The contributions of linguistics to the study of history in Africa

Journal of African History

Volumn 38, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 359-391

  Nurse, Derek ^a  

^a MEMORIAL UNIVERSITY OF NEWFOUNDLAND   (Canada)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0007051365     PISSN: 00218537     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021853797007044     Document Type: Review

References (169)

1. Monogenesis is the hypothesis that all languages in a given set developed from a single ancestor. This is often interpreted to mean that all the world's languages developed from a single original language, but it can also mean that all Bantu, Indo-European, or Afrasian languages each had a single ancestor.
2. Williamson has a good summary of the unfolding of two centuries of classificatory work on Africa's biggest language family, Niger-Congo, that is typical of that on other language families in Africa. K. Williamson, 'Niger-Congo overview', in J. Bendor-Samuel (ed.), The Niger-Congo Languages (Lanham, 1989), 3-8.
3. Lexis has to do with words and their meanings; phonology with sounds, patterns of sounds and sound processes; and morphology with word structures.
4. See for example, L. L. Cavalli-Sforza et al., The History and Geography of Human Genes (Princeton, 1994); A. Morris, 'The myth of the East African Bushmen: the biological evidence against the presence of prehistoric Khoisan populations in East Africa', in Proceedings of the Symposium on Khoisan Studies (forthcoming).
5. See for example, L. L. Cavalli-Sforza et al., The History and Geography of Human Genes (Princeton, 1994); A. Morris, 'The myth of the East African Bushmen: the biological evidence against the presence of prehistoric Khoisan populations in East Africa', in Proceedings of the Symposium on Khoisan Studies (forthcoming).
6. A word is in order here on 'schools of thought' and theoretical positions among historical and comparative linguists operating today. Most linguists are interested in the same core set of topics, and they use the same core techniques, which have evolved and been refined through the last two centuries. Most innovations in historical and comparative linguistics in the twentieth century have consisted of incorporating findings from other subdisciplines of linguistics, including sociolinguistics, computational linguistics, phonetics, phonology, morphology and syntax. Differences among linguists are not national or geographical, but center on how far they can or want to incorporate these innovations, on how far they want to extend their horizons and methods, on the use or non-use of specific techniques, and on how far they want to engage in dialogue with non-linguists. Some of these claims might seem surprising to historians. African historians tend to think of the linguistic group around Guthrie at SOAS after the Second World War, but such groups no longer exist. Guthrie was remarkable for his rigor, energy, dedication, width of geographical horizons, productivity and advancing the frontiers of African studies but in historical and comparative linguistic terms, he was reinventing the nineteenth-century wheel. Conversely, scholars such as Ehret or Vansina, well known to African historians, are historians using linguistic methods. Some historical and comparative linguists are well known to other historical and comparative linguists, but are not well known outside that circle. That is because historical and comparative linguistics is itself outside the mainstream of contemporary linguistics. Most mainstream linguists may be interested in certain topics, such as change, that also interest us, but they are interested in these topics linguistically, not historically. And while Departments of Linguistics contain clusters of linguists, it is hard to think of any that have significant concentrations of historical or comparative linguists. Most such linguists thus work in relative isolation.
7. The few dissenters consist of those who deny, or are agnostic about, monogenesis.
8. A proto-language is a reconstructed language ancestral to, and based on, a set of later, related, and usually attested, languages. Proto-languages may exist at different levels; a proto-language can not only be reconstructed for each valid language family but also for all intermediate, lower level, sub-branches within the family.
9. Two or more words are said to be cognate if (a) they are of similar or relatable meaning and phonetic shape, and (b) they can be demonstrated to have derived by direct oral transmission from a single item in a proto-language.
10. J. H. Greenberg, Essays in Linguistics (Chicago, 1957), The Langages of Africa (The Hague, 1963) and Language in the Americas (Stanford, 1987).
11. J. H. Greenberg, Essays in Linguistics (Chicago, 1957), The Langages of Africa (The Hague, 1963) and Language in the Americas (Stanford, 1987).
12. J. H. Greenberg, Essays in Linguistics (Chicago, 1957), The Langages of Africa (The Hague, 1963) and Language in the Americas (Stanford, 1987).
13. Greenberg is often photographed beside his famous and compendious notebooks with word sets from many language.
14. Lexicostatistics was developed largely by Swadesh in the 1950s and refined later by others. The most concise and up-to-date statement of the method is S. M. Embleton, Statistics in Historical Linguistics (Bochum, 1986).
15. Core vocabulary consists of numbers, parts of the body etc. that are more resistant to borrowing and thus more likely to be inherited. It is thus thought to be a more accurate indicator of internal historical development than cultural terms that are more likely to be borrowed from neighboring languages.
16. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
17. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
18. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
19. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
20. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
21. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
22. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
23. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
24. See, for example, B. Blount and R. Curley, 'The Southern Luo languages: a glottochronological reconstruction', Journal of African Languages, IX (1970), 1-18; B. Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung der Bantusprachen', Afrika und Uebersee, LVI (1973), 164-85; A. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu languages', African Language Studies, XIV (1973), 82-104; B. Heine et al., 'Neuere Ergebnisse zur Territorialgeschichte der Bantu', in Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnographie in Afrika (Berlin 1977), 57-70; D. Nurse and G. Philippson, 'The Bantu languages of East Africa: a lexicostatistical survey', in E. Polome and C. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980); Y. Bastin et al., 'Classification lexicostatistique des languages bantoues', Bulletin de séances de l' Academie royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer, XXVII (1982), 173-99; Y. Bastin, 'Statistique grammaticale et classification des languages bantoues', Africana Linguistica, IX (1983), 17-37. With the exception of W. Moehlig, 'Stratification in the history of the Bantu languages', SUGIA, III (1981), 251-316, virtually all historical classifications of Bantu are based on the use of lexicostatistics, lexical innovations or counting morphological features. The classic division of Bantu into Western and Eastern is based on this shaky foundation and is behind most interpretations of early Bantu history. But there is simply no good historical classification of Bantu yet, and so one should treat such interpretations skeptically. For similar doubts about current classifications, see P. Bennett, 'Patterns in linguistic geography and the Bantu origins controversy', History in Africa, X (1983), 35-51.
25. J. Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence and the "Bantu Expansion"', J. Afr. Hist., XXXVI (1995), 7, 10. Lexicostatistics thus produces the familiar bifurcating family tree model of linguistic development, with each pair of languages stemming from an earlier language as discussed further below.
26. E.g. Henrici, 'Numerical classification , 90.
27. The Digo of south-east Kenya and north-east Tanzania have long been bilingual in Digo and Swahili, and their ability to transmute material phonetically has deceived at least one set of linguists quite successfully about their taxonomic status. How communities transmute words phonetically can be illustrated by the Swahili dialects spoken in Lamu and Siu in northern Kenya. People in these two communities have known each other for many centuries and are well aware of the regular phonetic differences between their dialects. They know, for example, that where Lamu has t, Siu has c. The phonetic change from original t to c in Siu took place centuries ago, and all words with original f were changed to c To maintain the character of their speech, people in Siu take words entering from Lamu and change t to c. Thus the English words (football) 'team' and 'tape (recorder) appear in Lamu as timu and tepu, but as chimu and chepu in Siu. This constitutes a ' regular phonetic correspondence ' and would allow an unsuspecting linguist to reconstruct tape recorders and football teams for early Swahili society.
28. D. Nurse and T. Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki (Berkeley, 1993). 274-83. Some practitioners have used methods similar to lexicostatistics that also measure similarity or retention Thus Henrici measures rates of retention in different Bantu languages of words from Guthrie's list of Common Bantu items, and Moehlig measures levels of phonetic, morphological and lexical similarity between contemporary languages under the label of dialectometry. Henrici, 'Numerical Classification'; W. Moehlig, 'Les parlers bantous cotiers du nord-est', in G. Guarisma and W. Moehlig (eds.), La méthode dialectométrique appliquée aux langues africaines (Berlin, 1986), 45-92.
29. D. Nurse and T. Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki (Berkeley, 1993). 274-83. Some practitioners have used methods similar to lexicostatistics that also measure similarity or retention Thus Henrici measures rates of retention in different Bantu languages of words from Guthrie's list of Common Bantu items, and Moehlig measures levels of phonetic, morphological and lexical similarity between contemporary languages under the label of dialectometry. Henrici, 'Numerical Classification'; W. Moehlig, 'Les parlers bantous cotiers du nord-est', in G. Guarisma and W. Moehlig (eds.), La méthode dialectométrique appliquée aux langues africaines (Berlin, 1986), 45-92.
30. D. Nurse and T. Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki (Berkeley, 1993). 274-83. Some practitioners have used methods similar to lexicostatistics that also measure similarity or retention Thus Henrici measures rates of retention in different Bantu languages of words from Guthrie's list of Common Bantu items, and Moehlig measures levels of phonetic, morphological and lexical similarity between contemporary languages under the label of dialectometry. Henrici, 'Numerical Classification'; W. Moehlig, 'Les parlers bantous cotiers du nord-est', in G. Guarisma and W. Moehlig (eds.), La méthode dialectométrique appliquée aux langues africaines (Berlin, 1986), 45-92.
31. The truth of this claim may not be immediately obvious to historians because historians and linguists may view the relative values of innovation and retention differently. It can be exemplified by considering what has happened in various Bantu languages to the form muntu, the reconstruction for 'person' in proto-Bantu. After some 5,000 years many Bantu languages still have that shape while others have changed to shapes such as mtu, munu, munhu, mundu etc. Linguists need the languages retaining muntu because they provide a standard against which to measure subsequent innovation in other languages and provide a basis for reconstructing the proto-Bantu form. Such languages are otherwise less interesting, whereas languages which show related changes can be mapped and the data used to hypothesize about possible periods of shared evolution.
32. D. Westermann, Die Sudansprachen (Hamburg, 1911) and Die Westlichen Sudansprachen und Ihre Beziehungen zum Bantu (Berlin, 1927).
33. D. Westermann, Die Sudansprachen (Hamburg, 1911) and Die Westlichen Sudansprachen und Ihre Beziehungen zum Bantu (Berlin, 1927).
34. Greenberg, 'Genetic relationship among languages', in Greenberg, Languages of Africa, 35-45.
35. E.g. P. Bennett and J. Sterk, 'South Central Niger-Congo: a reclassification', Studies in African Linguistics, VIII (1977), 240-74.
36. Williamson, 'Niger-Congo overview'.
37. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
38. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
39. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
40. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
41. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
42. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
43. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
44. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
45. For Afrasian, see A. Belova et al., Sravnitel' noistoricheskiy slovar' afriziyskikh yazykov (Leningrad, 1981-6); M. Cohen, Essay comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamito-semitique (Paris, 1947), 'Languages chamito-semitique et linguistique historique', Scientia, XLV (1951), 305-11 and Semitique, egyptien, libycoberbere, couchitique et methode comparative (Paris, 1953); I. Diakonoff, Afrasian Languages (Moscow, 1988); C. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Berkeley, 1995). For Niger-Congo, see Bendor-Samuel, Niger-Congo Languages. For Nilo-Saharan, M. Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages (Munich, 1995); C. Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan (East Lansing, forthcoming).
46. A. Bomhard and J. Kerns, The Nostratic Macrofamily (Berlin, 1994); C. Renfrew, 'World linguistic diversity', Scientific American (Jan. 1994), 116-23.
47. A. Bomhard and J. Kerns, The Nostratic Macrofamily (Berlin, 1994); C. Renfrew, 'World linguistic diversity', Scientific American (Jan. 1994), 116-23.
48. For a bold proposal to deal with this problem, see J. Nicholls, Language Diversity in Space and Time (Chicago, 1992).
49. See G. Braeuer and F. Rosing, Human Biological History of Southern Africa (Munich 1989); A. Morris, 'Biological relationships between Upper Pleistocene and Holocene populations in Southern Africa', in G. Braeuer and F. Smith (eds.), Continuity or Replacement (Rotterdam, 1992), 131-43.
50. See G. Braeuer and F. Rosing, Human Biological History of Southern Africa (Munich 1989); A. Morris, 'Biological relationships between Upper Pleistocene and Holocene populations in Southern Africa', in G. Braeuer and F. Smith (eds.), Continuity or Replacement (Rotterdam, 1992), 131-43.
51. See, for example, C. Ehret, Southern Nilotic History (Evanston, 1971), Ethiopians and East Africans (Nairobi, 1974), The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary (Berlin, 1980) and 'Proto-Cushitic reconstruction', SUGIA, VIII (1987), 7-184.
52. See, for example, C. Ehret, Southern Nilotic History (Evanston, 1971), Ethiopians and East Africans (Nairobi, 1974), The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary (Berlin, 1980) and 'Proto-Cushitic reconstruction', SUGIA, VIII (1987), 7-184.
53. See, for example, C. Ehret, Southern Nilotic History (Evanston, 1971), Ethiopians and East Africans (Nairobi, 1974), The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary (Berlin, 1980) and 'Proto-Cushitic reconstruction', SUGIA, VIII (1987), 7-184.
54. See, for example, C. Ehret, Southern Nilotic History (Evanston, 1971), Ethiopians and East Africans (Nairobi, 1974), The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary (Berlin, 1980) and 'Proto-Cushitic reconstruction', SUGIA, VIII (1987), 7-184.
55. Icelandic is often cited as the classic case of a language evolving in isolation. While this has been true historically, today many television programs watched by Icelanders are now in English, and what will be the long term effect of that ? L. Greening, pers. comm.
56. W. Möhlig, 'Two case studies of Swahili dialects', in M. Brenzinger (ed.), Language Death (Berlin, 1992), 160.
57. E.g. B. Heine, 'The SAM languages: a history of Rendille, Boni and Somali', Afro-Asiatic Linguistics, VI (1978), 51-93; D. Schoenbrun, 'Early history in Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region' (Ph.D. thesis, UCLA, 1990); Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki.
58. E.g. B. Heine, 'The SAM languages: a history of Rendille, Boni and Somali', Afro-Asiatic Linguistics, VI (1978), 51-93; D. Schoenbrun, 'Early history in Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region' (Ph.D. thesis, UCLA, 1990); Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki.
59. E.g. B. Heine, 'The SAM languages: a history of Rendille, Boni and Somali', Afro-Asiatic Linguistics, VI (1978), 51-93; D. Schoenbrun, 'Early history in Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region' (Ph.D. thesis, UCLA, 1990); Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki.
60. G. Sommer, 'A survey on language death in Africa', in Brenzinger (ed.), Language Death, 301-417, identifies over 150 such endangered African languages.
61. See, for example, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans and Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age (forthcoming).
62. Cavalli-Sforza et al., History and Geography of Human Genes.
63. K. Klieman, 'Fishers, farmers, and food collectors (Ph.D. thesis, UCLA, 1996).
64. S. Bahuchet, 'Perspectives from comparative linguistics concerning the history of the inhabitants of the Central African rainforest', Paper to Sympoium on Food and Nutrition in the Tropical Forests (Paris, 1991).
65. Earlier languages, now extinct, can also often be identified via loan words, archaeology or oral traditions.
66. 38 The 'three' sub-groups of Afrasian in north-east Africa can be expanded to four it Coptic/Egyptian is included and the north-east is expanded somewhat. This paragraph has benefited from comments by Newman. He notes that the distribution of Berber from oases in Egypt to the Atlantic, is consistent with a migration from east to west and that the present location of Chadic, despite the proliferation of Chadic languages, requires only one move.
67. J. Mallory In Search of the Indo-Europeans (London, 1991), 23.
68. See A. Morris 'Myth of the East African Bushmen', and D. Nurse, 'Linguistic evidence for the presence of prehistoric Khoisan populations in East Africa', in Proceedings of the Symposium on Khoisan Studies (forthcoming), for a summary of related biological and linguistic issues here.
69. See A. Morris 'Myth of the East African Bushmen', and D. Nurse, 'Linguistic evidence for the presence of prehistoric Khoisan populations in East Africa', in Proceedings of the Symposium on Khoisan Studies (forthcoming), for a summary of related biological and linguistic issues here.
70. D. Collett, 'Models of the spread of the Early Iron Age', in C. Ehret and M. Posnansky (eds.), The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History (Berkeley 1982) 182-98; Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age; Mallory, In Search of Europeans; C. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language (Cambridge, 1987); Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
71. D. Collett, 'Models of the spread of the Early Iron Age', in C. Ehret and M. Posnansky (eds.), The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History (Berkeley 1982) 182-98; Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age; Mallory, In Search of Europeans; C. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language (Cambridge, 1987); Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
72. D. Collett, 'Models of the spread of the Early Iron Age', in C. Ehret and M. Posnansky (eds.), The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History (Berkeley 1982) 182-98; Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age; Mallory, In Search of Europeans; C. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language (Cambridge, 1987); Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
73. D. Collett, 'Models of the spread of the Early Iron Age', in C. Ehret and M. Posnansky (eds.), The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History (Berkeley 1982) 182-98; Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age; Mallory, In Search of Europeans; C. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language (Cambridge, 1987); Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
74. D. Collett, 'Models of the spread of the Early Iron Age', in C. Ehret and M. Posnansky (eds.), The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History (Berkeley 1982) 182-98; Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age; Mallory, In Search of Europeans; C. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language (Cambridge, 1987); Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
75. Note the small numbers of original speakers involved in some of these movements.
76. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language, 140.
77. A. Ammerman and L. Cavalli-Sforza, 'A population model for the diffusion of early farming in Europe', in C. Renfrew (ed.), The Explanation of Culture Change Models in Prehistory (London, 1973), 343-58. Computer simulations, of course, are only as good as the data on which they are based.
78. Collett, 'Spread of the Early Iron Age'.
79. Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
80. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language; Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence', fig. 3.
81. Renfrew, Archaeology and Language; Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence', fig. 3.
82. See Vansina's fine picture of how this might have worked. Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
83. S. Ambrose, 'Archaeology and linguistic reconstructions of history in East Africa', in Ehret and Posnansky, Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction, 104-57, is an ambitious attempt to establish non-linguistic correlates for linguistically defined groupings.
84. M. Guthrie, Comparative Bantu (Farnsborough, 1967-71); R. Oliver, 'The problem of Bantu expansion',. J. Afr. Hist., VII (1966), 361-76; C. Flight, 'The Bantu expansion and the SOAS network', History in Africa, XV (1988), 261-301.
85. M. Guthrie, Comparative Bantu (Farnsborough, 1967-71); R. Oliver, 'The problem of Bantu expansion',. J. Afr. Hist., VII (1966), 361-76; C. Flight, 'The Bantu expansion and the SOAS network', History in Africa, XV (1988), 261-301.
86. M. Guthrie, Comparative Bantu (Farnsborough, 1967-71); R. Oliver, 'The problem of Bantu expansion',. J. Afr. Hist., VII (1966), 361-76; C. Flight, 'The Bantu expansion and the SOAS network', History in Africa, XV (1988), 261-301.
87. Greenberg, Languages of Africa, drawing on material published in the 1940s and 1950s in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology.
88. Greenberg, Languages of Africa, drawing on material published in the 1940s and 1950s in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology.
89. C. Flight, 'Malcolm Guthrie and the reconstruction of Bantu prehistory', History in Africa, VII (1980), 81-118; Flight, 'Bantu expansion'.
90. C. Flight, 'Malcolm Guthrie and the reconstruction of Bantu prehistory', History in Africa, VII (1980), 81-118; Flight, 'Bantu expansion'.
91. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu'; Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung'; D. Phillipson, The Later Prehistory of Eastern and Southern Africa (London, 1977).
92. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu'; Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung'; D. Phillipson, The Later Prehistory of Eastern and Southern Africa (London, 1977).
93. Henrici, 'Numerical classification of Bantu'; Heine, 'Zur genetischen Gliederung'; D. Phillipson, The Later Prehistory of Eastern and Southern Africa (London, 1977).
94. Accessing these interpretations is made more difficult because some of the linguistic data was never published. Likewise, Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence', rests on linguistic data not yet published, and Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age, makes some claims about the distribution of words without always presenting the raw data. It is exciting to present new hypotheses, but a scientific hypothesis has to be based on data that can be seen and tested. Linguists know, however, that editors are loath to publish voluminous linguistic data. Perhaps we can develop an electronic method of making this kind of data available to those who want to examine it.
95. Vansina, 'New linguistic evidence'.
96. Ehret, Eastern Africa in the Early Iron Age.
97. The actual scenario is more complex than sketched here, and includes correlative documentary and ethnographic data as well, D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili (Philadelphia, 1985); Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki.
98. The actual scenario is more complex than sketched here, and includes correlative documentary and ethnographic data as well, D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili (Philadelphia, 1985); Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki.
99. Syntax: the structure and arrangement of sentences.
100. See for example, J. Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests (Madison, 1990) or Schoenbrun, 'Early history in Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region' for excellent examples of the use of reconstructed vocabulary in history.
101. See for example, J. Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests (Madison, 1990) or Schoenbrun, 'Early history in Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region' for excellent examples of the use of reconstructed vocabulary in history.
102. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic; Bombard and Kerns (ed.), Nostratic Macrofamily.
103. Ehret, Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic; Bombard and Kerns (ed.), Nostratic Macrofamily.
104. Ehret, Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic and 'Proto-Cushitic reconstruction'.
105. Ehret, Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic and 'Proto-Cushitic reconstruction'.
106. C. Ehret, 'Proposals on Khoisan reconstruction', SUGIA, VII (1986), 105-30; A. Traill, 'Khoisan', SUGIA (forthcoming).
107. C. Ehret, 'Proposals on Khoisan reconstruction', SUGIA, VII (1986), 105-30; A. Traill, 'Khoisan', SUGIA (forthcoming).
108. See Bender, Nilo-Saharan Languages; Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan.
109. See Bender, Nilo-Saharan Languages; Ehret, Comparative Historical Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan.
110. Guthrie, Comparative Bantu; A. Meeussen, Bantu Lexical Reconstructions (Tervuren, 1980).
111. Guthrie, Comparative Bantu; A. Meeussen, Bantu Lexical Reconstructions (Tervuren, 1980).
112. Westermann, Die Sudansprachen and Die Westlichen Sudansprachen.
113. Westermann, Die Sudansprachen and Die Westlichen Sudansprachen.
114. See, for example, Nurse and Hinnebush, Swahili and Sabaki.
115. The overall techinque is often referred to as 'words-and-things' (Woerter und Sachen').
116. Most notably, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans, 'Between the Coast and the Great Lakes', in D. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 481-97 and 'The East African interior', in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.), General History of Africa, Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Paris, 1988), 616-42; Schoenbrun, 'Early history of Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region'; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966) and Paths in the Rainforests.
117. Most notably, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans, 'Between the Coast and the Great Lakes', in D. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 481-97 and 'The East African interior', in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.), General History of Africa, Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Paris, 1988), 616-42; Schoenbrun, 'Early history of Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region'; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966) and Paths in the Rainforests.
118. Most notably, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans, 'Between the Coast and the Great Lakes', in D. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 481-97 and 'The East African interior', in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.), General History of Africa, Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Paris, 1988), 616-42; Schoenbrun, 'Early history of Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region'; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966) and Paths in the Rainforests.
119. Most notably, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans, 'Between the Coast and the Great Lakes', in D. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 481-97 and 'The East African interior', in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.), General History of Africa, Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Paris, 1988), 616-42; Schoenbrun, 'Early history of Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region'; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966) and Paths in the Rainforests.
120. Most notably, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans, 'Between the Coast and the Great Lakes', in D. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 481-97 and 'The East African interior', in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.), General History of Africa, Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Paris, 1988), 616-42; Schoenbrun, 'Early history of Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region'; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966) and Paths in the Rainforests.
121. Most notably, Ehret, Southern Nilotic History, Ethiopians and East Africans, 'Between the Coast and the Great Lakes', in D. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 481-97 and 'The East African interior', in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.), General History of Africa, Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (Paris, 1988), 616-42; Schoenbrun, 'Early history of Eastern Africa's Great Lakes region'; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966) and Paths in the Rainforests.
122. See, for example, works cited above. It is noteworthy that most broad history (i.e. not local) based on the use of linguistics has been done for east, central, and southern Africa, not for north or west Africa. Vansina (pers. comm.) suggests that this may be because historians in north and west Africa had access to more written records and did not therefore feel a need to diversify their sources.
123. Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests.
124. 'Borrowing' is defined as 'the incorporation of foreign features into a group's native language by speakers of that language: the native language is maintained but is changed by the addition of the incorporated features'. S. Thomason and T. Kaufman, Language Contact, Creolization, and Geneitc Linguistics (Berkeley, 1988), 37. Loan words or loan material are what are borrowed.
125. Several people have urged me not to substitute 'transfer' for 'borrow(ing)' because the latter is so well established and familiar. That attitude would lead to our never altering models.
126. W. Labov, Principles of Linguistic Change (Cambridge MA, 1995).
127. E.g. P. Bakker and M. Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages (Amsterdam, 1994).
128. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
129. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
130. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
131. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
132. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
133. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und
134. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
135. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
136. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
137. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
138. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
139. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
140. There are still other case studies of languages which are not adequately explained by any of the three models preceding; Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages. See also the following recent cases: Afrikaans (Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 251-6); Ekoti (T. Schadeberg, 'Ekoti: between Kiswahili and Emakhuwa' (unpub.)); various Ghanaian situations (A. Naden, 'Language, history, and legend in Northern Ghana', SUGIA, IX (1988), 205-46); Lozi (D. F. Gowlett, 'The parentage and development of Lozi', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, XI (1989), 127-49); Ma'a (M. Brenzinger, 'Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu' (M. A., Cologne, 1987); M. Mous, 'Ma'a or Mbugu', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 175-200); Maraba and Mwani (Nurse and Hinnebusch, Swahili and Sabaki); Mwiini (D. Nurse, 'Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: the case of Mwiini', in Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1991), 177-87); Songhai (R. Nicolai, Parentes linguistiques (Paris, 1990)); Yoruba (S. Reichmuth, 'Songhai Lehnwörter im Yoruba', SUGIA, IX (1988), 269-99); Pidgins (B. Heine, Pidgin-Sprachen im Bantu-Bereich (Berlin, 1973)); various (Brenzinger, Language Death).
141. For more details, see Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, of which this is largely a summary . For a different interpretation, see T. Vennemann, 'Etymologische Bezeihungen im Alten Europa', Der Gingko Baum, XIII (1995), 42-44.
142. For more details, see Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, of which this is largely a summary . For a different interpretation, see T. Vennemann, 'Etymologische Bezeihungen im Alten Europa', Der Gingko Baum, XIII (1995), 42-44.
143. For cases of recent borrowing, see, for example: Ilwana (D. Nurse, 'North meets South: Ilwana = Bantu+Cushitic on Kenta's Tana River', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 215-24 and Inheritance, Contact and Change in Two East African Languages (Cologne, in press)); Boni (H-J. Sasse, 'Entlehnung morphophonemischer Regeln im Boni', SUGIA, I (1979), 93-108); Daisu (Nurse, Inheritance, Contact and Change); and Tanzanian Arusha (T. Spear and D. Nurse, 'Maasai farmers: the origins of Arusha agriculture', Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, XXV (1992), 481-503).
144. For cases of recent borrowing, see, for example: Ilwana (D. Nurse, 'North meets South: Ilwana = Bantu+Cushitic on Kenta's Tana River', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 215-24 and Inheritance, Contact and Change in Two East African Languages (Cologne, in press)); Boni (H-J. Sasse, 'Entlehnung morphophonemischer Regeln im Boni', SUGIA, I (1979), 93-108); Daisu (Nurse, Inheritance, Contact and Change); and Tanzanian Arusha (T. Spear and D. Nurse, 'Maasai farmers: the origins of Arusha agriculture', Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, XXV (1992), 481-503).
145. For cases of recent borrowing, see, for example: Ilwana (D. Nurse, 'North meets South: Ilwana = Bantu+Cushitic on Kenta's Tana River', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 215-24 and Inheritance, Contact and Change in Two East African Languages (Cologne, in press)); Boni (H-J. Sasse, 'Entlehnung morphophonemischer Regeln im Boni', SUGIA, I (1979), 93-108); Daisu (Nurse, Inheritance, Contact and Change); and Tanzanian Arusha (T. Spear and D. Nurse, 'Maasai farmers: the origins of Arusha agriculture', Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, XXV (1992), 481-503).
146. For cases of recent borrowing, see, for example: Ilwana (D. Nurse, 'North meets South: Ilwana = Bantu+Cushitic on Kenta's Tana River', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 215-24 and Inheritance, Contact and Change in Two East African Languages (Cologne, in press)); Boni (H-J. Sasse, 'Entlehnung morphophonemischer Regeln im Boni', SUGIA, I (1979), 93-108); Daisu (Nurse, Inheritance, Contact and Change); and Tanzanian Arusha (T. Spear and D. Nurse, 'Maasai farmers: the origins of Arusha agriculture', Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, XXV (1992), 481-503).
147. For cases of recent borrowing, see, for example: Ilwana (D. Nurse, 'North meets South: Ilwana = Bantu+Cushitic on Kenta's Tana River', in Bakker and Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages, 215-24 and Inheritance, Contact and Change in Two East African Languages (Cologne, in press)); Boni (H-J. Sasse, 'Entlehnung morphophonemischer Regeln im Boni', SUGIA, I (1979), 93-108); Daisu (Nurse, Inheritance, Contact and Change); and Tanzanian Arusha (T. Spear and D. Nurse, 'Maasai farmers: the origins of Arusha agriculture', Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, XXV (1992), 481-503).
148. Most cases of language shift are not made by communities giving up their language en masse as the result of conscious decision. Rather they are made by individuals, families, or small groups of people, and typically they leave little linguistic trace. There are, however, documented cases of language shift in this century, and given current politcal trends in Africa, it is likely to happen quite often over the coming decades. We should assume it occurred in the past, too.
149. They may, in fact, already have borrowed considerable vocabulary into their original language during the period of bilingualism that normally precedes shitt.
150. See, for example, D. Nurse and M. Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba: partial shift, no death', in Brenzinger (ed.), Language Death, 181-212.
151. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
152. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
153. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
154. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
155. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
156. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
157. For cases of recent shift, see: Asax (J. Winter, 'Language shift among the Asax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania', SUGIA, 1 (1979), 175-204); Luo and Bantu (G. Dimmendaal, 'Language shift and morphological convergence in the Nilotic area', SUGIA (forthcoming)); Elmolo (B. Heine, 'Bemerkungen zu Elmolo-Sprache', Afrika und Uebersee, LIX (1976), 278-99); Suba (F. Rottland and D. Okombo, 'The Suba of Kenya: a case of growing ethnicity with receding language competence', Afrikanische Arbeitspapiere, VII (1986), 115-26); Tanzanian Ngoni (R. Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni in der Mkoa wa Ruvuma, Tanzania (Vienna, 1983); D. Nurse, Review of Moser, Aspekte der Kulturgeschichte der Ngoni, in Journal of African Language and Linguistics, VII (1985), 207-11); Vumba and Chifundi (Nurse and Walsh, 'Chifundi and Vumba').
158. For more detailed discussion, see Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, ch. 7. Certain African languages can be easily demonstrated to be simplified in some sense (e.g. Songhai, Swahili), but unless this can be clearly linked to use in a specific set of historical circumstances, they can not be assumed to be pidgins.
159. Thomason and Kaufman, Language Contact, 133-5.
160. Cavalli-Sforza et al., History and Geography of Human Genes. Another well documented case of the correlation between political and linguistic events is Songhai, where massive linguistic changes took place during the period of the old Songhai Empire. See Nicolai, Parentes Linguistiques.
161. Cavalli-Sforza et al., History and Geography of Human Genes. Another well documented case of the correlation between political and linguistic events is Songhai, where massive linguistic changes took place during the period of the old Songhai Empire. See Nicolai, Parentes Linguistiques.
162. E.g. B. Heine, F. Rottland, and R. Vossen, 'Proto-Baz: some aspects of Early Nilotic-Cushitic contacts', SUGIA, I (1979), 75-92.
163. R. Finlayson, 'Hlonipha: the women's language of avoidance among the Xhosa', South African Journal of African Languages (1982 supplement), 35-60; R. Herbert, 'The sociohistory of clicks in Southern Bantu', Anthropological Linguistics, XXXII (1993), 295-315.
164. R. Finlayson, 'Hlonipha: the women's language of avoidance among the Xhosa', South African Journal of African Languages (1982 supplement), 35-60; R. Herbert, 'The sociohistory of clicks in Southern Bantu', Anthropological Linguistics, XXXII (1993), 295-315.
165. P. Tobias, 'The biology of the Southern African negro', in W. Hammond-Tooke (ed.), The Bantu-speaking Peoples of Southern Africa (London, 1974); Herbert, 'Sociohistory of clicks'.
166. P. Tobias, 'The biology of the Southern African negro', in W. Hammond-Tooke (ed.), The Bantu-speaking Peoples of Southern Africa (London, 1974); Herbert, 'Sociohistory of clicks'.
167. See studies of borrowing, shift and mixed cases cited above. An entire forthcoming issue of SUGIA is devoted to the topic of language contact and describes a number of other cases.
168. As mentioned earlier, some linguists want to go beyond today's language families to a few reconstructed super families. Little has been reconstructed for the proto-language(s) of these super families, and it is difficult to link them to real places and events, so they are of little use to historians at present.
169. Ehret (pers. comm.).