The scientific image of emotion: Experience and technologies of inscription

Configurations

Volumn 7, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 355-401

  Dror, Otniel E ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0007326827     PISSN: 10631801     EISSN: 10806520     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/con.1999.0025     Document Type: Article

References (260)

1. George Jean Nathan, "The Question of Passions," in Art of the Night (New York: Knopf, 1928), pp. 205-208.
2. On Quintilian, see Joseph R. Roach, The Player's Passion: Studies in the Science of Acting (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1985).
3. On the depiction of emotions in Greek literature, see Thomas Gelzer and William S. Anderson, eds.. How to Express Emotions of the Soul and Operations of the Mind in a Language That Has No Words for Them, as Exemplified by Odysseus and Calypso (Berkeley: Center for Hermeneutical Studies in Hellenistic and Modem Culture, 1988).
4. See, e.g., Barbara Stafford's discussion of physiognomies during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: Barbara Maria Stafford, Body Criticism: Imaging the Unseen in Enlightenment Art and Medicine (Cambridge, Mass.: NUT Press, 1991), pp. 84-129.
5. Brewster Rogerson, "The Art of Painting the Passions," Journal of the History of Ideas 14 (1953): 68; Rogerson analyzes these conventions during the eighteenth century.
6. Valérie Hurcombe-Steunou, "Landscaped Passion," in Tlie Literary Portrayal of Passion through the Ages, ed. Keith Cameron (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Meilen, 1996), p. 105.
7. For a similar approach using the metaphor of weather, see Arden Reed, Romantic Weather: The Climates of Coleridge and Baudelaire (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1983), esp. pp. 1-77.
8. Christopher Gill, "Ancient Passions: Theories and Cultural Styles," in Cameron, Literary Portrayal, pp. 1-10.
9. For the notion of "emotionology," see Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, "Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards," American Historical Revie\v 90 (1985): 814-836.
10. For the major synthesis of this shift from Victorian to modern, see Peter N. Stearns, American Cool: Constructing a Twentieth-Century Emotional Style (New York: New York University Press, 1994).
11. See also Stephen Kern, Tlie Culture of Love: Victorians to Modems (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992).
12. On Diderot, see Roach, Player's Passion (above, n. 2);
13. Lee Strasberg, "Introduction," in Denis Diderot, The Paradox of Acting
14. [and] William Archer, Masks or Faces? (New York: Hill and Wang, 1957).
15. On symbolist painters, see Debora L. Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle France: Politics, Psycliology, and Style (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992 [1989]), p. 85.
16. On the development of a modern science of emotions, see Otniel E. Dror, "Modernity and the Scientific Study of Emotions, 1880-1950," Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1998.
17. As we shall see below, these endeavors differed significantly from, and should not be confused with, contemporary pictorial representations of madness. On this latter literature, see Jan Goldstein, "The Hysteria Diagnosis and the Politics of Anticlericalism in Late Nineteenth-Century France," Journal of Modem History 54 (1982): 209-239;
18. Sander Gilman, Picturing Health and Illness: Images of Identity and Difference (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995);
19. idem, Disease and Representation: Images of Illness from Madness to AIDS (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1988).
20. The notion that instruments allowed nature to write itself was a common trope during this period. It also appeared in numerous physiological writings on inscribing emotions. See, e.g., Walter B. Cannon, Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and Rage: An Account of Recent Researches into the Function of Emotional Excitement, 2d ed. (New York: D. Appleton, 1929), pp. 134-135;
21. Angelo Mosso, Fear, 5th ed., Irans. E. Lough and F. Kiesow (London: Longmans and Green, 1896), pp. 77, 109.
22. Claude Bernard, "Sur la physiologie du coeur et ses rapports avec le cerveau," in idem. Leçons sur les propriétés des tissus vivants, coll., éd., and arranged by M. Emile Alglave (Paris: Germer Baillière, 1866), pp. 421-471. The cardiograph's principle was based on mechanical transmission: a stethoscopic drum was placed on the chest of the examinee, above the heart; the pulsation of the heart was transmitted from this drum and registered in the form of a curve.
23. Leçons sur les Propriétés des Tissus Vivants Ibid., p. 437.
24. On my use of "translation," see Bruno Latour, The Pasteurization of France, trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988). All translations from French are my own.
25. Bernard, "Sur la physiologie," pp. 469-471; quotation on p. 469.
26. M. E. Cyon, "Le coeur et le cerveau," Revue Scientifique de la France et de l'Étranger 21 (1873): 481-489.
27. Revue Scientifique de la France et de L'Étranger Ibid., p. 487.
28. For the quote, see Fernand Papillon, "Physiology of the Passions," Popular Science Monthly (March 1874): 559.
29. See, e.g., Mosso, Fear (above, n. 11);
30. Ugolino Mosso, "Influence du système nerveux sur la température animale: Recherches," Archives Italiennes de Biologie 7 (1886): 306-340, esp. pp. 337-340. The publication of Charles Darwin's text on the expression of emotions, Duchenne de Boulogne's intensive laboratory investigations of human facial expression, and J. S. Lombard's experiments on regional temperature and emotions all point to the early years of the latter third of the nineteenth century as an important juncture in the study of emotions.
31. See Charles Darwin, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (New York: D. Appleton, 1872);
32. G. B. Duchenne (de Boulogne), Mé canisme de la physionomie humaine, ou analyse électro-physiologique de l'expression des passions applicable àla pratique des arts plastiques (Paris: Jules Renouard, 1862);
33. J. S. Lombard, Experimental Researches on the Regional Temperature of the Head under Conditions of Rest, Intellectual Activity, and Emotion (London: H. K. Lewis, 1879).
34. On Mosso's influence, see Otniel E. Dror, "The Affect of Experiment: The Turn to Emotions in Anglo-American Physiology, 1900-1940," Isis 90 (1999): 205-237.
35. Psychoanalysts seemed to have rejected the use of these instruments as a group, in spite of individual exceptions. In an unpublished manuscript Roy Grinker describes the resistance of members of the Chicago Institute for Psychoanalysis to instrument-based measurements of analysants, during the interwar period. His description is not surprising, for from its very beginnings psychoanalysis had an aural rather than a visual epistemology. See Roy Grinker, "The History of Psychoanalysis in Chicago 1911-1975," August IS, 1975 (personal communication).
36. On the aural nature of psychoanalysis, see Gilman, Disease and Representation (above, n. 10), p. 45.
37. On psychoanalysis and its emphasis on talking and expressing the affect in words, see Kern, Culture of Love (above, n. 7), pp. 135-136.
38. See Chester Darrow to Anna C. Orcutt, September 22, 1934, folder 10, box 5, Institute for Juvenile Research, Series I, Subseries I, Chicago Historical Society, Chicago, III. (hereafter cited as IJR);
39. "Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the NRC Division of Anthropology & Psychology, 13-14 May 1927," pp. 14-15, Div. A&P, Rec. Grp. DNRC: A&P: "Com on Experimental Study of Human Emotions: General," 1926-1929, NASNRC Archives, Washington, D.C. For a critique of this rapid commercialization, see John Larson to Douglas M. Kelley, December 26, 1950, folder "Misc. Printed Items," carton 1, John Augustus Larson papers, BANC MSS 78/160z, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (hereafter cited as JAL).
40. Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11), p. 30.
41. For the investigation of emotional shock in condemned criminals, see Ralph S. Banay to Walter B. Cannon, July 15, 1941;
42. and Walter B. Cannon to Ralph S. Banay, July 17, 1941, folder 903, box 67, Walter Bradford Cannon Papers (H MS c40), Rare Books and Special Collections, Francis A. Countvvay Library of Medicine, Boston, Mass, (hereafter cited as WBC). Ralph S. Banay was psychiatrist in charge of the Division of Psychiatry, Department of Correction, Sing Sing Prison; Walter B. Cannon was one of the key figures in the development of the physiology of emotions during the early twentieth century, and was at Harvard University.
43. My emphasis here is on scientific representations during the modern period, in contrast to artistic representations in general and to scientific representations of the classical episteme, e.g., physiognomy. On the history of physiognomy and its representations, see Paolo Mantegazza, Physiognomy and Expression (New York: Scribner's, 1914);
44. Roach, Player's Passion (above, n. 2);
45. Stafford, Body Criticism (above, n. 3), pp. 84-129.
46. For the characteristics of the classical episteme, see Michel Foucault, The Order of Tilings (New York: Random House, 1970).
47. See William Innés Homer, Seiirat and the Science of Painting (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1964);
48. Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995);
49. Carlo Ginzburg, "Clues: Roots of an Evidential Paradigm," in idem, Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, trans. John and Anne C. Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), pp. 96-125. Other citations are given below.
50. owe my understanding of the history of the graphic method to Robert Brain's exceptional study: Robert M. Brain, "The Graphic Method: Inscription, Visualization, and Measurement in Nineteenth-Century Science and Culture," Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1996.
51. See Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Obsen'er: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1990), p. 148.
52. The experimenters that I will discuss went beyond Gustav Fechner's pioneering studies in psychophysics. I have found no direct link'between the work of physiologists of emotions-such as Bernard, Cyon, or Mosso-and Fechner. The rhetoric of exteriorizing an interiority was also predominant during the early twentieth century in other fields-e.g., the emerging profession of psychiatry. See Elizabeth Lunbeck, The Psychiatric Persuasion: Knowledge, Gender, and Power in Modem America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 50-52, 138.
53. See Otniel E. Dror, "Creating the Emotional Body: Confusion, Possibilities, and Knowledge," in An Emotional History of the United States, cd. Peter N. Stearns and Jan Lewis (New York: New York University Press, 1998), pp. 173-194.
54. In this essay the terms "instruments," "machines," and "technologies" are used interchangeably and refer to specific mechanical tools, as well as to various laboratory procedures (such as staining, counting, weighing, etc.).
55. Hugo Münsterberg, On the Witness Stand: Essays on Psychology and Crime (New York: McClure, 1908), pp. 122-123.
56. A. D. Waller, "The Emotive Response to Ordinary Stimulation, Real and Imaginary/' Lancet i (1918): 380.
57. On this same point, see also Rollin T. Woodyatt, "Psychic and Emotional Factors in General Diagnosis and Treatment," Journal of the American Medical Association 89 (1927): 1013;
58. David Wechsler, "Conference on Experimental Study of Human Emotions," October 15, 1926, p. 22, Div. A&P, Rec. Grp. DNRC: A&P: "Com on Experimental Study of Human Emotions: Conf on Experimental study of Human Emotions: Third," 1926 October, NAS-NRC Archives, Washington, D.C. (these are the confidential minutes of a conference sponsored by the NRC);
59. "Students Measure Fear by a Pupilometer, Kick Subject's Shins to Experiment on Anger," Ne\v York Times, November 24, 1925, p. 27: 4.
60. Münsterberg, On the Witness Stand (above, n. 28), pp. 118-119.
61. The characterization of emotion-gauging instruments as "sensitive" or "delicate" was a recurrent theme during this whole time period. Especially targeted was the galvanometer; other instruments that were sensitive were the thermometer (which reacted to changes of 0.01 degrees centigrade), various histological techniques (which enabled the practitioner to count individual cells), blood-sugar determinations (which supplanted "cruder" methods of urinalysis), the cardiograph or the capillary plethysmograph (which registered minute changes in pulse and blood flow), and so forth. For some of these characterizations in published works, see James Rowland Angell and Helen Bradford Thompson, "A Study of the Relations between Certain Organic Processes and Consciousness," Psychological Rmeiv 6 (1899): 51;
62. John B. Watson, Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviorist, 3d ed. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1929), p. 252;
63. William M. Marston, "Primary Emotions," Psychological Review 34 (1927): 342.
64. For the same theme in private correspondence, see Thos. M. Dahm to Chester Darrow, December 14, 1936, folder 11, box 5, IJR (above, n. 20); A. V. Kidder (?) to Margaret Washburn, May 31, 1927, Div. A&P, Rec. Grp. DNRC: A&P: "Com on Experimental Study of Human Emotions: General," 1926-1929, NAS-NRC Archives, Washington, D.C.
65. Harry G. Armstrong, "The Blood Pressure and Pulse Rate as an Index of Emotional Stability," American Journal of the Medical Sciences 195 (1938): 212.
66. See also Otto Veraguth, "Measuring Joy and Sorrow," Scientific American Supplement 67 (1909): 87;
67. A. Binet and J. Courtier, "Circulation capillaire de la main dans ses rapports avec la respiration et les actes psychiques," L'Année Psychologique 2 (1895): 133;
68. William Moulton Marstön, The Lie Detector Test (New York: Richard R. Smith, 1938), p. 138;
69. Élie de Cyon, Dieu et science: Essais île psychologie des sciences (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1910), pp. 164-165.
70. This notion of going beyond the superficial was a central theme in the physiological investigation of emotions. See, e.g.. Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11), pp. 2-3;
71. Bernard, "Sur la physiologie" (above, n. 12);
72. Cyon, "Le coeur" (above, n. 15).
73. A. D. Waller, "The Measurement of Human Emotion and of Its Voluntary Control," Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 13, I&II (1920): 49. With time, some of these instruments became quite complex.
74. Other technologies included the plethysmograph, pupilometer, tremor-meter, and various laboratory-specific contraptions. Different instruments, some argued, represented different aspects of the emotion. For primary literature on some of these instruments, see Frederick Peterson, "The Galvanometer in Psychology," Journal of Abnormal Psychology 3 (1908): 43-45;
75. Frederick Peterson,idem, "The Galvanometer as a Measurer of Emotions," British Medical Journal 2 (1907): 806;
76. Maxime Laignel-Lavastine and Georges d'Heucqueville, "Un nouveau test clinique simple d'émotion, applicable àl'examen des prévenus: Le pH urinaire, différentiel," Annales de Médecine Légale 12 (1932): 40;
77. Chester Darrow to Herman M. Adler, May 18, 1935, folder 11, box 5, IJR (above, n. 20). For secondary literature on the history of some of these instruments during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Robert G. Frank, Jr., "The Telltale Heart: Physiological Instruments, Graphic Methods, and Clinical Hopes, 1854-1914," in The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine, ed. William Coleman and Frederic L. Holmes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 211-290;
78. Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, "The Images of Precision: Helmholtz and the Graphical Method in Physiology," in The Values of Precision, ed. M. Norton Wise (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 198-221;
79. Hughes Evans, "Losing Touch: The Controversy over the Introduction of Blood Pressure Instruments into Medicine," Technology and Culture 34 (1993): 784-807;
80. Anson Rabinbach, The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (New York: Basic Books, 1990), pp. 84-119;
81. Stanley Joel Reiser, Medicine and the Reign of Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), esp. pp. 91-121;
82. Paul V. Trovillo, "A History of Lie Detection," Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology/American Journal of Police Science 29 (1939): 848-881, and 30 (1939): 104-119.
83. For some examples of this argument, see Marston, Lie Detector Test (above, n. 31), p. 154;
84. Münsterberg, On the Witness Stand (above, n. 28), p. 129.
85. This shift is described in Dror, "Creating the Emotional Body" (above, n. 26).
86. Fred W. Eastman, "The Physics of the Emotions," Harper's Magazine 128 (January 1914): 300.
87. For the same theme, see also A. Binet and J. Courtier, "Influence de la vie émotionnelle sur le coeur, la respiration et la circulation capillaire," L'Année Psychologique 3 (1896): 70;
88. Mosso, Fear (above, n. 11), p. 108.
89. Th. Ribot, Essai sur les passions, 2d éd. (Paris: Alcan, 1907), pp. 5-6.
90. For some of these arguments, see the discussion by John Paul Nafe, in "Conference on Experimental Study of Human Emotions" (above, n. 29), pp. 10-11;
91. David Brunswick, "The Effect of Emotional Stimuli on the Gastro-Intestinal Tone: I. Methods and Technique," Journal of Comparative Psychology 4 (February 1924): 64.
92. The distrust of language did not preclude the appeal to human language and to various idioms as supporting evidence for the embodiment of emotions; see, e.g., Harold G. Wolff, "Emotion and Bodily Changes," (1924?), folder 13, box 9, Harold G. Wolff Papers, Archives, New York Weill Cornell Center of New York Presbyterian Hospital, New York (hereafter cited as HGW);
93. Stanley Cobb, Borderlands of Psychiatry (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1948 [1943]), p. 77.
94. Bernard, "Sur la physiologie" (above, n. 12), p. 427.
95. Bernard Sur la Physiologie Ibid.
96. See Darwin, Expression of the Emotions (above, n. 17), p. 80nl2 and p. ISOnS;
97. William James, "The Emotions," in idem, Principles of Psychology (New York: Henry Holt, 1890), chap. 25,
98. reprinted in Carl Georg Lange and William James, The Emotions (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1922), pp. 114-115;
99. William Moulton Marston, "Bodily Symptoms of Elementary Emotions," Psyche 10 (October 1929): 83;
100. Charles S. Sherrington, The Integrative Action of the Nervous System (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1906), p. 268;
101. Cobb, Borderlands of Psychiatry (above, n. 39), pp. 76-79.
102. Eastman, "Physics of the Emotions" (above, n. 37), p. 297.
103. Münsterberg, On the Witness Stand (above, n. 28), p. 127.
104. For the same theme, see Selma C. Mueller, "Hourly Rhythms in Blood Pressure in Persons with Normal and Elevated Pressures," Annals of Internal Medicine 3 (1930): 1198.
105. On the use of cinematic inscriptions in physiology during this period, see Lisa Cartvvright, "'Experiments of Destruction': Cinematic Inscriptions of Physiology," Representations 40 (1992): 129-152.
106. As Helen Flanders Dunbar observed in her chapter on measurements in psychosomatic medicine, "It is interesting that fundamental to all instruments, which have been considered seriously for research in the field of emotion, is the inclusion of the time factor, results being obtained usually in the form of curves" (Helen Flanders Dunbar, Emotions and Bodily Changes: A Simey of Literature on Psycliosoinatic Interrelationships, 1910-1945, 3d ed. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1946], p. 107).
107. For the notion of "emotion pictures," see Hudson Hoagland to \V. B. Cannon, December 27, 1938, folder 1579, box 114, WBC (above, n. 21);
108. Hoagland was discussing the creation of "emotion pictures" by the use of the electroencephalogram (EEC). The use of the EEC to investigate the emotions began in the 1930s. Léon Binet in France pursued the emotions by using EEC technologies; this methodology differed in significant ways from the measurement of peripheral referents. See Léon Binet, "L'excitation émotionnelle," Renie des Deux Mondes 54 (1939): 588-595.
109. For "excited blood," see Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11), p. 43.
110. "Liquid Nerves," Literary Digest 48 (1914): 1433.
111. G. \V. Crile, "Studies in Exhaustion: III. Emotion," Archives of Surgery 4 (1922): 134.
112. C. S. Sherrington, "Experiments on the Value of Vascular and Visceral Factors for the Genesis of Emotion," Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 64 (1900): 391.
113. See also Harvey W. Wiley, "Pepsin, Pep, and Patience," Good Housekeeping 61 (1915): 805-809.
114. E. W. Scripture, "Detection of the Emotions by the Galvanometer," Journal of the American Medical Association 50 (1908): 1164.
115. This was part of a larger shift from Victorian to modern representations of the body. See Dror, "Creating the Emotional Body" (above, n. 26);
116. Kern, Culture of Love (above, n. 7), pp. 92-93;
117. Stearns, American Cool (above, n. 7), pp. 66-67. On very rare occasions this bodily language of emotion was made strikingly explicit when, instead of being represented by a graph or numeric table, an emotion was represented by the picture of an actual organ undergoing changes during an emotional experience. See Fig. 22, below.
118. Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, "The Image of Objectivity," Representations 40 (1992): 107.
119. See, e.g., Walter Alvarez, "Ways in Which Emotion Can Affect the Digestive Tract," Journal of the American Medical Association 92 (1929): 1237.
120. Peterson, "Galvanometer as a Measurer" (above, n. 34), p. 805.
121. For the quote, see Papillon, "Physiology of the Passions" (above, n. 16), p. 559.
122. This question had many different answers that depended on the professional affiliations, theoretical beliefs, and empirical studies of different groups of investigators. In general, supporters of the James-Lange theory of emotions argued for this uniqueness, and detractors argued against it. For an example of the argument for a unique representation for each emotion, see Binet and Courtier, "Influence de la vie emotioneile" (above, n. 37), pp. 103-104.
123. See also William James, "What Is an Emotion?" Mind 9 (1884): 188-205,
124. reprinted in Lange and James, Emotions (above, n. 41).
125. For a major criticism of the James-Lange theory, see Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11);
126. Walter B. Cannon, "The James-Lange Theory of Emotions: A Critical Examination and an Alternative Theory," American Journal of Psychology 39 (1927): 106-124. These debates continued into the 1950s with the work of, e.g., A. F. Ax.
127. Thus, a parallelism between certain aspects of experience and physiochemical changes in the body was assumed and argued for. See Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11), pp. 71, 339;
128. S. W. Britton, "Neural and Hormonal Factors in Bodily Activity: The Prepotency of Medulliadrenal Influence in Emotional Hyperglycemia," American Journal of Physiology 86 (1928): 343;
129. Frederick Peterson, "The Effect of the Emotions upon the Body," Good Housekeeping 48 (1909): 376;
130. Eastman, "Physics of the Emotions" (above, n. 37), p. 300.
131. On feeling states, see "How the Body Betrays the Mind," Literary Digest 48 (1914): 153-155;
132. J. G. Beebe-Center, The Psychology of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness (New York: Van Nostrand, 1932);
133. Angell and Thompson, "Study of the Relations" (above, n. 30).
134. George Van Ness Dearborn, "Some Practical Notes on Blood-Pressure," Medical Record 90 (1916): 489-490.
135. Don P. Morris, "The Effects of Emotional Excitement on Pulse, Blood Pressure, and Blood Sugar of Normal Human Beings," Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine 7 (1935): 411.
136. Joseph Barcroft, "Some Effects of Emotion on the Volume of the Spleen," Journal of Physiology 67 (1930): 375;
137. J. Barcroft and J. G. Stephens, "Observations upon the Size of the Spleen,"Journal of Physiology ibid. 64 (1927): 19.
138. S. Hâtai and F. S. Hammett, "Four Factors Causing Changes in the Type of Response of the Isolated Intestinal Segment of the Albino Rat (Mus Nonegiais Albimis) to Sodium Carbonate," American Journal of Physiology 53 (1920): 312-322.
139. "Life situations" was a common locution in psychosomatic medicine. See the collection of papers in Harold G. \Volff, Stewart G. Wolf, Jr., and Clarence C. Hare, eds., Life Stress and Bodily Disease (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1950).
140. Sarah Maza, "Stories in History: Cultural Narratives in Recent Works in European History," American Historical Revie\v 101 (December 1996): 1491-1515.
141. am treating the community of investigators that produced these new representations as a culture. Though space does not allow for justifying this move, I am following the work of anthropologists of science, such as Bruno Latour, Steve Woolgar, and Sharon Traweek: see Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986);
142. Sharon Traweek, Beamtimes and Lifetimes: the World of High Energy Physicists (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988).
143. Waller, "Measurement of Human Emotion" (above, n. 33), p. 44.
144. Measurement of Human Emotion Ibid., pp. 49-50.
145. "Measuring the Emotions," Literary Digest 68 (February 12, 1921): 23.
146. Waller was well known for his quick recruitment of guests as experimental subjects: see Walter R. Miles, Report of a Visit to Foreign Laboratories, April-August, 1920 (Boston: Nutrition Laboratory of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1920), pp. 37-38
147. (this report is located at the Cushing/Whitney Medical Library, Vale University, New Haven, Conn.). For general background on Augustus D. Waller, see A. H. Sykes, "A. D. Waller and the University of London Physiological Laboratory," Medical History 33 (1989): 217-234.
148. "Measuring the Emotions," Literary Digest 69 (1921): 25.
149. George E. Brown, "Daily and Monthly Rhythm in the Blood Pressure of a Man with Hypertension: A Three-Year Study," Annals of Internal Medicine 3 (1930): 1181.
150. For "intrusion," see "Measurement of Emotion," British Medical Journal 1 (February 1920): 259.
151. There were many techniques for generating and eliminating emotions, some of which were used with both animals and humans, while others were exclusively used either with animals or with humans.
152. See W. E. Blatz, "The Cardiac, Respiratory, and Electrical Phenomena Involved in the Emotion of Fear," Journal of Experimental Psychology 8 (1925): 127;
153. idem, "A Physiological Study of the Emotion of Fear," Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1924;
154. "Measuring the Emotions" (above, n. 66);
155. Leonarde Keeler, "The Detection of Deception," n.d., folder 13, box 103 (J. H. VVigmore, General Correspondence), John Henry Wigmore Papers, Northwestern University Archives, Evanston, 111.;
156. Lloyd H. Ziegler and B. S. Levine, "The Influence of Emotional Reactions on Basal Metabolism," American Journal of Medical Sciences 169 (1925): 68.
157. J. C. Whitehorn, M. R. Kaufman, and J. M. Thomas, "Heart Rate in Relation to Emotional Disturbances," Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry 33 (1935): 723.
158. For "mixed emotions," see H. I. Schou, "Some Investigations into the Physiology of Emotions," Acta Psychiatrica et Neiirologica, Suppl. 14 (1937): 28. For "pure emotional excitement,"
159. see VV. B. Cannon, "The Emergency Function of the Adrenal Medulla in Pain and the Major Emotions," American Journal of Physiology 33 (1914): 359.
160. See, e.g., Ernest Lyman Scott, "The Content of Sugar in the Blood under Common Laboratory Conditions," American Journal of Physiology 34 (1914): 271-311;
161. Walter B. Cannon, The Mechanical Factors of Digestion (New York: Longmans and Green, 1911), p. 217.
162. For "apprehension," see Waller, "Emotive Response" (above, n. 29), p. 381.
163. For "cold," see G. Maranon, "Les variations de la glycémie chez les aviateurs," Comptes Rendus Hebdomadaires des Séances et Mémoires de la Société de-Biologie 82 (1919): 631.
164. For "phlegmatic," see Ferrari, mentioned in Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11), p. 178.
165. For "nervous," see Estes H. Hargis and Frank C. Mann, "A Plethysmographic Study of the Changes in the Volume of the Spleen in the Intact Animal," American Journal of Physiology 55 (1925): 199.
166. For "irritable," see Binet and Courtier, "Influence de la vie emotioneile" (above, n. 37), p. 70.
167. For the larger concern with typologies and individual identity, see Roxanne Panchasi, "Graphology and the Science of Individual Identity in Modern France," Configurations 4 (1996): 1-31, esp. pp. 6-7.
168. For the notion of "emotional data," see John Favill, "The Need for Emotional Data in the Medical History," Annals of Internal Medicine 3 (1930): 462-466.
169. George W. Crue, Man-An Adaptive Mechanism (New York: Macmillan, 1916), p. 153.
170. See "How the Body" (above, n. 56), p. 154.
171. E.g., the fear of animals was comparable to the "worry" of humans via the mediation of these representations. By collapsing the emotions of humans and animals, these representations facilitated the application of experimental data from animals to human patients. See, e.g., Jacob M. Mora, Leo E. Amtman, and Samuel J. Hoffman, "Effect of Mental and Emotional States on the Leukocyte Count," Journal of the American Medical Association 86 (1926): 945.
172. These claims also made sense in the context of Darwin's theory of evolution. See, e.g., Mosso, Fear (above, n. 11), p. 15;
173. and Cannon, Bodily Changes (above, n. 11), pp. 193-194.
174. W. H. Adolph, T. Y. Wang, and P. C. Wang, "Emotional Glycosuria in Chinese Students," Chinese Journal of Physiology 5 (1933): 1-4.
175. Mary D. Waller, "The Emotive Response of a Class of 73 Students of Medicine," Lancet i (1918): 511.
176. William Moulton Marston, "Systolic Blood Pressure and Reaction Time Symptoms of Deception and Constituent Mental States," Ph.D. diss.. Harvard University, 1921, pp. 5-6.
177. Hâtai and Hammett, "Four Factors" (above, n. 60).
178. See also J. Barcroft and R. H. E. Elliot, "Some Observations on the Denervated Spleen," Journal of Physiology 87 (1936): 193, for a numeric table comparing the relative emotionality of a number of laboratory dogs.
179. For other examples, see Margaret Floy Washburn to Stratton, December 15, 1925, Div. A&P, Rec. Grp. DNRC: A&P: "Conf on Experimental study of Human Emotions: First," 1925 Dec., NAS-NRC Archives, Washington, D.C.;
180. A. D. Waller, "Galvanometric Records of the Emotive Response to Air Raids," Lancet i (1918): 311.
181. Some even used these machines to measure the changing personalities of a "medium" while in trance: see Adolf Meyer to Carney Landis, January 24, 1933, folder 1/2242/1, Adolf Meyer Papers, Alan Mason Chesney Medical Archives, Johns Hopkins Medical School, Baltimore, Md.
182. See, e.g., Blatz, "Cardiac, Respiratory" (above, n. 70);
183. idem, "Physiological Study" (above, n. 70);
184. Otto Folin, W. Denis, and W. G. Smillie, "Some Observations on 'Emotional Glycosuria' in Man," Journal of Biological Chemistry 17 (1914): 519-520.
185. See, e.g., Carl N. Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991);
186. Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (New York: Knopf, 1985);
187. Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (London/New York: W. W. Norton, 1981).
188. The differences between these groups were now quantitative and not qualitative. For Victorian notions of qualitative differences between, e.g., blacks and whites, see Janet Brown, "Darwin and the Expression of the Emotions," in The Danvinian Heritage, ed. David Kohn (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 326nl4.
189. See Harry G. Armstrong, "The Blood Pressure and Pulse Rate as an Index of Emotional Stability," American Journal of the Medical Sciences 195 (1938): 211-220.
190. See, e.g., Wechsler, "Conference on Experimental Study" (above, n. 29), p. 22.
191. For the notion of "EQ," see Leon Whipple, "What Is Your EQ?" Suney Graphic 30 (1941): 640-641.
192. The use of these graphs and comparisons also extended to the domain of the normal and pathological. Juxtaposing representations from normal and psychiatric patients, some physicians argued that mental illness was a state of hyper- or hyponormal emotions, because the graphs had a normal pattern but were only higher or lower on the emotional scale. Though some argued that the patterns differed between normal subjects and psychiatric patients, most of the literature that used these representations seemed to argue for a continuity of the normal and pathological; in this, it conformed to the basic model of the life sciences since August Comte and Claude Bernard. See Georges Canguilhem, The Normal and the Pathological trans. Carolyn R. Fawcett (New York: Zone Books, 1991 [1966]). Elizabeth Lunbeck also argues that psychiatrists of the early twentieth century developed a new model in which the normal and pathological were seen as continuous, rather than discontinuous (i.e., psychopathy):
193. see Lunbeck, Psychiatric Persuasion (above, n. 25), pp. 68-70.
194. Lucian, "Hermotimus; or, The Sects," in Augusta M. Campbell Davidson, Translations from Lucian (London: Longmans, Green, 1902), p. 72.
195. Whitehorn, Kaufman, and Thomas, "Heart Rate" (above, n. 71), p. 720.
196. On Whitehorn's interest in interviews, see "John C. Whitehorn," Medical Video, Johns Hopkins Medical School, Baltimore, Md.
197. Whitehorn, Kaufman, and Thomas, "Heart Rate," p. 716.
198. See also J. C. Whitehorn, "Emotional Responsiveness in Clinical Interviews," American Journal of Psychiatry 94 (1937): 311-315;
199. Binet and Courtier, "Influence de la vie émotionelle" (above, n. 37), p. 70;
200. A. D. Waller, "Measurement of Emotivity in a Japanese Subject," Quarterfy Journal of Experimental Physiology 12 (1920): 370.
201. M. Dresbach, "Observations upon the Blood Pressure of the Sheep," American Journal of Physiology 25 (1910): 434-435.
202. For a similar argument concerning children, see "Summary of Principal Activities in the Growth of Adolescents at the end of Two Years of Data Collection (January 1, 1934)," p. 5, folder 454 (University of California-Research on Adolescence, 1930-1938), box 43, series 3, Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, N.Y.
203. Marston, Lie Detector (above, n. 31), p. 162. See also the collected correspondence of John Augustus Larson in JAL (above, n. 20);
204. and the collected correspondence of Chester Darrow in IJR (above, n. 20). These are only a few examples from an abundant primary literature on the detection of deceit in various contexts (judicial, clinical, commercial, etc.).
205. M. Reese Guttman to Chester Darrovv, October 26, 1935, folder 11, box 5, IJR. Some of the protagonists argued for the resurrection of the Rousseauite dream of a transparent society-a society of truth permeated by emotion-gauging technologies. See, e.g.. Bill Marston to John Larson, June 30, 1936; and Elmer J. Halseth to John Larson, February 21, 1941, folder "Misc. Corr.," carton 7, JAL. On the mobility of the polygraph, see Marston, Lie Detector, p. 98: "[Larson] combined the blood-pressure and breathing instruments in a neat, oblong box which could be carried conveniently, like a suit case." It is important to emphasize that the lie detector was, in fact, an emotion detector (usually detecting "fear"). This was accepted and articulated by most of the major protagonists of the machine;
206. see, e.g., Leonarde Keeler, "Detection of Deception" (above, n. 70).
207. Bernard, "Sur la physiologie" (above, n. 12).
208. This project of exteriorization should be distinguished from older traditions of reading the body, and specifically, from physiognomy. Marin Cureau de La Chambre (physician to Louis XIV), Antoine-Joseph Pernety, and Lavater-to name but three representative members in a long history of physiognomists-had disparaged the notion of a "Glass of Momus," of a "window in front of the heart to see the thoughts & designs of men," because such a window into the heart, they argued, would show only a beating organ and nothing else; their endeavors were not in the context of a modern physiological science of the interior functional body, but a grammar of static ideal facial types arranged and classified in the classical order of a table.
209. See Stafford, Body Criticism (above, n. 3), pp. 84-129. On de La Chambre and Lavater,
210. see also Mantegazza, Physiognomy and Expression (above, n. 22), pp. 7-17. The tensions surrounding the transformation of the private to the public through the mediation of modern technologies and science resonated with wider concerns about the invasion of the private in other fields, such as the X-ray machine or the phonograph: both of these instruments registered and made public the private spaces of the body or of the domestic sphere. See
211. Joel D. Howell, Technology in the Hospital: Transforming Patient Care in the Twentieth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), esp. pp. 140-146.
212. Harold Wolff to H. Goodell, September 10, 1945, folder 6, box 22, HGW (above, n. 39).
213. The motif of revealing the hidden undergirded many discussions that centered around these technologies and their representations. See Binet and Courtier, "Influence de la vie émotionelle" (above, n. 37), p. 73;
214. Laignel-Lavastine and d'Heucqueville, "Un nouveau test" (above, n. 34), p. 42.
215. On thé notion of "stage contamination," see V. I. Kochnev, "On the Function of the Emotional Factor in the Art of Acting," in Art and Emotion, ed. L. Ya. Dorfman, D. A. Leontiev, V. M. Petrov, and V. A. Sozinov (Perm: State Institute of Culture, 1991), pp. 99-107.
216. On this divide, see, e.g., Peter N. Stearns, "Anger and American Work: A Twentieth-Century Turning Point," in Emotion and Social Change: Toward a AViv Psyclioliistory, ed. Carol Z. Stearns and Peter N. Stearns (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1988);
217. Stearns, American Cool (above, n. 7).
218. For my use of transgression, see Emily Martin, The Woman in the Body: A Cultural Analysis of Reproduction (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992 [1987]), especially her analysis of the pregnant body in the public sphere.
219. On the masculine nature of physiological laboratories during this period, see Toby A. Appel, "Physiology in American Women's Colleges: The Rise and Decline of a Female Subculture," Isis 85 (1994): 26-56. For an interesting observation on the masculine nature of the laboratory, see
220. John F. Fulton's entry for Sunday, September 28: "Lucia and Anna Revere came down to the lab with me this morning and measured my windows for curtains. The Seminar Room is all nicely settled with the books arranged on shelves which completely surround the room, and the only thing that now is lacking is a little feminine touch here and there, that indefinable something which seems to spring Phoenix-like from a woman's mind" (John F. Fulton Diary, 8 August 1930-19 August 1931, John Farquhar Fulton Papers, Cushing/Whitney Medical Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.).
221. Many of the researchers on emotions served as their own subjects at one time or another. For a few examples, see Cannon's entry for November 23, 1913, Diary 1911-1914, box 167, WBC (above, n. 21);
222. Francis Gano Benedict, "The Excretion of Nitrogen during Nervous Excitement," American Journal of Physiology 6 (1902): 398-410;
223. Mosso, "Influence du système nerveux" (above, n. 17), esp. pp. 337-340;
224. Cyon, Dieu et science (above, n. 31), p. 165. As their occasional remarks imply, the science of emotions was a science of self-knowledge.
225. See "How the Body" (above, n. 56), p. 154;
226. Philip Bard, "Emotion: I. The Neuro-Humoral Basis of Emotional Reactions," in The Foundations of Experimental Psychology, ed. Carl Murchison (Worcester, Mass.: Clark University Press, 1929), pp. 449-487;
227. Carney Landis, "Studies of Emotional Reactions: IV. Metabolic Rate," American Journal of Physiology 74 (1925): 193.
228. Waller, "Measurement of Emotivity" (above, n. 92), p. 45.
229. Whitehorn, Kaufman, and Thomas, "Heart Rate" (above, n. 71), p. 717.
230. See also Binet and Courtier, "Influence de la vie émotionelle" (above, n. 37), p. 69.
231. See, e.g., Helen Goodell, David T. Graham, and Harold G. Wolff,
232. "Conference on Experimental Study" (above, n. 29), pp. 7, 15-16;
233. Benedict, "Excretion of Nitrogen" (above, n. 103);
234. Friedrich Kiesow, "Expérience avec le Sphygmomanomètre de Mosso sur les changements de la pression du sang, chez l'homme, produits par les excitations psychiques," Archives Italiennes de Biologie 23 (1895): 198-211.
235. Anne Vincent-Buffault, Tlie History of Tears: Sensibility and Sentimentality in France (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991).
236. For a different perspective on the role of exchange in coalescing a scientific community and creating a "moral economy" of exchange, see Robert E. Kohler, Lords of the Fly: Drosophila Genetics and the Expérimental Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), esp. pp. 133-170.
237. Walter B. Cannon to Smith Ely Jelliffe, November 8, 1932, folder 1444, box 105, WBC (above, n. 21). The diencephalon was considered to be the subcortical center for emotional expression, and according to some was also a source for the cortical experience of emotions.
238. See also Walter Alvarez, January 29, 1950, in Letters Written to Dr. A. ]. Carlson by Students and Friends on the Occasion of his Sew-enty-Fiftli Birthday (this is a bound volume with many letters), Anton Julius Carlson Papers, University of Chicago Archives, Chicago, 111.
239. As Walter Alvarez recalled, "[A. J.] Carlson, when I visited him in 1915, said he wished he could cut his splanchnics so he could work more at peace" (the splanchnics were those parts of the nervous system that were activated during such emotions as anger or fear; Walter Alvarez to Walter B. Cannon, August 27,1927, folder 1516, box 110, WBC). For Walter Alvarez's own confessions, see ibid., and Walter Alvarez to Sir Henry Dale, 3/14/61, folder "Alvarez/C 90.1/Dale, Henry, box Alvarez/BMS/ C 90.1, Walter C. Alvarez Papers (B MS c90), Rare Books and Special Collections, Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine, Boston, Mass. Rarely, one experimenter might refer to the emotional characteristics of another. Christian Ruckmick, for example, suggested that William James, as an individual, probably had terrible organic reverberations during his emotional upsets and that this was, perhaps, the reason for his theory of emotions: see Christian A. Ruckmick to Walter Cannon, July 9, 1931, folder 1860, box 131, WBC.
240. Patrick Siiskind, Perfume: The Story of a Murderer, trans. John E. Woods (New York: Knopf, 1986), p. 26.
241. Erich Wittkower, "Studies on the Influence of Emotions on the Functions of the Organs," Journal of Mental Science 81 (1935): 644.
242. For the notion of the "emotional value" of words, see also Peterson, "Galvanometer in Psychology" (above, n. 34), p. 45.
243. W. Whately Smith, The Measurement of Emotion (New York: Harcourt and Brace, 1922), passim.
244. Watson, Psychology (above, n. 30), p. 252. Or by the kiss of another person: see newspaper clipping, n.d., folder "clippings," carton 7, JAL (above, n. 20).
245. See also Bernard, "Sur la physiologie" (above, n. 12), p. 469.
246. "Psychosomatic Medicine," Society of the New York Hospital Quarterly (April 1945): 3.
247. H. T. Edwards, T. K. Richards, and D. B. Dill, "Blood Sugar, Urine Sugar and Urine Protein in Exercise," American Journal of Physiology 98 (1931): 354n3.
248. T. Izod Bennett and J. F. Venables, "The Effects of the Emotions on Gastric Secretion and Motility in the Human Being," British Medical Journal 2 (1920): 663;
249. J. A. MacWilliam, "III. Blood Pressure and Heart Action in Sleep and Dreams," British Medical Journal 2 (1923): 1198.
250. Arno B. Luckhardt, "Contributions to the Physiology of the Empty Stomach: XXXII. The Effect of Dreaming on the Gastric Hunger Contractions," American Journal of Physiology 39 (1916): 330-334;
251. MacWilliam, "III. Blood Pressure." In fact, all the representations from animals were of such contentless emotions. The physiologists provided the content by describing the situation that they thought had led to these emotions, but the animals only voiced their emotions via the machines.
252. For the notion of "emotional content," see Armstrong, "Blood Pressure" (above, n. 31), p. 214;
253. MacWilliam, "III. Blood Pressure," p. 1198.
254. Peterson, "Galvanometer as a Measurer" (above, n. 34), p. 805.
255. Wittkower, "Studies" (above, n. Ill), pp. 646-647.
256. Emotion was thus denned by the graphs and the laboratory's operations, rather than through introspection, behavioral cues, or the situation.
257. Terry Castle has suggested a similar role in her analysis of the barometer-mirror of the eighteenth century: see Terry Castle, "The Female Thermometer," in The Female Thermometer: Eighteenth-Century Culture and the Invention of the Uncanny, ed. idem (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 43.
258. On modernism, see Silverman, Art Nouveau (above, n. 8), pp. 75-90;
259. Michael S. Roth, "Performing History: Modernist Contextualism in Carl Schorske's Fin-de-Siècle Vienna," American Historical Revinv 99 (June 1994): 729-745;
260. Dorothy Ross, "Modernism Reconsidered," in Modernist Impulses in the Human Sciences, 1870-1930, ed. idem (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), pp. 1-25.