Jie Gui - Connecting the tracks: Chinese women's activism surrounding the 1995 world conference on women in Beijing

Gender and History

Volumn 10, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 470-497

  Hsiung, Ping Chun ^a   Wong, Yuk Lin Renita ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0009460753     PISSN: 09535233     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1468-0424.00114     Document Type: Conference Paper

References (105)

1. Originated in San Jose, US, Beijing95-L was launched on 22 January 1995 as a listserv discussion forum of the FWCW. Available Email: beijing95-l@netcom.com. Topics included pre-conference events, non-governmental organisation information, international formal and informal reports on the current status of women, job, volunteer, and organisational opportunities related to the conference, and post-regional and post-conference follow-ups. In the data that we collected from this list, there are lots of cross-postings distributed by Human Rights Network (HRNet). Available Email: hrichina@igc.org. HKnews, on the other hand, is launched by The Alliance of Hong Kong Chinese in the United States (AHKCUS) and incorporated in the state of Hawaii. Available Email: hknews@ahkcus.org. Its main objective is to promote democratic development and human rights in China and Hong Kong. It sends out Hong Kong and China news reported in published media through the Internet. The other major world wide web homepages on the Conference included those of the NGO Forum Daily available at http://www.womensnet.apc.org/beijing/forum, the National Organisation for Women (NOW) of the United States available at http://now.org/now/home.html, the UN Women's Conference available at http://www.iisd.ca/linkages/women.html, Virtual Sisterhood available at http://www.igc.apc.org/vsister/vsister.html, and WomensWeb Canada available at http://crc.web.apc.org/womensweb.
2. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
3. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
4. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
5. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
6. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
7. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
8. Wong Yuen Ling (ed.), Nüxing de fanxiang: Yiqun ceng canyu jiuwu funü dahui guoji choubei huiyi de Zhongguo nüxing de xinsheng jieji (Reflections and Resonance: Stories of Chinese Women Involved in International Preparatory Activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women) (The Ford Foundation, Beijing, 1995). The Ford Foundation put out both Chinese and translated English versions. All the excerpts we include in this paper are our own translations from the Chinese text. We decided not to use the English version because we find its translation problematic in a number of ways. For example, the phrase Nühaizi zhangda weileyao jiaren is translated as 'When girls grow up, they have to get married' in the English version (Ge Youli, p. 5). This translation does not adequately preserve the original meanings of weileyao (for the sake of, for the purpose of) and jiaren (being married off). A better translation would be 'Girls grow up for the sake of being married off' (Ge Youli, p. 4). The English version, 'My grandma was forced to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was lucky enough to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 54), has added meanings which were not there in the original writing which simply states, 'My grandma had to bind her feet when she was a girl, and yet my mother was able to go to university' (Yue Mei, p. 41). More serious problems arise when the English translation misleads the reader. For example, reflecting on the character of women's activism in China, Xie states, 'We women haven't organised ourselves into various action-oriented groups. We just depend on the government. Because everything is handed down to us by the government, because government has planned everything for us, our consciousness and spirit of participation in self-liberation remain somewhat weak' (Xie Lihua, p. 219). We find the following English translation very misleading, 'We have no independent women's organisations. We depend totally on the government. Everything is decided and planned by the government. We have a poor spirit of participation in self-liberation' (Xie Lihua, p. 297). In order to allow the reader to check either the Chinese or English version, we include page numbers of both editions. The first number is from the Chinese edition, and is followed by the one in the English edition.
9. With domestic and international support, more than a hundred Chinese women participated in various international preparatory activities for the 1995 NGO Forum on Women. These activities included six regional meetings: Asia Pacific Symposium of NGOs on Women in Development, Latin American and Caribbean NGO Forum on Women, Vienna NGO Forum 1994, African NGO Forum on Women, NGO Regional Preparatory Committee for ESCWA, and the Nordic Forum; three NGO consultations parallel to preparatory meetings of the United Nation's Commission on the Status of Women; and the NGO Fora of the three United Nations World Conferences held during this period where Women's NGOs have honed their skills and priorities for Beijing; The NGO Forum of the Vienna Human Rights Conferences, and the NGO Forum of the Copenhagen Social Summit. Their international donors included the Ford Foundation which initiated the project in 1993, Canadian International Development Agency, Swedish International Development Agency, Danish International Development Agency, Global Fund for Women, International Women's Rights Action Watch, UNIFEM, and UNFPA. See Wong (ed.), Reflections and Resonance.
10. 'Women-work' refers to all kinds of service provision and activism in relation to women in China. For further discussion of 'women-work' in China in relation to feminism, see the quote on p. 483 of this paper and our subsequent discussion.
11. Since the early 1990s, a spontaneous wave of establishing women's groups has swept through China. In response to mounting problems women face in contemporary China, women scholars and former/retired Women's Federation cadres establish new organisations to provide services for women. These organisations are non-government-run and many receive funding from sources outside of China. The jingling Family Center and the Women's Hotline in Beijing are the two most well known among these women's initiatives.
12. Du Fangqin (ed.), Zhongguo funüyu fazhan - Diwei, jiankang, jiuye (Chinese Women and Development - Status, Health, Employment) (Henan People's Publishers, Zhengzhou, 1993). Funded by the Ford Foundation, this seminar was jointly organised by the Chinese Society for Women's Studies (CSWS) in the US and the Center for Women's Studies in Tianjin Normal University in the summer of 1993. Five members from the CSWS presented feminist perspectives on gender issues, and over twenty scholars in China delivered reports on their research projects on domestic women's problems. Over one hundred women nation-wide, from both academia and the Women's Federation, from all over China attended the seminar. The seminar was not particularly directed at the FWCW. But women researchers in China later regarded the Tianjing seminar as the beginning of the 'large-scale landing of Western feminism in China', cited in Wang Zheng, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women: Women's Studies Research in Contemporary China', Journal of Women's History, 8 (1997), p. 141. The application of Western feminist theories to the analysis of Chinese women's problems and the cultural and language barriers in cross-cultural dialogues were among the heated discussions in the seminar. It paved the way for the FWCW where women activists in China made their efforts to 'connect the tracks' with the international feminist communities in its largest scale.
13. Du Fangqin (ed.), Zhongguo funüyu fazhan - Diwei, jiankang, jiuye (Chinese Women and Development - Status, Health, Employment) (Henan People's Publishers, Zhengzhou, 1993). Funded by the Ford Foundation, this seminar was jointly organised by the Chinese Society for Women's Studies (CSWS) in the US and the Center for Women's Studies in Tianjin Normal University in the summer of 1993. Five members from the CSWS presented feminist perspectives on gender issues, and over twenty scholars in China delivered reports on their research projects on domestic women's problems. Over one hundred women nation-wide, from both academia and the Women's Federation, from all over China attended the seminar. The seminar was not particularly directed at the FWCW. But women researchers in China later regarded the Tianjing seminar as the beginning of the 'large-scale landing of Western feminism in China', cited in Wang Zheng, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women: Women's Studies Research in Contemporary China', Journal of Women's History, 8 (1997), p. 141. The application of Western feminist theories to the analysis of Chinese women's problems and the cultural and language barriers in cross-cultural dialogues were among the heated discussions in the seminar. It paved the way for the FWCW where women activists in China made their efforts to 'connect the tracks' with the international feminist communities in its largest scale.
14. On 11 October 1995, Christina Gilmartin delivered the statement on Li Xiaojiang's behalf, 'Wo weishenmo jujue canjia 95 shijie funü dahui NGO luntan' (Why I Refused to Participate in the NGO Forum at the 95 Fourth World Conference on Women - Women, State, and Individual), at the J. K. Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University.
15. See Elizabeth Croll, Women in Rural Development: The People's Republic of China (ILO, Geneva, 1979); Delia Davin, Woman-Work: Women and the Party in Revolutionary China (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1976); Marilyn B. Young, (ed.), Women in China: Studies in Social Change and Feminism (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1973).
16. See Elizabeth Croll, Women in Rural Development: The People's Republic of China (ILO, Geneva, 1979); Delia Davin, Woman-Work: Women and the Party in Revolutionary China (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1976); Marilyn B. Young, (ed.), Women in China: Studies in Social Change and Feminism (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1973).
17. See Elizabeth Croll, Women in Rural Development: The People's Republic of China (ILO, Geneva, 1979); Delia Davin, Woman-Work: Women and the Party in Revolutionary China (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1976); Marilyn B. Young, (ed.), Women in China: Studies in Social Change and Feminism (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1973).
18. See Phyllis Andors, The Unfinished Liberation of Chinese Women: 1949-1980 (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1983); Kay Ann Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1983); Judith Stacey, Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1983); Margery Wolf, Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1985).
19. See Phyllis Andors, The Unfinished Liberation of Chinese Women: 1949-1980 (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1983); Kay Ann Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1983); Judith Stacey, Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1983); Margery Wolf, Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1985).
20. See Phyllis Andors, The Unfinished Liberation of Chinese Women: 1949-1980 (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1983); Kay Ann Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1983); Judith Stacey, Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1983); Margery Wolf, Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1985).
21. See Phyllis Andors, The Unfinished Liberation of Chinese Women: 1949-1980 (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1983); Kay Ann Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1983); Judith Stacey, Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1983); Margery Wolf, Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1985).
22. Tani E. Barlow, 'Politics and Protocols of Funü: (Un)Making National Woman', in Engendering China: Women, Culture, and the State, ed. Christina. K. Gilmartin et al. (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1994), pp. 339-59.
23. Two recent articles on women's involvement, positions, and resistance to China's Birth Planning Policy are exemplary in this regard. See Tyrene White, 'The Origins of China's Birth Planning Policy', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 250-78; Yuk-Lin Renita Wong, 'Dispersing the "Public" and the "Private": Gender and the State in the Birth Planning Policy of China', Gender and Society, 11 (1997), pp. 509-25.
24. Two recent articles on women's involvement, positions, and resistance to China's Birth Planning Policy are exemplary in this regard. See Tyrene White, 'The Origins of China's Birth Planning Policy', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 250-78; Yuk-Lin Renita Wong, 'Dispersing the "Public" and the "Private": Gender and the State in the Birth Planning Policy of China', Gender and Society, 11 (1997), pp. 509-25.
25. See Chandra Mohanty, 'Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses', in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, ed. Chandra Mohanty etal. (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991), pp. 51-80; Aihwa Ong, 'Colonialism and Modernity: Feminist Re-presentations of Women in Non-Western Societies', in Theorizing Feminism: Parallel Trends in the Humanities and Social Sciences, ed. Anne C. Herrmann et al. (Westview Press, Boulder, 1994), pp. 372-81;
26. See Chandra Mohanty, 'Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses', in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, ed. Chandra Mohanty etal. (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991), pp. 51-80; Aihwa Ong, 'Colonialism and Modernity: Feminist Re-presentations of Women in Non-Western Societies', in Theorizing Feminism: Parallel Trends in the Humanities and Social Sciences, ed. Anne C. Herrmann et al. (Westview Press, Boulder, 1994), pp. 372-81;
27. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, The Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics (Methuen, New York, 1987).
28. See Richard W. Guisso and Stanley Johannesen (eds), Women in China: Current Directions in Historical Scholarship (Philo Press, Youngstown, NY, 1981); Gail Hershatter, 'Modernizing Sex, Sexing Modernity: Prostitution in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 147-74; Emily Honig and Gail Hershatter (eds), Personal Voices: Chinese Women in the 1980s (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988); Susan Mann, 'Learned Women in the Eighteenth Century', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 27-46.
29. See Richard W. Guisso and Stanley Johannesen (eds), Women in China: Current Directions in Historical Scholarship (Philo Press, Youngstown, NY, 1981); Gail Hershatter, 'Modernizing Sex, Sexing Modernity: Prostitution in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 147-74; Emily Honig and Gail Hershatter (eds), Personal Voices: Chinese Women in the 1980s (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988); Susan Mann, 'Learned Women in the Eighteenth Century', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 27-46.
30. See Richard W. Guisso and Stanley Johannesen (eds), Women in China: Current Directions in Historical Scholarship (Philo Press, Youngstown, NY, 1981); Gail Hershatter, 'Modernizing Sex, Sexing Modernity: Prostitution in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 147-74; Emily Honig and Gail Hershatter (eds), Personal Voices: Chinese Women in the 1980s (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988); Susan Mann, 'Learned Women in the Eighteenth Century', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 27-46.
31. See Richard W. Guisso and Stanley Johannesen (eds), Women in China: Current Directions in Historical Scholarship (Philo Press, Youngstown, NY, 1981); Gail Hershatter, 'Modernizing Sex, Sexing Modernity: Prostitution in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 147-74; Emily Honig and Gail Hershatter (eds), Personal Voices: Chinese Women in the 1980s (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988); Susan Mann, 'Learned Women in the Eighteenth Century', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 27-46.
32. Gilmartin et al. (eds), Engendering China.
33. Lisa Rofel, 'Liberation Nostalgia and a Yearning for Modernity', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 240. On Chinese women's activism, three recent publications are especially informative: Wang Zheng, 'A Historic Turning Point for the Women's Movement in China, Signs, 22 (1996), pp. 192-9; Wang Zheng, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women: Women's Studies Research in Contemporary China', Journal of Women's History, 8 (1997), pp. 126-52; Zhang Naihua and Xu Wu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative: The Women's Movement in a Changing China', in The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women's Movements in Global Perspective, ed. Amrita Basu (Westview Press, Boulder, 1995), pp. 25-57.
34. Lisa Rofel, 'Liberation Nostalgia and a Yearning for Modernity', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 240. On Chinese women's activism, three recent publications are especially informative: Wang Zheng, 'A Historic Turning Point for the Women's Movement in China, Signs, 22 (1996), pp. 192-9; Wang Zheng, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women: Women's Studies Research in Contemporary China', Journal of Women's History, 8 (1997), pp. 126-52; Zhang Naihua and Xu Wu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative: The Women's Movement in a Changing China', in The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women's Movements in Global Perspective, ed. Amrita Basu (Westview Press, Boulder, 1995), pp. 25-57.
35. Lisa Rofel, 'Liberation Nostalgia and a Yearning for Modernity', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 240. On Chinese women's activism, three recent publications are especially informative: Wang Zheng, 'A Historic Turning Point for the Women's Movement in China, Signs, 22 (1996), pp. 192-9; Wang Zheng, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women: Women's Studies Research in Contemporary China', Journal of Women's History, 8 (1997), pp. 126-52; Zhang Naihua and Xu Wu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative: The Women's Movement in a Changing China', in The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women's Movements in Global Perspective, ed. Amrita Basu (Westview Press, Boulder, 1995), pp. 25-57.
36. Lisa Rofel, 'Liberation Nostalgia and a Yearning for Modernity', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 240. On Chinese women's activism, three recent publications are especially informative: Wang Zheng, 'A Historic Turning Point for the Women's Movement in China, Signs, 22 (1996), pp. 192-9; Wang Zheng, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women: Women's Studies Research in Contemporary China', Journal of Women's History, 8 (1997), pp. 126-52; Zhang Naihua and Xu Wu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative: The Women's Movement in a Changing China', in The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women's Movements in Global Perspective, ed. Amrita Basu (Westview Press, Boulder, 1995), pp. 25-57.
37. Mohanty identifies two steps in examining the 'intellectual and political construction of third world feminisms'. The first is to deconstruct and dismantle the hegemonic position of Western feminisms in the presentation and re-presentation of the Third World women. This is followed by a construction of 'autonomous, geographically, historically, and culturally grounded feminist concerns and strategies'. See Mohanty, 'Under Western Eyes', p. 52. In the paper, nevertheless, Mohanty only focuses on the first step.
38. Sharon K. Hom and Xin Chunying, English-Chinese Lexicon of Women and Law (UNESCO and CTPC, Paris and Beijing, 1995), p. 18.
39. Daniel J. Shepard, 'Mongella Urges Focus on Beijing', Beijing95-L (Online), 13 August 1995. The message was distributed by HRNet to Beijing95-L. Shepard was a reporter of the Earth Times News Service.
40. The statement '36,000 feminists meet 1 billion communists' was made by Helen Ross, 'China Survival Kits' (Online), available: http://pages.prodigy.com/NY/ gonzo/beijing.html. It was cross-referenced in the world wide web homepage of UN Women's Conference. At a hearing debating whether or not the US should participate in the FWCW, Chris Smith, the US House representative and chairman of the International Relations Committee's Panel on International Operations and Human Rights, stated that 'going to Beijing in 1995 is analogous to going to Hitler's Germany in 1939 for a human rights conference'. (No author), 'Panel Debates China Conference', HKnews (Online), 18 July 95.
41. The statement '36,000 feminists meet 1 billion communists' was made by Helen Ross, 'China Survival Kits' (Online), available: http://pages.prodigy.com/NY/ gonzo/beijing.html. It was cross-referenced in the world wide web homepage of UN Women's Conference. At a hearing debating whether or not the US should participate in the FWCW, Chris Smith, the US House representative and chairman of the International Relations Committee's Panel on International Operations and Human Rights, stated that 'going to Beijing in 1995 is analogous to going to Hitler's Germany in 1939 for a human rights conference'. (No author), 'Panel Debates China Conference', HKnews (Online), 18 July 95.
42. The White Paper: The Situation of Chinese Women (Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, Beijing, 1994), p. i.
43. The White Paper, pp. ii-iii.
44. The White Paper, p. iii.
45. There is a clear discrepancy between the state's rhetoric and practices. Ample examples illustrate that government officials turn a blind eye when discriminatory practices occur. A report prepared by Human Rights in China (HRC), entitled Caught between Tradition and the State: Violations of the Human Rights of Chinese Women (Human Rights in China, New York, 1995), documents the incidents at great length and discusses how they have compromised women's rights.
46. Zhang Kai, 'An Alternative View of the Status of Women in China Today', Beijing95-L (Online), 28 August 1995. The article was first published in a magazine titled October Review, on 30 July 1995, and re-posted in Beijing95-L.
47. Zhang Kai, 'An Alternative View of the Status of Women in China Today', Beijing95-L (Online), 28 August 1995. The article was first published in a magazine titled October Review, on 30 July 1995, and re-posted in Beijing95-L.
48. Zhang Kai, 'An Alternative View of the Status of Women in China Today', Beijing95-L (Online), 28 August 1995. The article was first published in a magazine titled October Review, on 30 July 1995, and re-posted in Beijing95-L.
49. Amnesty International, Women in China: Imprisoned and Abused for Dissent (Amnesty International, London, 1995), p. 1.
50. Ong, 'Colonialism and Modernity', p. 372.
51. Guo Jianmei, 'Xiantan shuoshao zhiyi: Zhongwai funü gongzuo luetan' (Dialogue One: Chatting on Women-Work in China and Abroad), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, p. 216 / p. 293; Lou Xiaolu, 'Dialogue One', p. 222 / p. 301; Liu Bohong, 'Dialogue One', p. 224 / p. 303.
52. Guo Jianmei, 'Xiantan shuoshao zhiyi: Zhongwai funü gongzuo luetan' (Dialogue One: Chatting on Women-Work in China and Abroad), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, p. 216 / p. 293; Lou Xiaolu, 'Dialogue One', p. 222 / p. 301; Liu Bohong, 'Dialogue One', p. 224 / p. 303.
53. Guo Jianmei, 'Xiantan shuoshao zhiyi: Zhongwai funü gongzuo luetan' (Dialogue One: Chatting on Women-Work in China and Abroad), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, p. 216 / p. 293; Lou Xiaolu, 'Dialogue One', p. 222 / p. 301; Liu Bohong, 'Dialogue One', p. 224 / p. 303.
54. Deng Chunli, 'Dialogue One', pp. 217-18 / p. 295-6.
55. Xie Lihua, 'Wuomen ruhe mianxiang shijie? Guanyu "Jie Gui"de duanxiang' (How Do We Face the World? - Some Thoughts On Connecting the Tracks), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, pp. 50-51 / p. 68.
56. Xie Lihua, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 51 / p. 68.
57. Xie Lihua, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 51 / p. 68.
58. Xie Lihua, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 52 / p. 69.
59. Xie Lihua, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 52 / p. 69.
60. Xie Lihua, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 53 / p. 70.
61. Xie Lihua, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 53 / p. 70.
62. The new development is often referred to as the women's studies movement because it involves setting up women's studies programmes in the universities. For an examination of the movement and its implication, see Wang, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women'; Zhang and Xu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative'; Ping-Chun Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s', paper presented at the Conference on Education and Society in Twentieth Century China, 26-8 September 1997, organised by Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto and the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, York University and University of Toronto. Hsiung's analysis pays specific attention to the interplay of personal and institutional aspects of the movement.
63. The new development is often referred to as the women's studies movement because it involves setting up women's studies programmes in the universities. For an examination of the movement and its implication, see Wang, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women'; Zhang and Xu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative'; Ping-Chun Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s', paper presented at the Conference on Education and Society in Twentieth Century China, 26-8 September 1997, organised by Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto and the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, York University and University of Toronto. Hsiung's analysis pays specific attention to the interplay of personal and institutional aspects of the movement.
64. The new development is often referred to as the women's studies movement because it involves setting up women's studies programmes in the universities. For an examination of the movement and its implication, see Wang, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women'; Zhang and Xu, 'Discovering the Positive Within the Negative'; Ping-Chun Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s', paper presented at the Conference on Education and Society in Twentieth Century China, 26-8 September 1997, organised by Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto and the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, York University and University of Toronto. Hsiung's analysis pays specific attention to the interplay of personal and institutional aspects of the movement.
65. Xie, 'Dialogue One', p. 214 / pp. 291-2.
66. Liu, 'Dialogue One', p. 224 / p. 303.
67. Liu, 'Dialogue One', p. 224 / pp. 303-4.
68. Lisa Rofel, 'Liberation Nostalgia and a Yearning for Modernity', in Engendering China, ed. Gilmartin et al., pp. 226-49.
69. See Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China; Stacey, Socialist Patriarchy and Revolution in China; Wolf, Revolution Postponed.
70. See Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China; Stacey, Socialist Patriarchy and Revolution in China; Wolf, Revolution Postponed.
71. See Johnson, Women, the Family and Peasant Revolution in China; Stacey, Socialist Patriarchy and Revolution in China; Wolf, Revolution Postponed.
72. Ge, 'Girls Grow up for the Sake of Being Married Off', p. 5 / p. 7.
73. Ge, 'Girls Grow up for the Sake of Being Married Off', p. 7 / p. 10.
74. Du Fangqin, 'Zai zhongxifang jiaoliuzhong tuozhan Zhongguo funü yanjiude xinshiye yu xinfangfa' (The New Perspectives and Methods of Developing Chinese Women's Studies in the East-West Exchange), in Chinese Women and Development, ed. Du Fangqin, p. 10.
75. Li, 'Why I Refused to Participate in the NGO Forum at the 95 Fourth World Conference on Women'.
76. Li Xiaojian, Guanyu nürende dawen (Questions and Answers About Women) (Jiangsu People's Publishers, Nanging, 1997), p. 57. The quote comes from a speech which Li delivered in Germany in early 1995, which was reprinted in Questions and Answers Abouf Women.
77. Li Xiaojian, Guanyu nürende dawen (Questions and Answers About Women) (Jiangsu People's Publishers, Nanging, 1997), p. 57. The quote comes from a speech which Li delivered in Germany in early 1995, which was reprinted in Questions and Answers Abouf Women.
78. Ge, 'Girls Grow up for the Sake of Being Married Off'; Yue, 'Huidao zizhiren zhongjianlai: Gei huaren funü yanjiu xuehui pengyoumende xin' (Coming Back to My Own People: A Letter to My Friends in the Chinese Society for Women's Studies), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, pp. 41-5 / pp. 54-60.
79. Ge, 'Girls Grow up for the Sake of Being Married Off'; Yue, 'Huidao zizhiren zhongjianlai: Gei huaren funü yanjiu xuehui pengyoumende xin' (Coming Back to My Own People: A Letter to My Friends in the Chinese Society for Women's Studies), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, pp. 41-5 / pp. 54-60.
80. Yue, 'Coming Back to My Own People', p. 45 / p. 60.
81. Li, 'Why I Refused to Participate in the NGO Forum at the 95 Fourth World Conference on Women'.
82. Chandra Mohanty, 'Cartographies of Struggle: Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism', in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, ed. Mohanty et al., pp. 1-50.
83. Catherine A. MacKinnon, 'Feminism, Marxism, Method, and the State, An Agenda for Theory', Signs, 7 (1982), pp. 515-44.
84. Luo, 'Dialogue One', pp. 222-4 / pp. 301-2.
85. Since the early 1980s, Chinese women scholars have come to learn that feminism entails more than a demand for women's legal rights. The term is now translated as nüxing zhuyi, the 'ism' of female sex. This new translation's emphasis on unique female characteristics reflects Chinese women's recent search for gender identity. Thus, the change from nüquan zhuyi to nüxing zhuyi represents a shift in Chinese women's struggles in the twentieth century. See Sharon K. Horn and Xin Chunying (eds), English-Chinese Lexicon of Women and Law, pp. 128-31.
86. Du, 'The New Perspectives and Methods of Developing Chinese Women's Studies in the East-West Exchange', in Chinese Women and Development, ed. Du Fangqin, p. 8.
87. Kris Torgeson, 'Speaking for Chinese Women: Freedom of Association and Preparations for the 1995 World Conference on Women', Human Rights Network - HRNet (Online), available Email: hrichina@igc.org (3 September 1995). The article was first published in the journal of Human Rights in China (HRC), China Rights Forum, Winter (1994).
88. Kris Torgeson, 'Speaking for Chinese Women: Freedom of Association and Preparations for the 1995 World Conference on Women', Human Rights Network - HRNet (Online), available Email: hrichina@igc.org (3 September 1995). The article was first published in the journal of Human Rights in China (HRC), China Rights Forum, Winter (1994).
89. Wang, 'A Historical Turning Point for the Women's Movement in China'; Wang, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women'.
90. Wang, 'A Historical Turning Point for the Women's Movement in China'; Wang, 'Maoism, Feminism, and the UN Conference on Women'.
91. At the preparatory conference in Manila, 1993, the Chinese delegation was challenged because it included members of the ACWF, which was not considered as an NGO. This incident was said to bring the NGO issue to the Chinese authorities' attention for the first time (personal communication).
92. Jiang Wandi, 'The Special Way of Chinese NGOs' (Online), available: http://www.womensnet.apc.org/beijing/forum (2 September 1995). It is the world wide web homepage of the NGO Forum Daily.
93. As they examine the relationship between the state and society and the possible transformation of the state's hegemonic control, some analysts maintain that the CCP state is not as omnipresent and suffocating as many others have claimed. Although the communist state possesses oppressive, iron-fisted power to strike down any overt challenges, its giant bureaucratic system is fragmented and ineffective in most of its routine operations. Such a system therefore leaves enough room for individual, clandestine negotiation and manipulation. For further discussion, see X. L. Ding, 'Institutional Amphibiousness and the Transition from Communism: The Case of China', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), pp. 293-318; Yia-Ling Liu, 'Reform from Below. The Private Economy and Local Politics in the Rural Industrialization of Wenzhou', China Quarterly, 130 (1992), pp. 293-322; Vivienne Shue, The Reach of the State: Sketches of the Chinese Body Politic (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988). Specifically, two recent papers examine the relationship between the ACWF and women's new initiatives in the past years. Hsiung focuses on how the women's studies programme in universities draws upon the ACWF's political resources, while Milwertz's case study shows the linkage between the ACWF and Dagongmei zhi jia (Migrant Girls Club), a new organisation established in 1996 to provide services to migrant girls in Beijing. See Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s'; and C. Milwertz, 'Organizing Rural Women Migrants in Beijing', paper presented at the Oxford Women's Studies Network Conference, 20 September 1997.
94. As they examine the relationship between the state and society and the possible transformation of the state's hegemonic control, some analysts maintain that the CCP state is not as omnipresent and suffocating as many others have claimed. Although the communist state possesses oppressive, iron-fisted power to strike down any overt challenges, its giant bureaucratic system is fragmented and ineffective in most of its routine operations. Such a system therefore leaves enough room for individual, clandestine negotiation and manipulation. For further discussion, see X. L. Ding, 'Institutional Amphibiousness and the Transition from Communism: The Case of China', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), pp. 293-318; Yia-Ling Liu, 'Reform from Below. The Private Economy and Local Politics in the Rural Industrialization of Wenzhou', China Quarterly, 130 (1992), pp. 293-322; Vivienne Shue, The Reach of the State: Sketches of the Chinese Body Politic (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988). Specifically, two recent papers examine the relationship between the ACWF and women's new initiatives in the past years. Hsiung focuses on how the women's studies programme in universities draws upon the ACWF's political resources, while Milwertz's case study shows the linkage between the ACWF and Dagongmei zhi jia (Migrant Girls Club), a new organisation established in 1996 to provide services to migrant girls in Beijing. See Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s'; and C. Milwertz, 'Organizing Rural Women Migrants in Beijing', paper presented at the Oxford Women's Studies Network Conference, 20 September 1997.
95. As they examine the relationship between the state and society and the possible transformation of the state's hegemonic control, some analysts maintain that the CCP state is not as omnipresent and suffocating as many others have claimed. Although the communist state possesses oppressive, iron-fisted power to strike down any overt challenges, its giant bureaucratic system is fragmented and ineffective in most of its routine operations. Such a system therefore leaves enough room for individual, clandestine negotiation and manipulation. For further discussion, see X. L. Ding, 'Institutional Amphibiousness and the Transition from Communism: The Case of China', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), pp. 293-318; Yia-Ling Liu, 'Reform from Below. The Private Economy and Local Politics in the Rural Industrialization of Wenzhou', China Quarterly, 130 (1992), pp. 293-322; Vivienne Shue, The Reach of the State: Sketches of the Chinese Body Politic (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988). Specifically, two recent papers examine the relationship between the ACWF and women's new initiatives in the past years. Hsiung focuses on how the women's studies programme in universities draws upon the ACWF's political resources, while Milwertz's case study shows the linkage between the ACWF and Dagongmei zhi jia (Migrant Girls Club), a new organisation established in 1996 to provide services to migrant girls in Beijing. See Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s'; and C. Milwertz, 'Organizing Rural Women Migrants in Beijing', paper presented at the Oxford Women's Studies Network Conference, 20 September 1997.
96. As they examine the relationship between the state and society and the possible transformation of the state's hegemonic control, some analysts maintain that the CCP state is not as omnipresent and suffocating as many others have claimed. Although the communist state possesses oppressive, iron-fisted power to strike down any overt challenges, its giant bureaucratic system is fragmented and ineffective in most of its routine operations. Such a system therefore leaves enough room for individual, clandestine negotiation and manipulation. For further discussion, see X. L. Ding, 'Institutional Amphibiousness and the Transition from Communism: The Case of China', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), pp. 293-318; Yia-Ling Liu, 'Reform from Below. The Private Economy and Local Politics in the Rural Industrialization of Wenzhou', China Quarterly, 130 (1992), pp. 293-322; Vivienne Shue, The Reach of the State: Sketches of the Chinese Body Politic (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988). Specifically, two recent papers examine the relationship between the ACWF and women's new initiatives in the past years. Hsiung focuses on how the women's studies programme in universities draws upon the ACWF's political resources, while Milwertz's case study shows the linkage between the ACWF and Dagongmei zhi jia (Migrant Girls Club), a new organisation established in 1996 to provide services to migrant girls in Beijing. See Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s'; and C. Milwertz, 'Organizing Rural Women Migrants in Beijing', paper presented at the Oxford Women's Studies Network Conference, 20 September 1997.
97. As they examine the relationship between the state and society and the possible transformation of the state's hegemonic control, some analysts maintain that the CCP state is not as omnipresent and suffocating as many others have claimed. Although the communist state possesses oppressive, iron-fisted power to strike down any overt challenges, its giant bureaucratic system is fragmented and ineffective in most of its routine operations. Such a system therefore leaves enough room for individual, clandestine negotiation and manipulation. For further discussion, see X. L. Ding, 'Institutional Amphibiousness and the Transition from Communism: The Case of China', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), pp. 293-318; Yia-Ling Liu, 'Reform from Below. The Private Economy and Local Politics in the Rural Industrialization of Wenzhou', China Quarterly, 130 (1992), pp. 293-322; Vivienne Shue, The Reach of the State: Sketches of the Chinese Body Politic (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1988). Specifically, two recent papers examine the relationship between the ACWF and women's new initiatives in the past years. Hsiung focuses on how the women's studies programme in universities draws upon the ACWF's political resources, while Milwertz's case study shows the linkage between the ACWF and Dagongmei zhi jia (Migrant Girls Club), a new organisation established in 1996 to provide services to migrant girls in Beijing. See Hsiung, 'The Women's Studies Movement in China in the 1980s and 1990s'; and C. Milwertz, 'Organizing Rural Women Migrants in Beijing', paper presented at the Oxford Women's Studies Network Conference, 20 September 1997.
98. Xie, 'How Do We Face the World?', pp. 53-4 / pp. 71-2.
99. Xie, 'How Do We Face the World?', p. 51 / p. 72.
100. Liu, 'Dialogue One', p. 219 / p. 297.
101. Luo Ping, 'Reflections on My Impressions of Northern Europe', in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, p. 150 / pp. 205-6.
102. Guo, 'Dialogue One', p. 219 / p. 297.
103. Le Ping, 'Thoughts on the New Era', in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, pp. 193-4 / pp. 262-4.
104. Guo Jianmei, 'Nanwangde Manila huiyi' (An Unforgettable Preparatory Conference in Manila), in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, p. 157 / p. 215.
105. Ma Yinan, 'Dialogue One', in Reflections and Resonance, ed. Wong, p. 218 / p. 296.