Turning the spotlight inward: How five leading news organizations covered the media in the 1992 presidential election

Journalism and Mass Communication Quaterly

Volumn 73, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 657-671

  Johnson, Thomas J ^a   Boudreau, Timothy ^b   Glowaki, Chris ^b  

^a SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0007082434     PISSN: 10776990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/107769909607300312     Document Type: Article

References (83)

1. David Stebenne, "Media Coverage of American Presidential Elections: A Historical Perspective," in The Finish Line: Covering the Campaign's Final Days, ed. The Freedom Forum (NY: The Freedom Forum Media Studies Center, 1993), 87-88.
2. Everette E. Dennis, A.N. Romm, and James Ottaway, Jr., "The Case for Constructive Criticism of the Press," Newspaper Research Journal 11 (spring 1990): 2-10.
3. W. Lance Bennett, The Governing Crisis: Media, Money, and Marketing in American Elections (NY: St. Martin's Press, 1993), 191.
4. Bruce Buchanan, Electing a President: The Markle Commission Research on Campaign '88 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1991), 64-65.
5. Bennett, Governing Crisis, 191.
6. Matthew Robert Kerbel, Edited for Television: CNN, ABC, and the 1992 Presidential Campaign (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), 35-49; Matthew R. Kerbel, "The Media as Political News: Reflexive Reporting of the 1992 U.S. Presidential Campaign" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, NM, May 1995).
7. Matthew Robert Kerbel, Edited for Television: CNN, ABC, and the 1992 Presidential Campaign (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), 35-49; Matthew R. Kerbel, "The Media as Political News: Reflexive Reporting of the 1992 U.S. Presidential Campaign" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, NM, May 1995).
8. For instance, Tankard and Sumpter measured the increased tendency of the media to focus on their role in the presidential campaign by tracking the use of the term "spin doctor" in recent elections. They found that while the use of the term increased tremendously over recent elections, it has been used in a less negative and less specific way. The term "spin doctor," then, has been increasingly used to trivialize media manipulation rather than to criticize the practice (James W. Tankard Jr. and Randy Sumpter, "Media Awareness of Media Manipulation: The Use of the Term 'Spin Doctor,'" (paper delivered at the annual meeting of AEJMC, Kansas City, MO, August 1993); Kerbel, "Media as Political News." Kerbel speculates that self-referential coverage has increased because as candidates have increasingly campaigned through the media and have tried to manipulate the press to get their desired message to the public, reporters increasingly concluded that how they cover a campaign is a legitimate subject for analysis and discussion (Matthew Robert Kerbel, Remote & Controlled: Media Politics in a Cynical Age [Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995], 86-90).
9. For instance, Tankard and Sumpter measured the increased tendency of the media to focus on their role in the presidential campaign by tracking the use of the term "spin doctor" in recent elections. They found that while the use of the term increased tremendously over recent elections, it has been used in a less negative and less specific way. The term "spin doctor," then, has been increasingly used to trivialize media manipulation rather than to criticize the practice (James W. Tankard Jr. and Randy Sumpter, "Media Awareness of Media Manipulation: The Use of the Term 'Spin Doctor,'" (paper delivered at the annual meeting of AEJMC, Kansas City, MO, August 1993); Kerbel, "Media as Political News." Kerbel speculates that self-referential coverage has increased because as candidates have increasingly campaigned through the media and have tried to manipulate the press to get their desired message to the public, reporters increasingly concluded that how they cover a campaign is a legitimate subject for analysis and discussion (Matthew Robert Kerbel, Remote & Controlled: Media Politics in a Cynical Age [Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995], 86-90).
10. For instance, Tankard and Sumpter measured the increased tendency of the media to focus on their role in the presidential campaign by tracking the use of the term "spin doctor" in recent elections. They found that while the use of the term increased tremendously over recent elections, it has been used in a less negative and less specific way. The term "spin doctor," then, has been increasingly used to trivialize media manipulation rather than to criticize the practice (James W. Tankard Jr. and Randy Sumpter, "Media Awareness of Media Manipulation: The Use of the Term 'Spin Doctor,'" (paper delivered at the annual meeting of AEJMC, Kansas City, MO, August 1993); Kerbel, "Media as Political News." Kerbel speculates that self-referential coverage has increased because as candidates have increasingly campaigned through the media and have tried to manipulate the press to get their desired message to the public, reporters increasingly concluded that how they cover a campaign is a legitimate subject for analysis and discussion (Matthew Robert Kerbel, Remote & Controlled: Media Politics in a Cynical Age [Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995], 86-90).
11. Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Newspaper Coverage of the 1984 and 1988 Campaigns" and John W. Windhauser and Dru Riley Evarts, "Watching the Campaigns on Network Television," in The Media in the 1984 and 1988 Presidential Campaigns, ed. Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser (NY: Greenwood Press, 1991).
12. Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Newspaper Coverage of the 1984 and 1988 Campaigns" and John W. Windhauser and Dru Riley Evarts, "Watching the Campaigns on Network Television," in The Media in the 1984 and 1988 Presidential Campaigns, ed. Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser (NY: Greenwood Press, 1991).
13. Initially, media performance, media impact, media coverage of campaign issues, media coverage of policy issues, candidates' media strategy, candidate media performance, and general media campaign stories were coded as separate categories. But because of small numbers in many of the groups, some categories were combined. Categories were also combined because discussion of the issues often were intertwined. For instance, stories of media impact often also commented on how well the media performed in the campaign.
14. John Tierney, "Now, Journalists Renege on Election Promises," New York Times, 31 January 1992, sec. A, p. 12, col. 5.
15. John Tierney, "Setback for the Media Manipulators," New York Times, 20 February 1992, sec. A, p. 22, col. 4.
16. Timothy J. McNulty and Steve Daley, "Call-in TV Provides Candidates Opportunity to Avoid the Press," Chicago Tribune, 14 June 1992, sec. A, p. 3, col. 4; Maureen Dowd, "Populist Media Forums and the Campaign of '92," New York Times, 3 November 1992, sec. A, p. 14, col. 5; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows: When the People Want to be Heard," New York Times, 10 June 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 1; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992: Arsenio, Larry and Phil," New York Times, 5 June 1992, sec. A. p. 18, col. 5; Richard L. Berke, "Satellite Technology Allows Campaigns to Deliver their Messages Unfiltered," New York Times, 23 October 1992, sec. A, p. 21, col. 1.
17. Timothy J. McNulty and Steve Daley, "Call-in TV Provides Candidates Opportunity to Avoid the Press," Chicago Tribune, 14 June 1992, sec. A, p. 3, col. 4; Maureen Dowd, "Populist Media Forums and the Campaign of '92," New York Times, 3 November 1992, sec. A, p. 14, col. 5; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows: When the People Want to be Heard," New York Times, 10 June 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 1; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992: Arsenio, Larry and Phil," New York Times, 5 June 1992, sec. A. p. 18, col. 5; Richard L. Berke, "Satellite Technology Allows Campaigns to Deliver their Messages Unfiltered," New York Times, 23 October 1992, sec. A, p. 21, col. 1.
18. Timothy J. McNulty and Steve Daley, "Call-in TV Provides Candidates Opportunity to Avoid the Press," Chicago Tribune, 14 June 1992, sec. A, p. 3, col. 4; Maureen Dowd, "Populist Media Forums and the Campaign of '92," New York Times, 3 November 1992, sec. A, p. 14, col. 5; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows: When the People Want to be Heard," New York Times, 10 June 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 1; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992: Arsenio, Larry and Phil," New York Times, 5 June 1992, sec. A. p. 18, col. 5; Richard L. Berke, "Satellite Technology Allows Campaigns to Deliver their Messages Unfiltered," New York Times, 23 October 1992, sec. A, p. 21, col. 1.
19. Timothy J. McNulty and Steve Daley, "Call-in TV Provides Candidates Opportunity to Avoid the Press," Chicago Tribune, 14 June 1992, sec. A, p. 3, col. 4; Maureen Dowd, "Populist Media Forums and the Campaign of '92," New York Times, 3 November 1992, sec. A, p. 14, col. 5; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows: When the People Want to be Heard," New York Times, 10 June 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 1; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992: Arsenio, Larry and Phil," New York Times, 5 June 1992, sec. A. p. 18, col. 5; Richard L. Berke, "Satellite Technology Allows Campaigns to Deliver their Messages Unfiltered," New York Times, 23 October 1992, sec. A, p. 21, col. 1.
20. Timothy J. McNulty and Steve Daley, "Call-in TV Provides Candidates Opportunity to Avoid the Press," Chicago Tribune, 14 June 1992, sec. A, p. 3, col. 4; Maureen Dowd, "Populist Media Forums and the Campaign of '92," New York Times, 3 November 1992, sec. A, p. 14, col. 5; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows: When the People Want to be Heard," New York Times, 10 June 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 1; Elizabeth Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992: Arsenio, Larry and Phil," New York Times, 5 June 1992, sec. A. p. 18, col. 5; Richard L. Berke, "Satellite Technology Allows Campaigns to Deliver their Messages Unfiltered," New York Times, 23 October 1992, sec. A, p. 21, col. 1.
21. Walter Goodman, "On Talk-Show Circuit, It's Clinton vs. Perot," New York Times, 16 June 1992, sec. C, p. 18, col. 5.
22. Elizabeth Kolbert, "More News Also Good News for Bush: He Surges on TV," New York Times, 22 September 1992, sec. A, p. 1, col. 1.
23. For instance, see "Democratic Candidates Resume Ad Brawl," New York Times, 14 March 1992, sec. A, p. 10, col. 2.
24. Robin Toner, "What Can Candidates Expect to Keep Private?" New York Times, 12 January 1992, sec. D, p. 2, col. 1.
25. Alex S. Jones, "Meet the Press: Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde," New York Times, 9 February 1992, sec. D, p.4, col. 1.
26. Kerbel, "Media as Political News."
27. Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, "Traditional Ink vs. Video Versions of Campaign '80," in Television News Coverage of the 1980 Presidential Campaign, ed. William C. Adams (Norwood, NJ: ABLEX Publishing, 1983), 17-27; Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, Over the Wire and On TV: CBS and UPI in Campaign '8O (NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1983), 209-216; Windhauser and Evarts, "Watching the Campaigns," 67-102.
28. Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, "Traditional Ink vs. Video Versions of Campaign '80," in Television News Coverage of the 1980 Presidential Campaign, ed. William C. Adams (Norwood, NJ: ABLEX Publishing, 1983), 17-27; Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, Over the Wire and On TV: CBS and UPI in Campaign '8O (NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1983), 209-216; Windhauser and Evarts, "Watching the Campaigns," 67-102.
29. Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, "Traditional Ink vs. Video Versions of Campaign '80," in Television News Coverage of the 1980 Presidential Campaign, ed. William C. Adams (Norwood, NJ: ABLEX Publishing, 1983), 17-27; Michael J. Robinson and Margaret A. Sheehan, Over the Wire and On TV: CBS and UPI in Campaign '8O (NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1983), 209-216; Windhauser and Evarts, "Watching the Campaigns," 67-102.
30. Both the Times and the Tribune are among what Stempel has characterized as the prestige press (Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Covers the 1960 Presidential Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 38 [spring 1961]: 157-63; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press in Two Presidential Elections," Journalism Quarterly 42 [spring 1965]: 15-21; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Meets the Third-Party Challenge," Journalism Quarterly 46 [winter 1969]: 699-706; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "The Prestige Press Revisited: Coverage of the 1980 Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 61 [spring 1984]: 49-55; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Coverage by the Prestige Press of the 1988 Presidential Campaign, "Journalism Quarterly 66 [winter 1989]: 894-96, 916). More specifically, the Times was chosen because it is the nation's newspaper of record and one of the most influential newspapers in political circles. The Tribune was selected because it is one of the most important regional newspapers, and for ideological balance.
31. Both the Times and the Tribune are among what Stempel has characterized as the prestige press (Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Covers the 1960 Presidential Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 38 [spring 1961]: 157-63; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press in Two Presidential Elections," Journalism Quarterly 42 [spring 1965]: 15-21; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Meets the Third-Party Challenge," Journalism Quarterly 46 [winter 1969]: 699-706; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "The Prestige Press Revisited: Coverage of the 1980 Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 61 [spring 1984]: 49-55; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Coverage by the Prestige Press of the 1988 Presidential Campaign, "Journalism Quarterly 66 [winter 1989]: 894-96, 916). More specifically, the Times was chosen because it is the nation's newspaper of record and one of the most influential newspapers in political circles. The Tribune was selected because it is one of the most important regional newspapers, and for ideological balance.
32. Both the Times and the Tribune are among what Stempel has characterized as the prestige press (Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Covers the 1960 Presidential Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 38 [spring 1961]: 157-63; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press in Two Presidential Elections," Journalism Quarterly 42 [spring 1965]: 15-21; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Meets the Third-Party Challenge," Journalism Quarterly 46 [winter 1969]: 699-706; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "The Prestige Press Revisited: Coverage of the 1980 Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 61 [spring 1984]: 49-55; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Coverage by the Prestige Press of the 1988 Presidential Campaign, "Journalism Quarterly 66 [winter 1989]: 894-96, 916). More specifically, the Times was chosen because it is the nation's newspaper of record and one of the most influential newspapers in political circles. The Tribune was selected because it is one of the most important regional newspapers, and for ideological balance.
33. Both the Times and the Tribune are among what Stempel has characterized as the prestige press (Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Covers the 1960 Presidential Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 38 [spring 1961]: 157-63; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press in Two Presidential Elections," Journalism Quarterly 42 [spring 1965]: 15-21; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Meets the Third-Party Challenge," Journalism Quarterly 46 [winter 1969]: 699-706; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "The Prestige Press Revisited: Coverage of the 1980 Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 61 [spring 1984]: 49-55; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Coverage by the Prestige Press of the 1988 Presidential Campaign, "Journalism Quarterly 66 [winter 1989]: 894-96, 916). More specifically, the Times was chosen because it is the nation's newspaper of record and one of the most influential newspapers in political circles. The Tribune was selected because it is one of the most important regional newspapers, and for ideological balance.
34. Both the Times and the Tribune are among what Stempel has characterized as the prestige press (Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Covers the 1960 Presidential Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 38 [spring 1961]: 157-63; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press in Two Presidential Elections," Journalism Quarterly 42 [spring 1965]: 15-21; Guido H. Stempel III, "The Prestige Press Meets the Third-Party Challenge," Journalism Quarterly 46 [winter 1969]: 699-706; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "The Prestige Press Revisited: Coverage of the 1980 Campaign," Journalism Quarterly 61 [spring 1984]: 49-55; Guido H. Stempel III and John W. Windhauser, "Coverage by the Prestige Press of the 1988 Presidential Campaign, "Journalism Quarterly 66 [winter 1989]: 894-96, 916). More specifically, the Times was chosen because it is the nation's newspaper of record and one of the most influential newspapers in political circles. The Tribune was selected because it is one of the most important regional newspapers, and for ideological balance. Television content was analyzed through the Television News Index and Abstracts put out by the Vanderbilt archives. Each heading in the Vanderbilt abstract was treated as a separate story. While the synopsis of news stories in the Television News Index and Abstracts provides enough detail to code media themes, the entries do not always provide enough detail to code tone of coverage. In cases where the tone of coverage was not clear, themes were coded as neutral.
35. While coders were told to look at the first sentence of each individual report within each story, they were still told to determine the dominant theme of the story. Therefore, if all the reports within the story dealt with media performance of the candidates, then this would be coded as one media performance/impact theme. However, if different reports within the story dealt with different media themes, then they were coded separately.
36. Media performance/impact stories were coded positive if the story praised how the media covered the campaign or noted that the media or campaign ads had a significant impact on the political process. Stories which criticized media coverage or denied the media or ads had a significant influence on the political process were coded as negative. For instance, a story that said the media were being manipulated by the candidates or they were devoting too much space to horse-race or character issues would be judged as negative. Similarly, a story that said the media had an undue negative influence on the campaign or one that said news stories or campaign ads had little impact on the campaign would be coded as negative. Positive media performance/impact stories typically praised the media for doing a better job than they did in 1988 in covering issues and avoiding horse-race and character stories. Candidate media strategy/candidate media performance stories were only coded positive or negative if the story commented favorably or negatively about the media. For instance, stories criticizing Paul Tsongas' television persona might reflect badly on Tsongas, but they would only be coded as negative if the story criticized the media. However, a story praising a Jerry Brown ad campaign would be coded as positive because the comments refer directly to the media. Stories that evaluated media coverage of campaign or policy issues were coded as campaign performance stories. Therefore, most news stories about media coverage of campaign and policy issues were neutral. However, many stories involving issues discussed in campaign ads had a slant. Those that praised the ad as accurate and/or effective were coded as positive, while those that judged the ads as misleading or ineffective were coded as negative. General media stories included a wide range of topics such as profiles of leading newspapers and media figures in the campaign, stories on new media technologies, and stories explaining how the media would cover the campign. Profiles of leading media outlets and media figures were coded as positive if they focused on their achievements or if they praised their role in the campaign, negative if they portrayed the subject in a negative light or criticized their role in the campaign. Stories on new technologies were coded as neutral unless the story focused on the technology as an advancement or hindrance in allowing the media to present information to the public. Stories that explained how the media would cover the campaign (such as an agreement amount the networks to pool resources) were coded as negative if they said the new coverage strategy was ineffective or if the story stressed that fewer people and less money were being used to cover the campaign and positive if they claimed that changes in how the media were covering the campaign resulted in better coverage.
37. For instance, see Thomas J. Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales: How the Networks and Select Newspapers Covered the 1988 Democratic Primaries," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 311-20; Thomas J. Johnson, "Filling Out the Racing Form: How the Media Covered the Horse Race in the 1988 Primaries," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 300-10; S. Robert Lichter, Daniel Amundson, and Richard Noyes, The Video Campaign: Network Coverage of the 1988 Primaries (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Foreign Policy Research, 1988), 69-101.
38. For instance, see Thomas J. Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales: How the Networks and Select Newspapers Covered the 1988 Democratic Primaries," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 311-20; Thomas J. Johnson, "Filling Out the Racing Form: How the Media Covered the Horse Race in the 1988 Primaries," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 300-10; S. Robert Lichter, Daniel Amundson, and Richard Noyes, The Video Campaign: Network Coverage of the 1988 Primaries (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Foreign Policy Research, 1988), 69-101.
39. For instance, see Thomas J. Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales: How the Networks and Select Newspapers Covered the 1988 Democratic Primaries," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 311-20; Thomas J. Johnson, "Filling Out the Racing Form: How the Media Covered the Horse Race in the 1988 Primaries," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 300-10; S. Robert Lichter, Daniel Amundson, and Richard Noyes, The Video Campaign: Network Coverage of the 1988 Primaries (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Foreign Policy Research, 1988), 69-101.
40. John H. Eastby, "Familiarizing Ourselves," in America Through the Looking Glass: A Constitutionalist Critique of the 1992 Election, ed. Roger M. Barrus and John H. Eastby (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1994), 33-37.
41. While the primary season had not officially ended by the middle of April, Clinton had clinched the nomination and newspapers were talking about the general election rather than the primaries.
42. While the tables present scores for newspapers and television as well as overall totals, the chi-squares were only conducted on the overall totals. Separate tables were presented for differences between newspaper and television coverage. The only exception is Table 1 in which chi-squares represent the difference between newspaper and television coverage.
43. A week was checked for the Times, Tribune, and the three networks during the four major stages of the election: the preprimaries, the primaries, the postprimaries, and the general election campaign. In all, 579 story themes were identified during the intercoder reliability check, of which 42 were media themes.
44. Ole R. Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Science and Humanities (NY: Addison-Wesley, 1969).
45. The Markle Commission divided media stories into news reports on the use of paid advertising and stories about the nature and quality of the media's coverage of the campaign. The authors do not clearly state what constitutes a story about the nature and quality of media coverage of the campaign. It is unclear, then, whether differences between 1988 and 1992 represent a real increase in coverage about the media or are an artifact of different systems of measurement.
46. Buchanan, Electing a President, 64-65.
47. Michael Specter, "Thou Shalt Not Pander, But I am a Different Case," New York Times, 4 April 1992, sec. A, p. 10, col. 1.
48. Richard L. Berke, "Volleys of Data Replace Blatant Attacks of 1988," New York Times, 29 October 1992, sec. A, p. 24, col. 1.
49. Maureen Dowd, "After Ordeal, is Clinton Tempered Now, or Burned?" New York Times, 2 February 1992, sec. A, p. 24, col. 1; Tierney, "Journalists Renege."
50. Maureen Dowd, "After Ordeal, is Clinton Tempered Now, or Burned?" New York Times, 2 February 1992, sec. A, p. 24, col. 1; Tierney, "Journalists Renege."
51. Mike Royko, "Clinton Should Lift a Finger for N.Y.," Chicago Tribune, 2 April 1992, sec. A. p. 3, col. 1. Tribune political reporter Jon Margolis was more tactful, but no less scornful of the New York media and its citizens, saying that while they had always expressed their views loudly, they at least used to voice them with grace and taste. "Now... they just shriek." (Jon Margolis, "Civilized Discourse? Not in N.Y.," Chicago Tribune, 2 April 1992, sec. A, p. 1,20, col. 3). Even the New York Times had little good to say about the steady drum beat of negative stories about the candidates (John Tierney, "New York Campaigns Generate a Lot of Heat, but Little Light," New York Times, 2 April 1992, sec. A. p.18, col. 1).
52. Mike Royko, "Clinton Should Lift a Finger for N.Y.," Chicago Tribune, 2 April 1992, sec. A. p. 3, col. 1. Tribune political reporter Jon Margolis was more tactful, but no less scornful of the New York media and its citizens, saying that while they had always expressed their views loudly, they at least used to voice them with grace and taste. "Now... they just shriek." (Jon Margolis, "Civilized Discourse? Not in N.Y.," Chicago Tribune, 2 April 1992, sec. A, p. 1,20, col. 3). Even the New York Times had little good to say about the steady drum beat of negative stories about the candidates (John Tierney, "New York Campaigns Generate a Lot of Heat, but Little Light," New York Times, 2 April 1992, sec. A. p.18, col. 1).
53. Mike Royko, "Clinton Should Lift a Finger for N.Y.," Chicago Tribune, 2 April 1992, sec. A. p. 3, col. 1. Tribune political reporter Jon Margolis was more tactful, but no less scornful of the New York media and its citizens, saying that while they had always expressed their views loudly, they at least used to voice them with grace and taste. "Now... they just shriek." (Jon Margolis, "Civilized Discourse? Not in N.Y.," Chicago Tribune, 2 April 1992, sec. A, p. 1,20, col. 3). Even the New York Times had little good to say about the steady drum beat of negative stories about the candidates (John Tierney, "New York Campaigns Generate a Lot of Heat, but Little Light," New York Times, 2 April 1992, sec. A. p.18, col. 1).
54. Buchanan, Electing a President, 64-65
55. The Times regularly ran stories under a heading marked "media" or with a television-shaped logo titled "campaign watch." The Times had more comprehensive coverage of the election in general than any of the other media outlets examined. Most of the coverage in the other media outlets focused on the day-to-day events of the campaign, while the Times added more analysis and stories examining the campaign process. The media stories were part of that process coverage.
56. Indeed, Kerbel found that almost 20 percent of television news stories mentioned coverage of the media in the 1992 campaign (Kerbel, "Media as Political News"; Kerbel, Edited for Television, 22-24).
57. Bennett, Governing Crisis, 191.
58. Kerbel, "Media as Political News."
59. Bennett, Governing Crisis, 34; Kerbel, "Media as Political News."
60. Bennett, Governing Crisis, 34; Kerbel, "Media as Political News."
61. Tankard and Sumpter, "Media Awareness of Media Manipulation."
62. Edward C. Pease, "Assessing Coverage: A Survey of Campaign Correspondents, " in The Finish Line, ed. The Freedom Forum, 127-35; Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Ken Auletta, and Thomas E. Patterson, 1-800-President: The Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Television and the Campaign of 1992 (NY: The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1993); Jonathan Alter, "The Smear Heard 'Round the World," Newsweek, 19 October 1992, 27; Edwin Diamond, "Getting it Right: The Networks and the Campaign," New York, 2 November 1992, 18; Philip Meyer, "The Media Reformation: Giving the Agenda Back to the People," in The Elections of 1992, ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993), 89-108.
63. Edward C. Pease, "Assessing Coverage: A Survey of Campaign Correspondents, " in The Finish Line, ed. The Freedom Forum, 127-35; Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Ken Auletta, and Thomas E. Patterson, 1-800-President: The Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Television and the Campaign of 1992 (NY: The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1993); Jonathan Alter, "The Smear Heard 'Round the World," Newsweek, 19 October 1992, 27; Edwin Diamond, "Getting it Right: The Networks and the Campaign," New York, 2 November 1992, 18; Philip Meyer, "The Media Reformation: Giving the Agenda Back to the People," in The Elections of 1992, ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993), 89-108.
64. Edward C. Pease, "Assessing Coverage: A Survey of Campaign Correspondents, " in The Finish Line, ed. The Freedom Forum, 127-35; Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Ken Auletta, and Thomas E. Patterson, 1-800-President: The Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Television and the Campaign of 1992 (NY: The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1993); Jonathan Alter, "The Smear Heard 'Round the World," Newsweek, 19 October 1992, 27; Edwin Diamond, "Getting it Right: The Networks and the Campaign," New York, 2 November 1992, 18; Philip Meyer, "The Media Reformation: Giving the Agenda Back to the People," in The Elections of 1992, ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993), 89-108.
65. Edward C. Pease, "Assessing Coverage: A Survey of Campaign Correspondents, " in The Finish Line, ed. The Freedom Forum, 127-35; Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Ken Auletta, and Thomas E. Patterson, 1-800-President: The Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Television and the Campaign of 1992 (NY: The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1993); Jonathan Alter, "The Smear Heard 'Round the World," Newsweek, 19 October 1992, 27; Edwin Diamond, "Getting it Right: The Networks and the Campaign," New York, 2 November 1992, 18; Philip Meyer, "The Media Reformation: Giving the Agenda Back to the People," in The Elections of 1992, ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993), 89-108.
66. Edward C. Pease, "Assessing Coverage: A Survey of Campaign Correspondents, " in The Finish Line, ed. The Freedom Forum, 127-35; Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Ken Auletta, and Thomas E. Patterson, 1-800-President: The Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Television and the Campaign of 1992 (NY: The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1993); Jonathan Alter, "The Smear Heard 'Round the World," Newsweek, 19 October 1992, 27; Edwin Diamond, "Getting it Right: The Networks and the Campaign," New York, 2 November 1992, 18; Philip Meyer, "The Media Reformation: Giving the Agenda Back to the People," in The Elections of 1992, ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993), 89-108.
67. Buchanan, Electing a President, 64-65; Kerbel, Edited For Television, 48.
68. Buchanan, Electing a President, 64-65; Kerbel, Edited For Television, 48.
69. Elizabeth Kolbert, "As Political Campaigns Turn Negative, the Press is Given a Negative Rating," New York Times, 1 May 1992, sec. A, p. 18, col. 1.
70. For instance, see Gwen Ifill, "Clinton Accuses Reporters of Bias," New York Times, 8 September 1992, sec. A, p. 17, col. 1; "Quayle Rails Against Media 'Sleaze'," New York Times, 13 August 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 2.
71. For instance, see Gwen Ifill, "Clinton Accuses Reporters of Bias," New York Times, 8 September 1992, sec. A, p. 17, col. 1; "Quayle Rails Against Media 'Sleaze'," New York Times, 13 August 1992, sec. A, p. 20, col. 2.
72. For instance, see Tierney, "Journalists Renege"; Tierney, "New York Campaigns"; Margolis, "Civilized Discourse."
73. For instance, see Tierney, "Journalists Renege"; Tierney, "New York Campaigns"; Margolis, "Civilized Discourse."
74. For instance, see Tierney, "Journalists Renege"; Tierney, "New York Campaigns"; Margolis, "Civilized Discourse."
75. Larry J. Sabato, Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism Has Transformed American Politics (NY: The Free Press, 1991), 80; Robinson and Sheehan, Over the Wire and on TV, 69-82. Not all studies, however, have found that the press attacks the front runner (Thomas J. Johnson with Chris Glowaki and Timothy Boudreau, "Affection or Vivisection? How Leading News Organizations Covered the Front Runner in the 1992 Democratic Primaries" [paper presented to the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, NM, 1995]; Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales.")
76. Larry J. Sabato, Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism Has Transformed American Politics (NY: The Free Press, 1991), 80; Robinson and Sheehan, Over the Wire and on TV, 69-82. Not all studies, however, have found that the press attacks the front runner (Thomas J. Johnson with Chris Glowaki and Timothy Boudreau, "Affection or Vivisection? How Leading News Organizations Covered the Front Runner in the 1992 Democratic Primaries" [paper presented to the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, NM, 1995]; Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales.")
77. Larry J. Sabato, Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism Has Transformed American Politics (NY: The Free Press, 1991), 80; Robinson and Sheehan, Over the Wire and on TV, 69-82. Not all studies, however, have found that the press attacks the front runner (Thomas J. Johnson with Chris Glowaki and Timothy Boudreau, "Affection or Vivisection? How Leading News Organizations Covered the Front Runner in the 1992 Democratic Primaries" [paper presented to the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, NM, 1995]; Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales.")
78. Larry J. Sabato, Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism Has Transformed American Politics (NY: The Free Press, 1991), 80; Robinson and Sheehan, Over the Wire and on TV, 69-82. Not all studies, however, have found that the press attacks the front runner (Thomas J. Johnson with Chris Glowaki and Timothy Boudreau, "Affection or Vivisection? How Leading News Organizations Covered the Front Runner in the 1992 Democratic Primaries" [paper presented to the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, NM, 1995]; Johnson, "The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales.")
79. McNulty and Daley, "Call in TV"; Dowd, "Populist Media Forums"; Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows"; Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992"; Berke, "Satellite Technology."
80. McNulty and Daley, "Call in TV"; Dowd, "Populist Media Forums"; Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows"; Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992"; Berke, "Satellite Technology."
81. McNulty and Daley, "Call in TV"; Dowd, "Populist Media Forums"; Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows"; Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992"; Berke, "Satellite Technology."
82. McNulty and Daley, "Call in TV"; Dowd, "Populist Media Forums"; Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows"; Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992"; Berke, "Satellite Technology."
83. McNulty and Daley, "Call in TV"; Dowd, "Populist Media Forums"; Kolbert, "Political Candidates and Call-In Shows"; Kolbert, "Whistle-Stops à la 1992"; Berke, "Satellite Technology."