Celibacy and charism in 1 Cor 7:5-7

Harvard Theological Review

Volumn 89, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 1-18

  Poirier, John C ^a   Frankovic, Joseph ^a  

^a JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY   (United States)

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EID: 0009295388     PISSN: 00178160     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0017816000031783     Document Type: Review

References (134)

1. Hyam Maccoby, Paul and Hellenism (London: SCM, 1991) 139
2. Compare Brian S. Rosner, Paul, Scripture and Ethics: A Study of 1 Corinthians 5-7 (AGJU 22; Leiden: Brill, 1994) 151. Corinthians 5-7 (AGJU 22; Leiden: Brill, 1994) 151
3. See esp. Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966) 29-40
4. Alan F. Segal, Paul the Convert: The Apostolate and Apostasy of Saul the Pharisee (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990) 171
5. See the examples in ibid., 170-71
6. Compare the cultic metaphors in T.Ash. 2.9, 4.5
7. Compare m. Ketub. 5.6; m. 'Ed. 4.10. On the "conjugal right" in Peter J. Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakha in the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles (CRlNT; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1990) 107-8. 1 Cor 7:5, see Peter J. Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakha in the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles (CRlNT; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1990) 107-8
8. At least one exegete, however, has suggested such a reading. L. William Countryman writes (Dirt, Greed, and Sex [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988] 205 n. 14) that the allowance for sexual abstinence is to give leisure for prayer, not to purify the couple for it emphasis in the original, apparently interpreting in its etymological sense of to have leisure. Clearly, however, the context of 1 Corinthians decides for the usual translation devote yourselves to prayer. Throughout his book. Countryman ties purity so inextricably to the Jew/ Gentile partition that all pollution concerns could not have survived the removal of that partition Countryman writes (Dirt, Greed, and Sex [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988] 205 n. 14) that "the allowance for sexual abstinence is to give leisure for prayer, not to purify the couple for it" (emphasis in the original), apparently interpreting in its etymological sense of "to have leisure." Clearly, however, the context of 1 Corinthians decides for the usual translation "devote yourselves to prayer." Throughout his book. Countryman ties purity so inextricably to the Jew/ Gentile partition that all pollution concerns could not have survived the removal of that partition
9. Compare Walter Wink, Unmasking the Powers (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986) 20
10. For the subsequent ascetic use of 1 Cor 7:5, see Tatian's interpretation (Clement Alex. Strom. 3.12.81) and the treatment of this interpretation in David Ray Cartlidge, Competing Theologies of Asceticism in the Early Church (Th.D. diss., Harvard University, 1969) 256-57. (Clement Alex. Strom. 3.12.81) and the treatment of this interpretation in David Ray Cartlidge, "Competing Theologies of Asceticism in the Early Church" (Th.D. diss., Harvard University, 1969) 256-57
11. See also Tertullian, De exhortatione castitatis 10
12. and on Tertullian, Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., Prophecy in Carthage: Perpetua, Tertullian, and Cyprian (Cleveland: Pilgrim, 1992) 120; Tertullian, and Cyprian (Cleveland: Pilgrim, 1992) 120
13. and Heinrich Baltensweiler, Die Ehe im Neuen Testament (ATANT 52; Zurich: Zwingli, 1967) 205-7. Zwingli, 1967) 205-7
14. See Cartlidge, "Competing Theologies," 48. Antoinette Clark the line between the purely ritual and the ascetic programs. In interpreting 1 Cor 7:5, she adduces examples of Jewish and Greek prophetesses who abstained from sexual relations - clearly a ritual goal for celibacy. But she also writes that Paul expects prayer to be heightened by sexual abstinence, thus throwing the apostle's thought into the ascetic trajectory. Wire nevertheless observes that all the women identified as prophets in the New Testament are described in terms of their sexual lives (The Corinthian Women Prophets: A Reconstruction through Paul's Rhetoric [Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990] 83, 183). Wire has obscured the line between the purely ritual and the ascetic programs. In interpreting 1 Cor 7:5, she adduces examples of Jewish and Greek prophetesses who abstained from sexual relations - clearly a ritual goal for celibacy. But she also writes that "Paul expects prayer to be heightened by sexual abstinence," thus throwing the apostle's thought into the ascetic trajectory. Wire nevertheless observes that "all the women identified as prophets in the New Testament are described in terms of their sexual lives" (The Corinthian Women Prophets: A Reconstruction through Paul's Rhetoric [Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990] 83, 183)
15. See Edouard Cothenet ("Prophétisme dans le Nouveau [1960] 1282), who finds prophecy linked to virginity in Acts 21:9. Testament," DBSup 6 [1960] 1282), who finds prophecy linked to virginity in Acts 21:9
16. So Baltensweiler, Die Ehe im Neuen Testament, 160-61
17. "Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," OTP 1. 814
18. As John J. Gunther notes (St. Paul's Opponents and their Background: A Study of Apocalyptic and Jewish Sectarian Teachings [NovTSup 30; Leiden: Brill, 1973] 140), the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs manifes[s] a special concern for purity. In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the purity idea refers both to the careful observance of priestly ritual conduct and to a sense of moral uprightness (as at Qumran). ibid., 140-42. Study of Apocalyptic and Jewish Sectarian Teachings [NovTSup 30; Leiden: Brill, 1973] 140), the "Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs manifes[s] a special concern for purity." In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the purity idea refers both to the careful observance of priestly ritual conduct and to a sense of moral uprightness (as at Qumran). See ibid., 140-42
19. Sara Japhet ("The Prohibition of the Habitation of Women: The Temple Scroll's Attitude Toward Sexual Impurity and Its Biblical Precedents, JANES 22 [1993] 69-87) has shown that the Temple Scroll focused on sexual impurity, while it deemphasized corpse impurity. She argues that such a tendency derives from Chronicles and that the Temple Scroll prescriptions have nothing to do with the Deuteronomic model of a war camp. Scroll's Attitude Toward Sexual Impurity and Its Biblical Precedents," JANES 22 [1993] 69-87) has shown that the Temple Scroll focused on sexual impurity, while it deemphasized corpse impurity. She argues that such a tendency derives from Chronicles and that the Temple Scroll prescriptions have nothing to do with the Deuteronomic model of a war camp
20. Wilbert Francis Howard's understanding of 1 Cor 7:5 as prescribing seasons of special prayer probably reflects a failure to read diachronically, as the arrangement Paul enjoins - abstinence for prayer - makes little sense to moderns (in Frederick Carl Eiselen, Edwin Lewis, and David G. Downey, eds., The Abingdon Bible Commentary [New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1929] 1180; emphasis added). "seasons of special prayer" probably reflects a failure to read diachronically, as the arrangement Paul enjoins - abstinence for prayer - makes little sense to moderns (in Frederick Carl Eiselen, Edwin Lewis, and David G. Downey, eds., The Abingdon Bible Commentary [New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1929] 1180; emphasis added)
21. D. Gerhard Delling also over-interprets, reading a congregational prayer meeting of several days' duration into Paul's words about abstaining for a season (Worship in the New Testament [London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1962] 110). meeting of several days' duration into Paul's words about abstaining for a season (Worship in the New Testament [London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1962] 110)
22. Lev 15:16-18. Compare 1 Sam 22:4; Josephus Cont. Ap. 2.198; Ant. 6.238
23. See Hannah K. Harrington, The Impurity Systems of Qumran and the Rabbis: Biblical Foundations (SBLDS 143; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993) 244-47. Biblical Foundations (SBLDS 143; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993) 244-47
24. Gedalyahu Alon (Jews, Judaism and the Classical World [Jerusalem: Magnes, 1977] 199) concludes that the Halakha basically ordains that every form of impurity prohibits Torah-study and prayer (emphasis in the original). 1977] 199) concludes that "the Halakha basically ordains that every form of impurity prohibits Torah-study and prayer" (emphasis in the original)
25. Shaye J. D. Cohen ("Menstruants and the Sacred in Judaism and Christianity, in Sarah B. Pomeroy, ed., Women's History and Ancient History [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991] 288-90, 298 nn. 57-58) discusses three Alexandrian Fathers who objected to praying and/or partaking of communion after sexual intercourse; compare Origen Sel. Ezech. 420 (13.793B); Christianity," in Sarah B. Pomeroy, ed., Women's History and Ancient History [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991] 288-90, 298 nn. 57-58) discusses three Alexandrian Fathers who objected to praying and/or partaking of communion after sexual intercourse; compare Origen Sel. Ezech. 420 (PG 13.793B)
26. Dionysius of Alexandria Ep. Can. 2 (PG 10.1284A)
27. and Timothy of Alexandria Resp. Can. (PG 33.1300A-1301A) (these last two invoke 1 Cor 7:5). invoke 1 Cor 7:5)
28. Compare also Jerome Adv. Jov. 1.34 (PL 23.268-69), who makes an a minore inference from the fact that a lay person cannot pray without abstaining from officio conjugali. inference from the fact that a lay person cannot pray without abstaining from "officio conjugali."
29. Josephus Ant. 14.258 (trans. H. St. J. Thackeray; LCL; 10 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957) 7. 587; emphasis mine. E. P. Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah (Philadelphia: Trinity, 1990) 258-76. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957) 7. 587; emphasis mine. See E. P. Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah (Philadelphia: Trinity, 1990) 258-76
30. 74 A B may have resulted from accidental omission of the horizontal stroke over the η, signifying a final ν." More probably, was the initial clumsy stage in the move toward the more literarily acceptable and away from the undoubtedly strange-sounding (to early Christian copyists) report of a widespread custom of praying near water. would then have removed the incomprehensible custom and turned an automatic expectation of prayer near the river into a mere hearsay that the local place of prayer happened to be near the river. At any rate, all the readings point to a custom (or house) of prayer - it is only a question of whether Acts 16:13 explicitly attests the widespread existence of such a custom
31. Jdt 12:7-8
32. Sib. 3.591-93 (OTP 1. 375). Jacob Neusner (The Idea of Purity in Ancient Judaism [Leiden: Brill, 1972] 3) thinks that both Judith and the Sibylline Oracles refer to hand-washing instead of immersion, but compare Roger P. Booth, Jesus and the Laws of Purity: Tradition History and Legal History in Mark 7 (JSNTSSup 13; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1986) 159-60. Judaism [Leiden: Brill, 1972] 3) thinks that both Judith and the Sibylline Oracles refer to hand-washing instead of immersion, but compare Roger P. Booth, Jesus and the Laws of Purity: Tradition History and Legal History in Mark 7 (JSNTSSup 13; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1986) 159-60
33. OTP 2. 33
34. Steven D. Fraade has collected pertinent texts in "The Nazirite in Judaism (Selected Texts), in Vincent L. Wimbush, ed., Ascetic Behavior in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook (Studies in Antiquity and Christianity; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990) 213-23. Ancient Judaism (Selected Texts)," in Vincent L. Wimbush, ed., Ascetic Behavior in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook (Studies in Antiquity and Christianity; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990) 213-23
35. Plutarch Moralia, Table Talk 33.655D (trans. Frank Cole Babbitt, et al.; LCL; 15 vols.; London: Heinemann, 1927-76) 8. 257. LCL; 15 vols.; London: Heinemann, 1927-76) 8. 257
36. Also cited in O. Larry Yarbrough, Not Like the Gentiles: Marriage Rules in the Letters of Paul (SBLDS 80; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985) 100 n. 31. Plutarch's parenthetical remark is followed by an admonition to have night and sleep intervene, which, although serving for Plutarch as refreshment of mind and body, may correspond as well with the passing of the cultic short time in the passage we have quoted. the Cyrene Cathartic law 11-15: Coming from a woman a man, if he has slept with her by night, can sacrifice [wherever? whenever?] he wishes. If he has slept with her by day, he can, after washing [ ] go wherever he wishes, except to [two lines missing] (ca. early third c. BCE?; quoted in Robert Parker, Miasma [Oxford: Clarendon, 1983] 335). in the Letters of Paul (SBLDS 80; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985) 100 n. 31. Plutarch's parenthetical remark is followed by an admonition "to have night and sleep intervene," which, although serving for Plutarch as refreshment of mind and body, may correspond as well with the passing of the cultic "short time" in the passage we have quoted. See also the Cyrene Cathartic law 11-15: "Coming from a woman a man, if he has slept with her by night, can sacrifice [wherever? whenever?] he wishes. If he has slept with her by day, he can, after washing [ ] go wherever he wishes, except to [two lines missing]" (ca. early third c. BCE?; quoted in Robert Parker, Miasma [Oxford: Clarendon, 1983] 335)
37. On purity regulations at temple entrances, see L. R. Farnell, The Evolution of Religion (New York: Putnam's, 1905) 138-39
38. On sexual abstinence for cultic purposes in general, see W. Robertson Meridian, 1956 454-56 Smith, The Religion of the Semites (1894; reprinted New York: Meridian, 1956) 454-56
39. Vincent L. Wimbush also discusses abstinence in connection with non-Jewish cultic asceticism (Paul the Worldly Ascetic [Macon: Mercer University Press, 1987] 55-56). He notes that this type of renunciation or ascetic practice is not counseled in 1 Corinthians, but does not judge whether the ritual thought world was meaningful for Paul. "non-Jewish cultic asceticism" (Paul the Worldly Ascetic [Macon: Mercer University Press, 1987] 55-56). He notes that "this type of renunciation or ascetic practice is not counseled in 1 Corinthians," but does not judge whether the ritual thought world was meaningful for Paul
40. Of course, ancient Judaism was by no means devoid of genuinely ascetic spiritualities; Steven D. Fraade, Ascetical Aspects of Ancient Judaism, in Arthur Green, ed, Jewish Spirituality (2 vols, New York: Crossroad, 1987) 253-88 spiritualities; see Steven D. Fraade, "Ascetical Aspects of Ancient Judaism," in Arthur Green, ed., Jewish Spirituality (2 vols.; New York: Crossroad, 1987) 253-88
41. Pausanias Descr. Graec. 1.34.5 (trans. W. H. S. Jones; LCL; 4 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978) 1. 187. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978) 1. 187
42. Compare the treatment of ritual procedures at "local oracle David E. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983) 29-30. sanctuaries" in David E. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983) 29-30
43. Parker, Miasma, 74
44. Franciszek Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées des Cités Grecques Supplément (Paris: Boccard, 1962) 109 no. 54.4, 114 nos. 59.15-16; Supplément (Paris: Boccard, 1962) 109 no. 54.4, 114 nos. 59.15-16
45. and idem, Lois Sacrés des Cités Grecques (Paris: Boccard, 1969) 185 no. 95.5 (post-166 BCE). 1969) 185 no. 95.5 (post-166 BCE)
46. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées des Cités Grecques, 254 no. 151A.42. 151A.42
47. Franciszek Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées de L'Asie Mineure (Paris: Boccard, 1955) 83 nos. 29.4-7
48. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées des Cités Grecques Supplément, 187 nos. 115A.11-20. Supplément, 187 nos. 115A.11-20
49. idem, Lois Sacrées des Cités Grecques, 239 nos. 139.14-18
50. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées de L'Asie Mineure, 50 nos. 18.9-15
51. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées des Cités Grecques, 299 no. 171.17
52. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées de L'Asie Mineure, 54 nos. 20.25-50
53. Sokolowski, Lois Sacrées des Cités Grecques Supplément, 201 nos. 119.7-9. Supplément, 201 nos. 119.7-9
54. Aristophanes Lys. 912-13 (trans. Benjamin B. Rogers; LCL; 3 vols.; London: Heinemann, 1924) 3. 88-89. London: Heinemann, 1924) 3. 88-89
55. See esp. Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law, 221-58
56. The notion that Paul could not have held non-Jewish Christians to be susceptible to impurity should be dispelled. The Jewish notion of the Gentile's permanent impurity, that is, that Gentiles were insusceptible to the impurities that affected Jews, was probably based upon the Gentile's assumed idolatry, Alon, Jews, Judaism and the Classical World, 187, For Paul, conversion to Christianity would have undone this basis for permanent impurity. A newly converted non-Jewish Christian would presumably be susceptible to impurity. From Paul's point of view, they were no longer Gentiles, Compare 1 Cor 12:2; on the holiness of Gentiles, Stanley K. Stowers, A Rereading of Romans [New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994] 96-97, In fact, the charge that Paul had brought a Gentile into the Temple Acts 21:27-29, whether historical or not, would seem to reflect Paul's notion of the Gentile's ritual destigmatization upon conversion susceptible to impurity should be dispelled. The Jewish notion of the Gentile's permanent impurity - that is, that Gentiles were insusceptible to the impurities that affected Jews - was probably based upon the Gentile's assumed idolatry. (See Alon, Jews, Judaism and the Classical World, 187.) For Paul, conversion to Christianity would have undone this basis for permanent impurity. A newly converted non-Jewish Christian would presumably be susceptible to impurity. From Paul's point of view, they were no longer Gentiles. (Compare 1 Cor 12:2; on the "holiness of Gentiles," see Stanley K. Stowers, A Rereading of Romans [New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994] 96-97.) In fact, the charge that Paul had brought a Gentile into the Temple (Acts 21:27-29), whether historical or not, would seem to reflect Paul's notion of the Gentile's ritual destigmatization upon conversion
57. Lev 15:16-18; Deut 23:10-11. Herodotus (Hist., 1.198) describes a similar remedy among Babylonians and in Arabia. Although semen impurity was the easiest to remedy for some cultic contexts, in others (reading Torah, studying mishna, midrash, etc, t. Ber. 2.12, it was irremediable, in contrast to other sexually-related impurities. Compare Cohen, Menstruants and the Sacred, 282-83. Baruch M. Bokser writes that the early rabbinic system, taught that extra-Temple sacredness needs to be activated. Accordingly, it is when people take steps to initiate the sacred that they must follow the proper gestures of approach (Approaching Sacred Space, HTR 78 [1985] 299, Unfortunately, Bokser credits the framers of the Mishna with inventing extra-Temple gestures of approach as an effort to provide new [sacred] centering structures (ibid, 288, while only cursorily noting that such gestures were already in place at l remedy among Babylonians and in Arabia. Although semen impurity was the easiest to remedy for some cultic contexts, in others (reading Torah, studying mishna, midrash, etc. [t. Ber. 2.12]) it was irremediable, in contrast to other sexually-related impurities. Compare Cohen, "Menstruants and the Sacred," 282-83. Baruch M. Bokser writes that "the early rabbinic system... taught that extra-Temple sacredness needs to be activated. Accordingly, it is when people take steps to initiate the sacred that they must follow the proper gestures of approach" ("Approaching Sacred Space," HTR 78 [1985] 299). Unfortunately, Bokser credits the framers of the Mishna with inventing extra-Temple "gestures of approach" as an effort "to provide new [sacred] centering structures" (ibid., 288), while only cursorily noting that such gestures were already in place (at least in the Diaspora) long before the Temple's destruction
58. That is, Paul overthrew the particularistic to aid in keeping the systemic systemic
59. Of course, non-Pauline attestations for Christian miqva'ot are not completely lacking. The doctrine of baptisms of Heb 6:2 seems to imply that such a practice existed in some early Christian groups. Heb 9:10; but compare Bellarmino Bagatti for evidence of three baptisms in a three-part initiation rite among some Jewish-Christians The Church from the Circumcision [Jerusalem: Franciscan, 1971] 239-42 completely lacking. The "doctrine of baptisms" of Heb 6:2 seems to imply that such a practice existed in some early Christian groups. See Heb 9:10; but compare Bellarmino Bagatti for evidence of "three baptisms" in a three-part initiation rite among some Jewish-Christians (The Church from the Circumcision [Jerusalem: Franciscan, 1971] 239-42)
60. P. Emmanuel Testa also notes that Jewish-Christians spoke of unctions as baptisms (L'Huile de la Foi [Jerusalem: Franciscan, 1967] 31 n. 13). baptisms (L'Huile de la Foi [Jerusalem: Franciscan, 1967] 31 n. 13)
61. For the interpretations of, see Erich Grässer, An die Hebräer (Hebr 1-6) (EKKNT 17/1; Zurich: Benziger, 1990) 341-42
62. On ritual bathing from sexual defilement among the Ebionites, see Ana. 30.2.4. Gunther (St. Paul's Opponents, 134-47) discusses various early Christian washings against pollution. On Jewish-Christianity in general and on Christian miqva'ot in particular, Burton L. Visotzky, Prolegomenon to the Study of Jewish-Christianities, AJS Review 14 (1989) 47-70. Epiphanius, Ana. 30.2.4. Gunther (St. Paul's Opponents, 134-47) discusses various early Christian washings against "pollution." On Jewish-Christianity in general and on Christian miqva'ot in particular, see Burton L. Visotzky, "Prolegomenon to the Study of Jewish-Christianities, " AJS Review 14 (1989) 47-70
63. If the stereotypes hold true regarding the time at which impurities are erased, that is, evening for Jews (the tebul yom being a special arrangement) and morning for Greeks, then the operative symbol for impurity's duration is clearly day's end. It is impossible to know whether Paul imposed the Jewish reckoning of days upon non-Jews. erased, that is, evening for Jews (the tebul yom being a special arrangement) and morning for Greeks, then the operative symbol for impurity's duration is clearly day's end. It is impossible to know whether Paul imposed the Jewish reckoning of days upon non-Jews
64. With Michael Newton, we lament the fact that there is among students of religion a refusal to acknowledge that 'purity, as an anthropological concept, is worth considering on the grounds that it has no place in the 'higher religions, The Concept of Purity at Qumran and in the Letters of Paul [SNTSMS 53; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985] 115, The early Christian theory that the legal pronouncements given after the golden calf incident were part of Israel's punishment, and therefore not binding upon Christians, is later than the time of Paul. Ross Shepard Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992) 236 n. 67 religion "a refusal to acknowledge that 'purity', as an anthropological concept, is worth considering on the grounds that it has no place in the 'higher religions'" (The Concept of Purity at Qumran and in the Letters of Paul [SNTSMS 53; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985] 115). The early Christian theory that the legal pronouncements given after the golden calf incident were part of Israel's punishment - and therefore not binding upon Christians - is later than the time of Paul. See Ross Shepard Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992) 236 n. 67
65. Students of early Jewish mysticism are now revising some of their former mantic interpretations of esoteric prophylactic practices in the direction of more practical ritual purity customs. For example, Michael D. Swartz, Like the Ministering Angels, Ritual and Purity in Early Jewish Mysticism and Magic, AJS Review 19 (1994) 135-67 mantic interpretations of esoteric prophylactic practices in the direction of more practical ritual purity customs. For example, see Michael D. Swartz, "'Like the Ministering Angels': Ritual and Purity in Early Jewish Mysticism and Magic," AJS Review 19 (1994) 135-67
66. The failure of prophecy was a regular feature of the way in which many religious traditions hallowed the past. for example, the chapters on The Finality of Prophethood and Substitutes for Prophecy in Yohanan Friedmann's book on Islam, Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahcombining dot belowmadī Religious Thought and Its Medieval Background (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989) 49-93 religious traditions hallowed the past. See, for example, the chapters on "The Finality of Prophethood" and "Substitutes for Prophecy" in Yohanan Friedmann's book on Islam, Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahcombining dot belowmadī Religious Thought and Its Medieval Background (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989) 49-93
67. See Josephus Bell. 3.351-54, 400-1
68. Like Paul, Josephus never explicitly called himself a prophet. See Karl Sandnes, Paul - One of the Prophets?: A Contribution to the Apostle's Self-Understanding (WUNT, second series 43; Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1991) 176 n. 22; Olav Sandnes, Paul - One of the Prophets?: A Contribution to the Apostle's Self-Understanding (WUNT, second series 43; Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1991) 176 n. 22
69. and esp. Rebecca Gray, Prophetic Figures in Late Second Temple Jewish Palestine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993) 35-79
70. Richard A. Horsley and John S. Hanson emphasize text-consciousness as a development contrary to prophetism, but their denial of the existence of Pharisaic prophetism depends upon a decidedly liberationist paradigm for prophet Bandits, Prophets, and Messiahs: Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus [San Francisco: Harper, 1985] 157-60; development contrary to prophetism, but their denial of the existence of Pharisaic prophetism depends upon a decidedly liberationist paradigm for "prophet" (Bandits, Prophets, and Messiahs: Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus [San Francisco: Harper, 1985] 157-60
71. on this, see Gray, Prophetic Figures, 169 n. 7)
72. See Josephus Ant. 14.174-75, 15.3-4
73. Joseph Blenkinsopp, "Prophecy and Priesthood in Josephus," JJS 25 (1974) 239-62
74. Geza Vermes, Jesus the Jew (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1973) 69-82
75. W. D. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism (4th ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980) 208-15
76. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity, 103-6 (and, more generally, 103-52) 103-52);
77. and Rudolf Meyer, TDNT 6 (1968) 824. In Ant. 17.41-44 (ET 8. 393), them Josephus describes the Pharisees as men of, "believed to have foreknowledge of things through God's appearances to them."
78. Michael Fishbane, The Garments of Torah: Essays in Biblical Hermeneutics (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989) 37
79. See also J. Giblet, "Prophétisme et attente d'un messie Judaïsme prophète dans l'ancien Judaïsme," in Lucien Cerfaux, et al., eds., L'attente du messie (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1958) 85-130, esp. 90-103; Meyer, 816-19
80. Richard A. Horsley ("'Like One of the Prophets of Old': Two Types of Popular Prophets at the Time of Jesus, CBQ 47 [1985] 437) connects this emerging 'canonical' thinking with Josephus. Gray (Prophetic Figures, 7-34) disagrees with our view, describing Josephus's view of the golden age of prophecy in terms of a vague nostalgia. While her thesis answers the evidence of Josephus, it does not explain the presence of a postprophetic view in other sources. Popular Prophets at the Time of Jesus," CBQ 47 [1985] 437) connects this "emerging 'canonical' thinking" with Josephus. Gray (Prophetic Figures, 7-34) disagrees with our view, describing Josephus's view of the golden age of prophecy in terms of a "vague nostalgia." While her thesis answers the evidence of Josephus, it does not explain the presence of a postprophetic view in other sources
81. See also Louis H. Feldman, "Prophets and Prophecy in Josephus," JTS 41 (1990) 400-7
82. According to Frederick E. Greenspahn ("Why Prophecy Ceased," 49), the rabbis suppressed prophecy because they could hardly tolerate a rival vision of God's message. JBL 108 [1989] 49), the rabbis suppressed prophecy because they "could hardly tolerate a rival vision of God's message."
83. Jacob M. Myers and Edwin D. Freed, "Is Paul Also Among the Prophets?" Int 20 (1966) 40-53
84. Paul-Émile Langevin, "Saint Paul, prophète des Gentils," LTP 26 (1970) 3-16
85. Hans Windisch, Paulus und Christus: ein biblisch-religionsgeschichtlicher Vergleich (UNT 24; Leipzig: Hinrich, 1934) 143-286; Vergleich (UNT 24; Leipzig: Hinrich, 1934) 143-286
86. and Johannes Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind (Richmond: John Knox, 1959) 11-35, esp. 24
87. See also William Baird, "Visions, Revelation, and Ministry: 12:1-5 and Gal 1:11-17, JBL 104 (1985) 656-57. Reflections on 2 Cor 12:1-5 and Gal 1:11-17," JBL 104 (1985) 656-57
88. Traugott Holtz ("Zum Selbstverständnis des Apostels [1966] 321-30) argues for Paul's conscious association with Isaiah and against his conscious association with Jeremiah. Sandnes (Paul, 14-15) at first repudiates this approach on grounds that it is questionable to draw analogies between the self-understandings of Hebrew Bible prophets and Christian prophets, but finally readmits it since Paul's apostolic self-understanding was so bound to a call experience which more closely parallels that of the Hebrew Bible prophets than of the early Christian prophets. Myers and Freed (Is Paul Also Among the Prophets, 44-45) note that, when Luke recounts the Damascus-road encounter in Acts 22:17-21, the similarities between Acts 9 and Isaiah 6 extend further. Both Paul and Isaiah received their commissions to preach directly from the Lord in the Temple Paulus," ThLZ 91 [1966] 321-30) argues for Paul's conscious association with Isaiah and against his conscious association with Jeremiah. Sandnes (Paul, 14-15) at first repudiates this approach on grounds that it is "questionable to draw analogies between the self-understandings of Hebrew Bible prophets and Christian prophets," but finally readmits it since Paul's apostolic self-understanding was so bound to a call experience which more closely parallels that of the Hebrew Bible prophets than of the early Christian prophets. Myers and Freed ("Is Paul Also Among the Prophets?", 44-45) note that, when Luke recounts the Damascus-road encounter in Acts 22:17-21, the similarities between Acts 9 and Isaiah 6 extend further. Both Paul and Isaiah received their commissions to preach directly from the Lord in the Temple
89. Myers and Freed, "Is Paul Also Among the Prophets?" 49
90. H. Wheeler Robinson, Inspiration and Revelation in the Old Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1946) 167-70
91. Wayne A. Grudem, The Gift of Prophecy in 1 Corinthians (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1982)
92. Compare Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity, 202-3
93. Sandnes, Paul, 2-3
94. David Hill, New Testament Prophecy (London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1979) 116
95. For the history of the question of the New Testament apostolate's relation to the Jewish shaliach, Francis H. Agnew, The Origin of the NT Apostle-Concept: A Review of Research, JBL 105 (1986) 75-96. relation to the Jewish shaliach, see Francis H. Agnew, "The Origin of the NT Apostle-Concept: A Review of Research," JBL 105 (1986) 75-96
96. The slippage between the concepts "apostle" and and often indistinguishable. for example, Moses as both in Wayne A. Meeks, The Prophet-King (NovTSup 14; Leiden: Brill, 1967) 226-27. "prophet" was usually slight, and often indistinguishable. See, for example, Moses as both in Wayne A. Meeks, The Prophet-King (NovTSup 14; Leiden: Brill, 1967) 226-27
97. Admitting the testimony of Acts would bring more evidence for Paul's prophetic self-understanding. Several have suggested, not implausibly, that the record of Paul's call in Acts and the account of his vision in 2 Cor 12:1-7 are best understood in the context of merkabah mysticism. the large bibliography in C. R. A. Morray-Jones, Paradise Revisited (2 Cor 12:1-12): The Jewish Mystical Background of Paul's Apostolate, Part 1: The Jewish Sources, HTR 86 (1993) 177-217. Of course, not all scholars agree that Acts 9 and 2 Corinthians 12 describe the same event. prophetic self-understanding. Several have suggested, not implausibly, that the record of Paul's call in Acts and the account of his vision in 2 Cor 12:1-7 are best understood in the context of merkabah mysticism. See the large bibliography in C. R. A. Morray-Jones, "Paradise Revisited (2 Cor 12:1-12): The Jewish Mystical Background of Paul's Apostolate, Part 1: The Jewish Sources," HTR 86 (1993) 177-217. Of course, not all scholars agree that Acts 9 and 2 Corinthians 12 describe the same event
98. Hill, New Testament Prophecy, 110-40
99. Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 99-102
100. On celibacy in Judaism in general, see Harvey McArthur, "Celibacy in Judaism at the Time of Christian Beginnings," AUSS 25 (1987) 163-81
101. Procreation was not only a Jewish duty. As Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza notes (In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins [New York: Crossroad, 1987] 225), Paul's advice to remain free from the marriage bond was a frontal assault on the intentions of existing law and the general cultural ethos. Fiorenza notes (In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins [New York: Crossroad, 1987] 225), "Paul's advice to remain free from the marriage bond was a frontal assault on the intentions of existing law and the general cultural ethos."
102. Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 101. Peter Brown (The Body and Society [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988] 65-82) cites Vermes as a background study for the Church's ascetic spirituality (sic), without mentioning the prophet's investment in ritual purity. On this, and on possible traces of celibacy in Revelation, the Didache, and the Shepherd of Hermas, esp. M. Eugene Boring, The Continuing Voice of Jesus: Christian Prophecy and the Gospel Tradition (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1991) 134-37. Columbia University Press, 1988] 65-82) cites Vermes as a background study for the Church's "ascetic spirituality" (sic), without mentioning the prophet's investment in ritual purity. On this, and on possible traces of celibacy in Revelation, the Didache, and the Shepherd of Hermas, see esp. M. Eugene Boring, The Continuing Voice of Jesus: Christian Prophecy and the Gospel Tradition (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1991) 134-37
103. Sandnes (Paul, 6-7) disagrees with Windisch's notion that Paul's celibate status, like Jeremiah's (compare Jer 16:1-4), was prophetic. status, like Jeremiah's (compare Jer 16:1-4), was prophetic
104. On Moses' prophetism, see esp. Meeks, The Prophet-King, 226-27
105. De Vita Moses 68-69a (trans. F. H. Colson; LCL; 11 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1950) 6. 483. Harvard University Press, 1950) 6. 483
106. Compare Avot de-Rabbi Natan (A) 2
107. Sifre Num 12.1
108. For the developmental history of this midrash, see Daniel Boyarin, Carnal California Press Israel: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) 159-65
109. Compare Renée Bloch, "Quelques aspects de la figure de Moïse dans la tradition rabbinique," in Henri Cazelles, et al., eds., Moïse: L'homme de l'alliance (Paris: Desclée, 1955) 127 n. 84
110. A pertinent text not cited by Vermes appears in an associated midrash, Num 12.1, believed by Saul Lieberman (Siphre Zutta: The Midrash of Lydda [New York: JTSA, 1968] 92-94) to be the oldest halakhic midrash: What were the things which they were saying? When the elders were appointed, all of Israel lit candles and celebrated on behalf of the seventy elders who had risen to positions of leadership. When Miriam saw the candles, she said, Blessed are these men! Blessed are their wives, Zipporah answered her, Do not say blessed are their wives but woe to their wives! Because from the day when the word of the Lord was first with Moses your brother he has not slept with me, Immediately Miriam went to Aaron, and they were discussing the matter. As it is written, Miriam and Aaron confronted Moses concerning the woman emphasis mine, There are admittedly some difficulties in determining the actual Sifre Zutta text Sifre Zutta Num 12.1, believed by Saul Lieberman (Siphre Zutta: The Midrash of Lydda [New York: JTSA, 1968] 92-94) to be the oldest halakhic midrash: "What were the things which they were saying? When the elders were appointed, all of Israel lit candles and celebrated on behalf of the seventy elders who had risen to positions of leadership. When Miriam saw the candles, she said, 'Blessed are these men! Blessed are their wives!' Zipporah answered her, 'Do not say "blessed are their wives" but "woe to their wives!" Because from the day when the word of the Lord was first with Moses your brother he has not slept with me!' Immediately Miriam went to Aaron, and they were discussing the matter. As it is written, Miriam and Aaron confronted Moses concerning the woman" (emphasis mine). There are admittedly some difficulties in determining the actual Sifre Zutta text
111. See H. L. Strack and G. Stemberger, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992) 293
112. b. Yebam. 62a
113. Compare also b. Šabb. 87a; b
114. Pesahcombining dot below. 87b
115. According to Sifre Zutta Num 12:4, the Lord punished Aaron and Miriam by speaking suddenly to them while they were in an impure state: And the Lord suddenly [pit' om] said to Moses. Rabbi Eliezer said in the name of Rabbi Shimon, Suddenly, that is, without warning, Here pit' om can only indicate uncleanness [tcombining dot belowum' ah, as it is said. And if someone should die next to him very suddenly [pit' om, and he defiles [tcombining dot belowim' ae] the hair of his Nazirite vow, etc, Num 6:9, Scripture is telling us that they were lacking purification from immersion at that moment when the Lord spoke suddenly to them. What they meted out was meted back to them translation mine, The authors are indebted to Dr. Marc Hirshman for the references in Sifre Zutta "speaking suddenly to them" while they were in an impure state: "And the Lord suddenly [pit' om] said to Moses. Rabbi Eliezer said in the name of Rabbi Shimon, 'Suddenly, that is, without warning.' Here pit' om can only indicate uncleanness [tcombining dot belowum' ah], as it is said. And if someone should die next to him very suddenly [pit' om], and he defiles [tcombining dot belowim' ae] the hair of his Nazirite vow, etc. (Num 6:9). Scripture is telling us that they were lacking purification from immersion at that moment when the Lord spoke suddenly to them. What they meted out was meted back to them" (translation mine). (The authors are indebted to Dr. Marc Hirshman for the references in Sifre Zutta.)
116. According to Saul Lieberman ("Two Lexicographical Notes," JBL 67-72, the suddenness of the word of the Lord was a prominent idea and is reflected in the Septuagint's rendering of scombining dot belowalahcombining dot below by in LXX Judg 14:6 (the spirit of the Lord leaped upon him) and elsewhere. There is no doubt that the LXX used here a set phrase current among the Jews about the sudden appearance of the word of the Lord (ibid, 68, Because of this suddenness the prophet shall always remain ritually pure. According to Sifre Deut. 357 and Sifre Zutta 7.89, Moses did not know when God would speak to him. According to Lev. Rab. 1.13, the prophets of Israel had no warning when the word of God would come to them, unlike the prophets of the nations, to whom the dibbur came at night and as a man walking that is, with warning, Lieberman's note on Lev. Rab. 1.9, p. 2 65 [1946] 67-72), the suddenness of the word of the Lord was a prominent idea and is reflected in the Septuagint's rendering of scombining dot belowalahcombining dot below by in LXX Judg 14:6 ("the spirit of the Lord leaped upon him") and elsewhere. "There is no doubt that the LXX used here a set phrase current among the Jews about the sudden appearance of the word of the Lord" (ibid., 68). Because of this suddenness the prophet shall always remain ritually pure. According to Sifre Deut. 357 and Sifre Zutta 7.89, Moses did not know when God would speak to him. According to Lev. Rab. 1.13, the prophets of Israel had no warning when the word of God would come to them, unlike the prophets of the nations, to whom the dibbur came at night and "as a man walking" (that is, with warning). See Lieberman's note on Lev. Rab. 1.9, p. 23, at the end of Midrash Wayyikra Rabbah (ed. Mordecai Margulies; 5 vols.; New York: JTSA, 1993) 4. xxiii [Hebrew]
117. Acts 21:9
118. Eusebius Hist. eccl. 5.18 (trans. Kirsopp Lake; LCL; 2 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959) 1. 487. MA: Harvard University Press, 1959) 1. 487
119. John Coolidge Hurd, Jr., The Origin of I Corinthians (Macon: Mercer University Press, 1983) 73
120. Scholars usually explain this in terms of Paul's eschatology, but Wimbush (Paul, 69) has argued that the eschatological coordinates of Paul's thoughts on the issue are not primary. (Paul, 69) has argued that the eschatological coordinates of Paul's thoughts on the issue are not primary
121. Jeremy Moiser ("A Reassessment of Paul's View of Marriage with to 1 Cor. 7, JSNT 18 [1983] 106-7) challenges the consensus but for a different purpose: The charism mentioned in 7:7 need be no more than a general reference to the different responses of individual Christians, each living the new life in his or her own way in matters where important principles are not at stake. We should also note that Tertullian believed that Paul was a eunuch, propterea et ipse castratus (De Monogamia 3.1 [PL 2.932]), and that there is a long-lived tradition that Paul was or formerly had been married (surveyed in William E. Phipps, Was Jesus Married? [Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1986] 106-8). Reference to 1 Cor. 7," JSNT 18 [1983] 106-7) challenges the consensus but for a different purpose: "The charism mentioned in 7:7 need be no more than a general reference to the different responses of individual Christians, each living the new life in his or her own way in matters where important principles are not at stake." We should also note that Tertullian believed that Paul was a eunuch, propterea et ipse castratus (De Monogamia 3.1 [PL 2.932]), and that there is a long-lived tradition that Paul was or formerly had been married (surveyed in William E. Phipps, Was Jesus Married? [Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1986] 106-8)
122. Esp. Rom 12:6; 1 Cor 12:4-10
123. of course, rarely appears outside the New Testament
124. I Clem. 38.2 shows that the concept did appear after Paul (probably due to a misunderstanding of Paul). Hans Conzelmann TDNT 9 [1974] 404 n. 23; to a misunderstanding of Paul). Hans Conzelmann (TDNT 9 [1974] 404 n. 23
125. and idem, I Corinthians [Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975] 118 n. 34) cites Wis 8:21 as an example of this idea, but it does not appear there. Conzelmann also cites Ep. Arist. 237 in support of the historical presupposition that is a divine gift TDNT 9 [1974] 404 n. 23, This passage alludes to the giftedness of the self-controlled, but it is hardly useful as support for the idea of charismatic celibacy. The passage in question is an ad hoc formulation, one in a series of the author's proofs that wisdom is both divine and all-encompassing: [The king] proceeded to ask the next guest, What makes the greatest contribution to health, He replied, Self-control, which it is impossible to achieve unless God disposes the heart and mind toward it, Letter of Aristeas, in OTP, 2. 28, Self-control here is an important link in a larger program, but the link is made for the sake of the arg 34) cites Wis 8:21 as an example of this idea, but it does not appear there. Conzelmann also cites Ep. Arist. 237 in support of the "historical presupposition" that is a "divine gift" (TDNT 9 [1974] 404 n. 23). This passage alludes to the giftedness of the "self-controlled," but it is hardly useful as support for the idea of charismatic celibacy. The passage in question is an ad hoc formulation, one in a series of the author's proofs that wisdom is both divine and all-encompassing: "[The king] proceeded to ask the next guest, 'What makes the greatest contribution to health?' He replied, 'Self-control, which it is impossible to achieve unless God disposes the heart and mind toward it'" ("Letter of Aristeas," in OTP, 2. 28). "Self- control" here is an important link in a larger program, but the link is made for the sake of the argument and does not have a career of its own. Furthermore, is hardly interchangeable with Paul's (Gal 5:23). Neither of the Pauline operatives and appears in the Aristeas text, (appears in 1 Cor 7:5 and the verb in 7:9.)
126. Compare Did. 6:2
127. Windisch (Paulus und Christus, 150) notes that celibacy, for Jeremiah, Jesus, and Paul, is based on eschatology. Jesus, and Paul, is based on eschatology
128. Concerning this pragmatic approach to marriage, compare b. Qidd. 29a-b: Our Rabbis taught: If one has to study Torah and to marry a wife, he should first study and then marry. But if he cannot [live] without a wife, he should first marry and then study. "Our Rabbis taught: If one has to study Torah and to marry a wife, he should first study and then marry. But if he cannot [live] without a wife, he should first marry and then study."
129. See also Boyarin, Carnal Israel, 159 n. 40
130. Depending upon the reasons Paul prefers but refuses to enjoin celibacy for all, which remain outside the scope of this study, 1 Corinthians may actually show evidence of three theories of celibacy: one from the Corinthian gnostics and two from Paul. There is a large literature on virginity in the early church, much of which applies to the Corinthian gnostics, but esp. Douglas (Purity and Danger, 186), who remarks that In [the Church's] effort to create a new society which would be free, unbounded and without coercion or contradiction, it was no doubt necessary to establish a new set of positive values. Jerome validates Douglas's theory in Adv. Jov. 1.253, quoting the same New Testament passage she does (Gal 3:28). for all, which remain outside the scope of this study, 1 Corinthians may actually show evidence of three theories of celibacy: one from the Corinthian gnostics and two from Paul. There is a large literature on virginity in the early church, much of which applies to the Corinthian gnostics, but see esp. Douglas (Purity and Danger, 186), who remarks that "In [the Church's] effort to create a new society which would be free, unbounded and without coercion or contradiction, it was no doubt necessary to establish a new set of positive values." Jerome validates Douglas's theory in Adv. Jov. 1.253, quoting the same New Testament passage she does (Gal 3:28)
131. Num 11:29
132. 1 Cor 14:5
133. At least, not all were called to a life of apostolic prophecy. Our interpretation of Paul's charism as prophecy should not be construed to deny that others prophesied on a more episodic basis Cothenet, Prophétisme, 1223 interpretation of Paul's charism as prophecy should not be construed to deny that others prophesied on a more episodic basis (See Cothenet, "Prophétisme," 1223)
134. The authors are indebted to Dr. Burton Visotzky for reading and commenting on this article commenting on this article