Identification of leadership among the KMT Yunnanese Chinese in northern Thailand

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies

Volumn 33, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 123-146

  Chang, Wen Chin ^a  

^a INSTITUTE OF ETHNOLOGY   (Taiwan)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

LEADERSHIP; PATRON-CLIENT RELATIONS; POLITICAL THEORY;

ASIA; EURASIA; SOUTHEAST ASIA; THAILAND;

EID: 0008627083     PISSN: 00224634     EISSN: 14740680     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022463402000061     Document Type: Article

References (162)

1. The last trip of fieldwork also covered the area of upper Burma. Of the 25 Yunnanese villages, three are not counted as 'KMT villages' because their association with the former KMT armies was not as direct. For the classification of Yunnanese villages, see Wen-Chin Chang, 'Beyond the Military: The Complex Migration and Resettlement of the KMT Yunnanese Chinese in Northern Thailand' (Ph.D. diss., K.U. Leuven, Belgium, 1999), pp. 92-104.
2. For a very good summary of studies on the Chinese in Thailand by researchers of different disciplines, see Jennifer W. Cushman. 'The Chinese in Thailand', in The Ethnic Chinese in the Asean States, Bibliographical Essays, ed. Leo Suryadinata (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asia Studies, 1989), pp. 221-59.
3. F.W. Mote, 'The Rural "Haw" (Yunnanese Chinese) of Northern Thailand', in Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations, ed. Peter Kunstadter (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), pp. 487-524;
4. Suthep Soonthornpasuch, 'Islamic Identity in Chiengmai City: A Historical and Structural Comparison of Two Communities' (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Berkeley, 1977);
5. Ann Maxwell Hill, 'Familiar Strangers: The Yunnanese Chinese in Northern Thailand' (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1982);
6. Ann Maxwell Hill, idem., Merchants and Migrants: Ethnicity and Trade among Yunnanese Chinese in Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale Southeast Asia Studies Monograph, 1998);
7. Andrew D.W. Forbes, 'The Yunnanese ("Ho") Muslims of Thailand', paper presented at the International Conference on Thai Studies, August 22-24, 1984, Bangkok;
8. Andrew D.W. Forbes, idem., 'The "Cin-Ho" (Yunnanese Chinese) Caravan Trade with North Thailand during the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries', Journal of Asian History, 21, 1 (1987): 1-47.
9. See, for example, Kenneth Ray Young, 'Nationalist Chinese Troops in Burma: Obstacle in Burma's Foreign Relations, 1949-1961' (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1970);
10. Robert H. Taylor, Foreign and Domestic Consequences of the KMT Intervention in Burma (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program Data Paper, 1973);
11. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, The Shan Of Burma: Memoirs of a Shan Exile (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1990 [1987]);
12. Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade (Brooklyn: Lawrence Hill Books, 1991);
13. Bertil Lintner, Burma in Revolt: Opium and Insurgency since 1948 (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1994).
14. Examples include Hu Qingrong [Ding Zuoshao], Jubian lixianji [Experiences of great turmoil] (Tainan: Ziyoubao Taiwanshe, 1977);
15. Tan Weichen, Yunnan Fangong Daxue xiaoshi [The history of Yunnan Anti-Communist University] (Kaohsiung: Chenxiang chubanshe, 1984);
16. Li Xiangeng, Fenzhan yisheng [A life of struggles] (Taipei: Chaituan faren lixiangeng kuaiji wenjiao jijinhui chuban, 1988);
17. Deng Kebao [Bo Yang], Yi yu [Strange land] (Taipei: Xingguang chubanshe, 1991 [1961]);
18. Bo Yang, Jinsanjiao bianqu huangcheng [Golden Triangle frontier and wilderness] (Taipei: Shibao wenhua chuban, 1982);
19. Xu Renxiu, Yingsu biancheng [Poppy frontier] (Taipei: Dashou wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 1993);
20. Zhao Yongmin and Jie Bowei, Yiyu gujun de zhenshi [The true story of KMT stragglers in a strange land] (Taipei: Fengyun shidai chuban youxian gongsi, 1994). (The latter book was first published in Beijing in 1993; it was revised and expanded and then republished in Taiwan.) Except for the last three works, which cover the life of the KMT Yunnanese Chinese after the 1960s, these sources only deal with the period in Burma. In Taiwan there is a voluminous quantity of official documents about the KMT forces in Burma and northern Thailand. Prior to 1999, they were classified as confidential files and not open to civilians. While writing my dissertation, I used a portion of the files, obtained through special access. Tan Yihui, a scholar in Taiwan, is currently working on the files and plans to publish the research results in the near future.
21. Catherine Lamour, Yiyu gujun jinsanjiao [Strange land, stragglers and the Golden Triangle], trans. Si Si (Taipei: Guangcheng chubanshe, 1982 [1974]);
22. the original French version is Enquête sur une armée secrète (Paris: Seuil, 1975).
23. Hill, 'Familiar Strangers', pp. 118-22.
24. Mote, 'The Rural "Haw"', pp. 492-3.
25. Li Fuyi, 'Jianghong zaji: Hozu yu Yunnanren' [The Ho ethnic group and the Yunnanese], Yunnan wenxian, 6 (1976): 31-4. It is not clear at what point 'Ho' began to include Yunnanese Muslims.
26. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, pp. 68-73.
27. A closely related subject that I have dealt with concerns the transformation of the people's migration patterns over different generations and places; see Wen-Chin Chang, 'From War Refugees to Immigrants: The Case of the KMT Yunnanese Chinese in Northern Thailand", International Migration Review (2001), forthcoming.
28. Janice Stargardt, 'Burma's Economic and Diplomatic Relations with India and China from Early Medieval Sources', Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 14, 1 (1971): 40.
29. Chen Ruxing, 'Han Tangzhi Song Yuan shiji zai Miandian de Huaren' [Chinese in Burma during the Han, Tang, Song and Yuan periods], Haiwai huaren yanjiu, 2 (1992): 41-57;
30. Wang Mingda and Zhang Xilu, Mabang wenhua [The culture of caravan trade] (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1993);
31. Shen Xu, Zhongguo xinan duiwai guanxishi yanjiu [A historical study of the cross-boundary interrelationships between southwest China and neighboring countries] (Kunming: Yunnan meishu chubanshe, 1994);
32. Shen Xu, idem., 'Han Tang shiji Chuan Dian Mian Yin zhijian de jiaowang' [The interrelations between Sichuan, Yunnan, Burma and India during the Han and Tang periods], Yunnan shehui kexue, 1 (1996): 61-8.
33. Sima Qian, Shiji zhuyi [The Annotated Shiji] (Xian: Sanqian chubanshe, 1988), juan 123, Dawanzlwan.
34. Huaqiao Bianzhuan Weiyuanhui, Huaqiaozhi-Miandian [Overseas Chinese in Burma] (Taipei: Huaqiao Bianzhuan Weiyuanhui, 1967);
35. Sang Xiaoyun, 'Shubu Qiongzu chuanzhi Daxia lujing de lice' [Speculation concerning the trading route from Yunnan to Afghanistan], Zhongyanyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan, 41, 1 (1969): 67-86;
36. Rao Zongyi, 'Shubu yu Cinapatta - lun zaoqi Zhong Yin Mian zhi jiaotong' [Trading networks among China, India and Burma in early times], Zhongyanynan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan, 45, 4 (1974): 561-83;
37. Shen Xu, Zhongguo xinan duiwai guanxishi; You Zhong, Yunnan minzushi [Ethnohistory of Yunnan] (Kunming: Yunnan Daxue chubanshe, 1994).
38. Wang Yizhi, 'Lun Yunnan gudai Hanzu rudian gaiyao' [Han immigration into Yunnan in ancient times], in Zhongguo Xinan wenhua yanjiu 2, ed. Institute of History, Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences (Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe, 1997), pp. 87-103.
39. The Mongols conquered several Islamic kingdoms in the area and took back a great number of Muslims who were recruited into the armies; see Yang Zhaojun et al., Yunnan Huizushi [History of the Yunnanese Muslims] (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1994).
40. Herold J. Wiens, China's March Toward the Tropics: A Discussion of the Southward Penetration of China's Culture, Peoples, and Political Control in Relation to the Non-Han Chinese Peoples of South China and in the Perspective of Historical and Cultural Geography (Hamden, CT: Shoe String Press, 1954);
41. G.P. FitzGerald, The Southern Expansion of the Chinese People (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1972);
42. You Zhong, Yunnan minzushi.
43. However, I do not agree with Forbes and some nineteenth-century British authors who argue that the caravan trade was predominantly controlled by the Yunnanese Muslims; see Albert Fytche, Burma Past and Present, with Personal Reminiscences of the Country (London: C.K. Paul & Co., 1878);
44. Holt S. Hallett, A Thousand Miles on an Elephant in the Shan States (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1988 [1890]);
45. W.J. Archer, Blue Books, Siam No. 1 (London, H.M.S.O., 1892);
46. H. Warington Smyth, Five Years in Siam,from 1891 to 1896 (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1994 [1898]);
47. and the discussion in Forbes, 'The Yunnanese ("Ho") Muslims" and 'The "Cin-Ho"'. For arguments against this view, drawing on historical material, see Hill, Merchants and Migrants, p. 50,
48. and Sun Laichen, 'Ming-Southeast Asian Overland Interactions, 1368-1644' (Ph.D. diss., The University of Michigan, 2000), p. 223.
49. My preliminary field study in Burma (from 9 November to 7 December 2000), indicating active commercial undertakings by Yunnanese Chinese traders between Yunnan and Burma over the last 500 years, corresponds to their analysis.
50. Chiranan Prasertkul, Yunnan Trade in the Nineteenth Century: Southwest China's Cross-Boundaries Functional System (Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Institute of Asian Studies, 1990).
51. Jiang Junzhang, Miandian dili [Geography of Burma] (Chongqing: Jianshe chubanshe, 1944).
52. Sun, 'Ming-Southeast Asian Overland Interactions', p. 207.
53. Ma Shitu, 'Yunnan mabang gushi' [Episodes of Yunnanese caravan trade], Yunnan wenxian, 15 (1985): 152-5;
54. Wang Yingpeng, 'Minguo shiqi dali fengyi de mabang' [The caravans of Dali and Fengyi during the Republican period], in Yunnan jinchuko mnoyi [The import-export trade of Yunnan], ed. Yang Shi (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1993), pp. 309-17;
55. Wang and Zhang, Mabang wenhua, p. 92.
56. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, p. 53.
57. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, Ibid., pp. 56-58.
58. Wang and Zhang, Mabang wenhua.
59. During the period of the Muslim Rebellion (1854-1874), caravan trade was partially interrupted between Bhamo (in northern Burma) and Tengyue (present day Tengchong in western Yunnan); see Moshe Yegar, 'The Panthay (Chinese Muslims) of Burma and Yunnan', Journal of Southeast Asian History, 7, 1 (1966): 73-85;
60. and Huang Chia-mu, British Relations With the Panthay Regime of Western Yunnan 1868-1874, (Taipei: Academia Sinica Institute of Modern History, Monograph Series, 1976).
61. But the overall trade between the two countries continued to flourish, especially cotton and opium; see Chiranan, 'Yunnan Trade in the Nineteenth Century',
62. and G.W. Dawson, Burma Gazetteer: The Bhamo District (Rangoon: Office of the Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1912).
63. For a more detailed discussion, see Chang, 'From War Refugees to Immigrants'.
64. Ministry of Information, Union of Burma, The Kuomintang Aggression Against Burma (Rangoon: Ministry of Information, 1953);
65. see also Young, 'Nationalist Chinese Troops';
66. Taylor, 'Foreign and Domestic Consequences'.
67. Studies on refugee warriors include Aristide R. Zolberg, Astri Suhrke, and Sergio Aguayo, 'International Factors in the Formation of Refugee Movements', International Migration Review, 20, 2 (1986): 151-69;
68. Aristide R. Zolberg, Astri Suhrke, and Sergio Aguayo, idem., Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).
69. The number of guerrilla forces had reached 16,068 by December 1953 (Ministry of Defense, Taiwan, Dianmian bianqu youji zhanshi [History of guerrilla wars in the Sino-Burmese border region] [Taipei: Guofangbu shizhengju, 1964], Illustration 6). The first group of evacuees numbered 6,750, (pp. 60-82, 364-71). Although the number of remaining guerrillas was nearly 10,000, (pp. 91, 97, 229), the number of evacuees in the second evacuation totaled 4,406 (pp. 100-110). Many of the evacuees in both rounds were actually civilian refugees. There are no reliable data on the total numbers of civilian refugees in Burma in different periods. They may have been several times larger than the numbers of guerrillas. According to informants, most Yunnanese refugees stayed in the areas controlled by the guerrilla troops in order for protection.
70. According to a mimeographed document of the former Third Army provided by an informant, 1,747 soldiers remained in the army after the evacuation. The Fifth Army's numbers are believed to have been slightly smaller, probably around 1,500.
71. Chiang Mai Province Development Center for Civil Servants, 'Adid thahan Jin Khanachad' [The former Chinese Nationalist troops] (Chiang Mai: Development Center for Civil Servants, 1994).
72. Kanjana Prakatwutthisan, Gongphon gawsibsam bon Ban Phatang [The 93rd division in Mt. Phatang] (Chiang Mai: Siam Rat Publishing Co., 1995), pp. 53-5.
73. By the end of the 1960s, the number of soldiers in the Third Army had reached more than 3,000, and the Fifth Army's strength was about 2,500. From the end of 1970 onwards, Li and Duan were each receiving 250,000 baht per month from the Thai government, which was intended for the upkeep of 700 soldiers in each army. This amount of money was granted until 1983; from 1984 onwards, the amount was gradually reduced.
74. Bo Yang, Jinsanjiao bianqu, pp. 143-78;
75. Kanjana, Gongphon gawsibsam, pp. 35-7, 67, 94, 110, 147-62.
76. Besides the KMT villages, there are a large number of villages that were initially inhabited solely by other rural minorities, hill tribe people or local Northern Thai, but who were later joined by Yunnanese refugees. These refugees included ex-KMT guerrilla remnants, veterans from the armies of Generals Li and Duan, army deserters and civilians. The Yunnanese are in a minority in these villages. According to a 1994 survey carried out by a Taiwan semi-official work group, the number of villages inhabited by Yunnanese was 77, with a total population of 89,018; the Yunnanese Han accounted for about 60 per cent (around 54,000). In a few KMT villages, there were also small numbers of Yunnanese Muslims, see Chang, 'Beyond the Military', pp. 111-17.
77. Other subjects treated by patron-client studies have included relations between master and apprentice, landlord and tenant, government official and civilian, godfather and family of the godchild, lawyer and client, etc. Some studies, by contrast, indicate the existence of egalitarian societies, e.g. the Nuer of Southern Sudan, where the role of leadership in such societies is very attenuated, if not at all absent; see F.G. Bailey, Humbuggery and Manipulation: The Art of Leadership (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 38.
78. The three basic features are derived from the following works: Jeremy Boissevain, 'Patronage in Sicily', Man, 1 (1966): 18-33;
79. Eric R. Wolf, 'Kinship, Friendship, and Patron-Client Relations in Complex Societies', in The Social Anthropology of Complex Societies, ed. Michael Banton (London: Tavistock, 1966), pp. 1-22;
80. John Duncan Powell, 'Peasant Society and Clientelist Polities', American Political Science Review, 64, 2 (1970): 411-25;
81. James C. Scott, 'Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia', The American Political Science Review, 66, 1 (1972): 91-113;
82. James C. Scott and Benedict J. Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons Lose Legitimacy' (Madison: University of Wisconsin Land Tenure Center research paper, 1975);
83. Richard P. Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
84. See also Luis Roniger, 'Modern Patron-Client Relations and Historical Clientelism: Some Clues from Ancient Republican Rome', Archives Européennes de Sociologie, 24 (1983): 63-95;
85. S.N. Eisenstadt and Luis Roniger, Patrons, Clients and Friends: Interpersonal Relations and the Structure of Trust in Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).
86. George M. Foster, 'The Dyadic Contract: A Model for the Social Structure of a Mexican Peasant Village', American Anthropologist, 63 (1961): 1173-92;
87. George M. Foster, idem., 'The Dyadic Contract in Tzintzuntzan II: Patron-Client Relationships', American Anthropologist, 65 (1963): 1280-94;
88. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, 'Patronage in Roman Society: From Republic to Empire', in Patronage in Ancient Society (London: Routledge, 1989), ed. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, pp. 89-116.
89. Wolf, 'Kinship, Friendship', p. 16.
90. Scott, 'Patron-Client Polities', pp. 96-7.
91. Richard Feinberg, 'Sanctity and Power on Anuta: Polynesian Chieftainship Revisited' in Leadership and Change in the Western Pacific: Essays Presented to Sir Raymond Firth on the Occasion of his Ninetieth Birthday, ed. Richard Feinberg and Karen Ann Watson-Gegeo (London: The Athlone Press, 1996), pp. 56-92.
92. Sidney W. Mintz and Eric R. Wolf, 'An Analysis of Ritual Co-parenthood (Compadrazgo)', Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 6 (1950): 341-68.
93. John K. Campbell, Honour, Family, and Patronage (Oxford: Clarendon, 1964).
94. Foster, 'Dyadic Contract: A Model' and 'Dyadic Contract in Tzintzuntzan II'.
95. Some examples of relevant studies include: Fei Hsiao-Tung (Fei Xiaotong), From the Soil: The Foundation of Chinese Society: A Translation of Fei Xiaotong's Xiangtu Zhongguo, with Introduction and Epilogue by Gary G. Hamilton and Wang Zheng (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992);
96. Mayfair Mei-Hui Yang, Gifts, Favors and Banquets: The Art of Social Relationships in China (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994);
97. Yunxiang Yan, The Flow of Gifts: Reciprocity and Social Networks in a Chinese Village (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996);
98. Ungrounded Empires: The Cultural Politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalisin, ed. Aihwa Ong and Donald M. Nonini (New York: Routledge, 1997);
99. Aihwa Ong, Flexible Citizenship (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999).
100. The dual identity of being Chinese and Yunnanese (Ho/Haw) is the main theme of Hill's dissertation, 'Familiar Strangers'. Although I do not focus on the same group of subjects as Hill, and do not share completely identical views with her, her research remains an important inspiration to me; see Hill, Merchants and Migrants, pp. 7, 14, 27;
101. and Chang, 'Beyond the Military', pp. 100, 121, 262.
102. Chang, 'Beyond the Military', Ibid., pp. 111-25. The term la is difficult to translate accurately in this context. It refers to the Han perception that although they live peacefully with their Muslim neighbors, these relationships can be somewhat burdensome. For example, a Han host must prepare both a 'beef banquet' and a 'pork banquet' when inviting Muslim guests, but conversely a Muslim host can simply serve beef to his Han guests. Also, part of the daily prayers at the local mosque are broadcast through loudspeakers, and the whole village is obliged to listen.
103. See, for example, Foster, 'Dyadic Contract: A Model' and 'Dyadic Contract in Tzintzuntzan II';
104. S. Silverman, 'Patronage and Community-Nation Relationships in Central Italy', Ethnology, 4, 2 (1965): 172-89;
105. S. Silverman, idem., 'The Community-Nation Mediator in Traditional Central Italy', in Peasant Society: A Reader, ed. Jack M. Potter, May N. Diaz and George M. Foster (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967), pp. 279-93;
106. Powell, 'Peasant Society and Clientelist Politics';
107. Scott and Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons Lose Legitimacy'.
108. Scott and Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons Lose Legitimacy', Ibid., p. 506.
109. Scott and Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons Lose Legitimacy', Ibid., pp. 516-7.
110. See Foster, 'Dyadic Contract: A Model' and 'Dyadic Contract in Tzintzuntzan II';
111. Boissevain, 'Patronage in Sicily', p. 30;
112. Scott and Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons Lose Legitimacy', pp. 512-3;
113. Scott, 'Patron-Client Politics', p. 95;
114. Powell, 'Peasant Society and Clientelist Politics', p. 413;
115. Wallace-Hadrill, 'Patronage in Roman Society', p. 72.
116. Yawnghwe, The Shan of Burma, pp. 102-3.
117. Yawnghwe, The Shan of Burma, Ibid., pp. 124-49.
118. McCoy, Politics of Heroin, p. 353.
119. Sometimes the number of mules in a large caravan could reach 700 to 800. Each mule could carry 40 zuai of opium; one zuai is equal to around 1.5 kilos.
120. Bangkok Post, 23 July 1974.
121. Yawnghwe, The Shan of Burma, p. 101.
122. McCoy, Politics of Heroin, p. 351.
123. According to a mimeographed document of the Third Army, income it earned as 'escort fees' from 1961 to 1965 totalled 11,965,700 baht, and the profits made from the trade during the same period totalled 7,637,220 baht. However, these amounts may be much smaller than the actual amounts in that the document was a report submitted to Taiwan which contained a request for financial help; it would have been unwise to reveal the full income earned from the trade.
124. McCoy, Politics of Heroin, p. 349.
125. However, these 26 tonnes were not pure opium. Several informants in Ban Mai said that villagers were ordered to produce soybean lees that were then added to the opium to increase the total quantity; see also McCoy, Politics of Heroin, ibid., p. 417,
126. and The Nation, 14 November 1973.
127. Although former KMT officers generally denied that the drug trade continued after the 'handover', a hand-written document from the mid-1970s (provided by a second-generation Yunnanese whose father was a former KMT troop leader) disproves the claim. It records the code number of each transition station for radio communication and the codewords used for different types of drugs.
128. Lintner, Burma in Revolt, p. 261.
129. Khun Sa founded the Shan United Army and claimed to fight for the independence of the Shan people in Burma, but, his claim was regarded as a pretext for his involvement in drug trafficking. Many of his officers had been KMT guerrillas, and it was said that in the early stages of his career, he received some weapons from General Li. With an increase in his grip on power, he wanted to control the opium trade and refused to pay Li and Duan taxes when passing through their territories. The two commanders collaborated to punish Khun Sa for challenging their authority. Details of the battle are in McCoy, Politics of Heroin, pp. 333-4,
130. and Lintner, Burma in Revolt, p. 245.
131. See Hill, 'Familiar Strangers'
132. and Merchants and Migrants.
133. Wang and Zhang, Mabang Wenhua, p. 113;
134. Hu Yangquan, Yunnan mabang [The Yunnanese caravans] (Fuzhou: Fuzhou renmin chubanshe, 1999), p. 66.
135. Y.C. Ambrose King, 'The Individual and Group in Confuciansim: A Relational Perspective', in Individualism and Holism, ed. Donald J. Munro (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1985), p. 58.
136. See also Tu Wei-Ming, 'The Confucian Tradition in Chinese History', in Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilisation, ed. Paul S. Ropp (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990);
137. Confucianism and the Family, ed. Walter H. Stote and George A. De Vos, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998);
138. and Olga Lang, Chinese Family and Society (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1968).
139. Cheng Te-K'un, The World of the Chinese: A Struggle for Human Unity (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1980), p. xiii.
140. Gary G. Hamilton, 'Patriarchalism in Imperial China and Western Europe: A Revision of Weber's Sociology of Domination', Theory and Society, 13, 3 (1984): 408. Hamilton criticizes Weber for misinterpreting the Chinese patriarchal system and for equating the Chinese cultural value of filial piety with the Western concept of patria potestas. He explains that the latter actually means power whereas the former means obedience; unlike Chinese patriarchalism, Western patriarchalism results in the institutionalisation of power and justification.
141. Lucian W. Pye, Asian Power and Politics: The Cultural Dimensions of Authority (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985).
142. Fei Hsiao-Tung and Chang Chih-I, Earthbound China: A Study of Rural Economy in Yunnan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), p. 11;
143. Francis L.K. Hsu, Under the Ancestors' Shadow: Chinese Culture and Personality (New York: Columbia University Press, 1948), pp. 122-30.
144. The term 'clan' is loosely used in this section. Hsu defines it in terms of unilateral descent, whereby its origin is traced to a male ancestor (Francis L.K. Hsu, Under the Ancestors' Shadow: Chinese Culture and Personality, ibid., p 122). But if we follow Freedman's definition of lineage - a permanent organised group with common property, ritual obligations and privileges entailed in the property - then we may also refer to the KMT communities as two 'quasi-lineages';
145. see Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London: London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology, 1971), p. 21.
146. Hsu, Under the Ancestors' Shadow.
147. See Jing Jun, The Temple of Memories: History, Power, and Morality in a Chinese Village (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996).
148. Mote, 'The Rural "Haw"';
149. Chang, 'Beyond the Military', pp. 106-7.
150. General Li passed away in December 2000. I was conducting fieldwork in northern Thailand at that time, and had the chance to observe the funeral, which lasted for more than two weeks. It was touching to see many of his former followers, who were also elderly, coming to 'keep him company' everyday until the burial took place.
151. Wolf, 'Kinship, Friendship', pp. 16-17.
152. See, for example, Boissevain, 'Patronage in Sicily';
153. Campbell, Honour, Family, and Patronage, p. 259;
154. Scott and Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons'.
155. This neglect is also found in the studies of gift exchange, as pointed out by Yan in The Flow of Gifts. It should be mentioned that although studies of leadership put much stress on the cultivation of devotion and loyalty among the followers, they often concentrate on the leader's manipulation of the latter. This is different from the mutual emotional attachment discussed here. For a prominent example of studies of leadership, see Bailey, Humbuggery and Manipulation.
156. Scott and Kerkvliet, 'How Traditional Rural Patrons', p. 506.
157. See Chang, 'From War Refugees to Immigrants'.
158. Powell, 'Peasant Society and Clientelist Polities';
159. Roniger, 'Modern Patron-Client Relations';
160. Eisenstadt and Roniger, Patrons, Clients and Friends.
161. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, p. 101.
162. Donald M. Nonini and Aihwa Ong, 'Chinese Transnationalism as an Alternative Modernity', in Nonini and Ong ed., Ungrounded Empires, p. 3.