ekmečić, "The Tradition," pp. 336-38. The celebration caused an international incident since the Ottoman governor of Belgrade protested regarding the celebration's anti-Ottoman spirit. The Serb government was forced to take a cautious attitude that lasted up until 1878.
151. Stoianovich, "The Pattern," p. 254
152. and Karanovich, "Higher Education," p. 147.
153. Stoianovich, "The Pattern," p. 254-55.
154. The liberals represented a coalition of wealthy merchants, government employees, and rich peasants (Dedijer et. al., History, p. 382).
155. Stokes, "Jovanovic," pp. 18-21.
156. According to MacKenzie, Garašanin, p. 211 Garašanin attempted to control the assembly but he lost control of the events.
157. G. Stokes, "The European Sources of Nineteenth Century Thought and the National Liberation Movement in Serbia" in American Contributions to the Seventh International Congress of Slavicists (Hague: Mouton, 1973), pp. 135-37.
158. Stoianovich, "The Pattern," p. 258.
159. Stokes, "Jovanovic," pp. 93-95.
160. Emmert, "Serbian Golgotha," p. 129.
161. D. Djordjevic, "Stojan Novaković: Historian, Politician, Diplomat," in Denis Deletant and Harry Hanak (eds.), Historians as Nation-Builders, Central and South-East Europe (London: Macmillan, 1988), pp. 51-69.
162. On Novaković's impact on the Serb educational system, see Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms.
163. Banac, "The National Question," p. 107.
164. H. Poulton, Who are the Macedonians? (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), p. 63.
165. P.J. Georgeoff, "Educational and Religious Rivalries in European Turkey Before the Balkan Wars," in American Contributions to the Seventh International Congress of Slavicists (Hague: Mouton, 1973), pp. 151-52.
166. Banac, "The National Question," p. 92.
167. See Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms, pp. 42-45 on the impact of secularization policies.
168. C. Jelavich, "The Croatian Problem in the Habsburg Monarchy in the Nineteenth Century," Austrian History Yearbook, 1967, Vol. III, Part 2, p. 104.
169. Some members of the Croat Sabor (parliament) suggested that there were no Serbs in Bosnia but only Orthodox Croats. On the significance of the Orthodox Church for the Serbs in Habsburg territory and the constant conflict with the Catholics, see W.S. Vucinich, "The Serbs in Austria-Hungary," Austrian History Yearbook, 1967, Vol. III, Part 2, pp. 34-43.
170. Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms, p. 16.
171. Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms, pp. 46-47.
172. Dedijer et. al., History, p. 385.
173. Vucinich, "The Serbs," pp. 23-25.
174. Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994), p. 126.
175. For an analysis of the Greek-Macedonian dispute, see "Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question," Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 1996, 14(2): 253-301.
176. For a discussion of the problems of the interwar Yugoslavia, see A. Djilas, The Contested Country (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991).
177. On the appropriation of Serb nationalism by the Milošević regime, see R. Salecl, "The Crisis of Identity and the Struggle for New Hegemony in the Former Yugoslavia," in E. Laclau (ed.), The Making of Political Identities (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 205-32.