"Who goes drunk to bed begets but a girl": The history of a renaissance medical proverb

Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences

Volumn 54, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 5-22

  Abel, Ernest L ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0005408021     PISSN: 00225045     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/jhmas/54.1.5     Document Type: Article

References (146)

1. Quoted in Edmond and Jules De Goncourt, The Woman Of The Eighteenth Century (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1927), p. 3.
2. Mary A. Warren, Gendercide (Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman and Allanheld, 1985), pp. 13-15.
3. The immediate reason Greek and Roman fathers preferred sons was that in those cultures property passed from one generation to the next through the male line. It was also the male who maintained the household, provided for the elderly in their old age, and performed the funeral rites. A son embodied the hopes and aspirations of a family; a girl was a burden for whom a dowry had to be provided when she married. In ancient Greece, fathers could expose newborns with impunity during their first ten days of life [Alick R.W. Harrison, The Law Of Athens (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), pp. 70-71]. In early Rome, fathers had the power of "pater familias" and could legally expose children living in their homes at any time [Angus McLaren, A History Of Contraception. From Antiquity To The Present Day (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), p. 34]. While there is little evidence that exposure of newborn girls was commonplace (McLaren, ibid., p. 53), Ovid's remark in Metamorphoses (9.666); trans. Mary Innes (London: Penguin Books, 1955) that "if by chance your child should prove to be girl - I hate to say it, and may I be pardoned for the impiety - let her be put to death," reflects the fact that uncommon though it might be, it certainly existed. On the extent of infanticide in general in the classical world, see Willem De Boer, Private Morality in Greece And Rome (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), pp. 129-50. There is little argument, however, that "monstrous" (i.e., deformed) offspring were immediately exposed or killed by all social classes (see De Boer, pp. 132-35).
4. The immediate reason Greek and Roman fathers preferred sons was that in those cultures property passed from one generation to the next through the male line. It was also the male who maintained the household, provided for the elderly in their old age, and performed the funeral rites. A son embodied the hopes and aspirations of a family; a girl was a burden for whom a dowry had to be provided when she married. In ancient Greece, fathers could expose newborns with impunity during their first ten days of life [Alick R.W. Harrison, The Law Of Athens (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), pp. 70-71]. In early Rome, fathers had the power of "pater familias" and could legally expose children living in their homes at any time [Angus McLaren, A History Of Contraception. From Antiquity To The Present Day (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), p. 34]. While there is little evidence that exposure of newborn girls was commonplace (McLaren, ibid., p. 53), Ovid's remark in Metamorphoses (9.666); trans. Mary Innes (London: Penguin Books, 1955) that "if by chance your child should prove to be girl - I hate to say it, and may I be pardoned for the impiety - let her be put to death," reflects the fact that uncommon though it might be, it certainly existed. On the extent of infanticide in general in the classical world, see Willem De Boer, Private Morality in Greece And Rome (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), pp. 129-50. There is little argument, however, that "monstrous" (i.e., deformed) offspring were immediately exposed or killed by all social classes (see De Boer, pp. 132-35).
5. The immediate reason Greek and Roman fathers preferred sons was that in those cultures property passed from one generation to the next through the male line. It was also the male who maintained the household, provided for the elderly in their old age, and performed the funeral rites. A son embodied the hopes and aspirations of a family; a girl was a burden for whom a dowry had to be provided when she married. In ancient Greece, fathers could expose newborns with impunity during their first ten days of life [Alick R.W. Harrison, The Law Of Athens (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), pp. 70-71]. In early Rome, fathers had the power of "pater familias" and could legally expose children living in their homes at any time [Angus McLaren, A History Of Contraception. From Antiquity To The Present Day (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), p. 34]. While there is little evidence that exposure of newborn girls was commonplace (McLaren, ibid., p. 53), Ovid's remark in Metamorphoses (9.666); trans. Mary Innes (London: Penguin Books, 1955) that "if by chance your child should prove to be girl - I hate to say it, and may I be pardoned for the impiety - let her be put to death," reflects the fact that uncommon though it might be, it certainly existed. On the extent of infanticide in general in the classical world, see Willem De Boer, Private Morality in Greece And Rome (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), pp. 129-50. There is little argument, however, that "monstrous" (i.e., deformed) offspring were immediately exposed or killed by all social classes (see De Boer, pp. 132-35).
6. The immediate reason Greek and Roman fathers preferred sons was that in those cultures property passed from one generation to the next through the male line. It was also the male who maintained the household, provided for the elderly in their old age, and performed the funeral rites. A son embodied the hopes and aspirations of a family; a girl was a burden for whom a dowry had to be provided when she married. In ancient Greece, fathers could expose newborns with impunity during their first ten days of life [Alick R.W. Harrison, The Law Of Athens (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), pp. 70-71]. In early Rome, fathers had the power of "pater familias" and could legally expose children living in their homes at any time [Angus McLaren, A History Of Contraception. From Antiquity To The Present Day (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), p. 34]. While there is little evidence that exposure of newborn girls was commonplace (McLaren, ibid., p. 53), Ovid's remark in Metamorphoses (9.666); trans. Mary Innes (London: Penguin Books, 1955) that "if by chance your child should prove to be girl - I hate to say it, and may I be pardoned for the impiety - let her be put to death," reflects the fact that uncommon though it might be, it certainly existed. On the extent of infanticide in general in the classical world, see Willem De Boer, Private Morality in Greece And Rome (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), pp. 129-50. There is little argument, however, that "monstrous" (i.e., deformed) offspring were immediately exposed or killed by all social classes (see De Boer, pp. 132-35).
7. The immediate reason Greek and Roman fathers preferred sons was that in those cultures property passed from one generation to the next through the male line. It was also the male who maintained the household, provided for the elderly in their old age, and performed the funeral rites. A son embodied the hopes and aspirations of a family; a girl was a burden for whom a dowry had to be provided when she married. In ancient Greece, fathers could expose newborns with impunity during their first ten days of life [Alick R.W. Harrison, The Law Of Athens (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), pp. 70-71]. In early Rome, fathers had the power of "pater familias" and could legally expose children living in their homes at any time [Angus McLaren, A History Of Contraception. From Antiquity To The Present Day (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), p. 34]. While there is little evidence that exposure of newborn girls was commonplace (McLaren, ibid., p. 53), Ovid's remark in Metamorphoses (9.666); trans. Mary Innes (London: Penguin Books, 1955) that "if by chance your child should prove to be girl - I hate to say it, and may I be pardoned for the impiety - let her be put to death," reflects the fact that uncommon though it might be, it certainly existed. On the extent of infanticide in general in the classical world, see Willem De Boer, Private Morality in Greece And Rome (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), pp. 129-50. There is little argument, however, that "monstrous" (i.e., deformed) offspring were immediately exposed or killed by all social classes (see De Boer, pp. 132-35).
8. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex (New York: Knopf, 1976); Susan B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York: Schocken, 1975).
9. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex (New York: Knopf, 1976); Susan B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York: Schocken, 1975).
10. Regarding mythology, see, for example, Hesiod, Theogony, 570ff; Works and Days, 22f. trans. A.N. Athanassakis (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 26-27, 68-69. see also Semonides, On Women, trans. Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species, (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975). Regarding philosophy, see, for example, Plato, Republic, 450ff, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Timaens (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 91a-d. On Plato's misogyny, see Dorothea Wender, "Plato: misogynist, paedophile, and feminist," Arethusa, 1973, 6, 75-90.
11. Regarding mythology, see, for example, Hesiod, Theogony, 570ff; Works and Days, 22f. trans. A.N. Athanassakis (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 26-27, 68-69. see also Semonides, On Women, trans. Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species, (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975). Regarding philosophy, see, for example, Plato, Republic, 450ff, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Timaens (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 91a-d. On Plato's misogyny, see Dorothea Wender, "Plato: misogynist, paedophile, and feminist," Arethusa, 1973, 6, 75-90.
12. Regarding mythology, see, for example, Hesiod, Theogony, 570ff; Works and Days, 22f. trans. A.N. Athanassakis (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 26-27, 68-69. see also Semonides, On Women, trans. Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species, (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975). Regarding philosophy, see, for example, Plato, Republic, 450ff, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Timaens (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 91a-d. On Plato's misogyny, see Dorothea Wender, "Plato: misogynist, paedophile, and feminist," Arethusa, 1973, 6, 75-90.
13. Regarding mythology, see, for example, Hesiod, Theogony, 570ff; Works and Days, 22f. trans. A.N. Athanassakis (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 26-27, 68-69. see also Semonides, On Women, trans. Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species, (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975). Regarding philosophy, see, for example, Plato, Republic, 450ff, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Timaens (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 91a-d. On Plato's misogyny, see Dorothea Wender, "Plato: misogynist, paedophile, and feminist," Arethusa, 1973, 6, 75-90.
14. Regarding mythology, see, for example, Hesiod, Theogony, 570ff; Works and Days, 22f. trans. A.N. Athanassakis (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 26-27, 68-69. see also Semonides, On Women, trans. Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species, (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975). Regarding philosophy, see, for example, Plato, Republic, 450ff, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Timaens (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 91a-d. On Plato's misogyny, see Dorothea Wender, "Plato: misogynist, paedophile, and feminist," Arethusa, 1973, 6, 75-90.
15. Regarding mythology, see, for example, Hesiod, Theogony, 570ff; Works and Days, 22f. trans. A.N. Athanassakis (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), pp. 26-27, 68-69. see also Semonides, On Women, trans. Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species, (Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press, 1975). Regarding philosophy, see, for example, Plato, Republic, 450ff, trans. Alan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Timaens (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 91a-d. On Plato's misogyny, see Dorothea Wender, "Plato: misogynist, paedophile, and feminist," Arethusa, 1973, 6, 75-90.
16. On Aristotle's assumption of the basic inferiority of women, see Maryanne C. Horowitz, "Aristotle and woman," J. Hist. Biol., 1976, 9, 183-213; Johannes Morsink, "Was Aristotle's biology sexist?" J. Hist. Biol., 1979, 12, 83-112.
17. On Aristotle's assumption of the basic inferiority of women, see Maryanne C. Horowitz, "Aristotle and woman," J. Hist. Biol., 1976, 9, 183-213; Johannes Morsink, "Was Aristotle's biology sexist?" J. Hist. Biol., 1979, 12, 83-112.
18. The Bible is no less misogynistic, e.g., Genesis 3:16, but the rationalizations are solely mythological.
19. The English translation, titled Examination of Mens [sic] Wits, was published in 1594 (reprt., Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1959), pp. 286-99.
20. The English title was Conjugal Love: Or, The Pleasures of the Marriage Bed; Considered in Several Lectures on Human Generation (London, 1750). Venette's book went through at least 31 editions in the eighteenth century.
21. Aristotle's Master-piece: Or, The Secrets Of Generation . . . Very Necessaryfor All Midwives, Nurses, and Young-Married Women (London, 1694). The book went through more than 20 editions in eighteenth century and even more in nineteenth in both Great Britain and America [R. Macubbin, Tis Nature's Fault. Unauthorized Sexuality during the Enlightenment, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 2]. See also the chapter, "The Manner How to Beget a Man or Woman Child, According to Hippocrates," in William Hermon's, The Ladies Companion, Or The English Midwife (London: Edmund Thomas, 1671).
22. Aristotle's Master-piece: Or, The Secrets Of Generation . . . Very Necessaryfor All Midwives, Nurses, and Young-Married Women (London, 1694). The book went through more than 20 editions in eighteenth century and even more in nineteenth in both Great Britain and America [R. Macubbin, Tis Nature's Fault. Unauthorized Sexuality during the Enlightenment, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 2]. See also the chapter, "The Manner How to Beget a Man or Woman Child, According to Hippocrates," in William Hermon's, The Ladies Companion, Or The English Midwife (London: Edmund Thomas, 1671).
23. Aristotle's Master-piece: Or, The Secrets Of Generation . . . Very Necessaryfor All Midwives, Nurses, and Young-Married Women (London, 1694). The book went through more than 20 editions in eighteenth century and even more in nineteenth in both Great Britain and America [R. Macubbin, Tis Nature's Fault. Unauthorized Sexuality during the Enlightenment, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 2]. See also the chapter, "The Manner How to Beget a Man or Woman Child, According to Hippocrates," in William Hermon's, The Ladies Companion, Or The English Midwife (London: Edmund Thomas, 1671).
24. Michel Foucault, History of Sexuality (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); see also, Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex. Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992); Danielle Jacquart and Claude Thomasset, Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988).
25. Michel Foucault, History of Sexuality (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); see also, Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex. Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992); Danielle Jacquart and Claude Thomasset, Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988).
26. Michel Foucault, History of Sexuality (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); see also, Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex. Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992); Danielle Jacquart and Claude Thomasset, Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988).
27. Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Stephen J. Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations. The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), p. 81ff; Mary R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-13; Nancy Tuana, "The Weaker Seed. The Sexist Bias of Reproductive Theory," in N. Tuana, ed., Feminism & Science (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), PP. 147-71.
28. Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Stephen J. Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations. The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), p. 81ff; Mary R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-13; Nancy Tuana, "The Weaker Seed. The Sexist Bias of Reproductive Theory," in N. Tuana, ed., Feminism & Science (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), PP. 147-71.
29. Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Stephen J. Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations. The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), p. 81ff; Mary R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-13; Nancy Tuana, "The Weaker Seed. The Sexist Bias of Reproductive Theory," in N. Tuana, ed., Feminism & Science (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), PP. 147-71.
30. Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Stephen J. Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations. The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), p. 81ff; Mary R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-13; Nancy Tuana, "The Weaker Seed. The Sexist Bias of Reproductive Theory," in N. Tuana, ed., Feminism & Science (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), PP. 147-71.
31. On the origins of this belief and its role in biological thinking, see Ernest L. Abel, Ancient Views on the Origins of Life (Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1973).
32. Hippocrates, On Regimen, trans. William H.S. Jones (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953), I.4.2-3; I.25.1-5; I.27.1-6; I-34ff.
33. Ibid., I.32.4ff.
34. Aristotle, Generation of Animals (hereafter GA), trans. Arthur L. Peck (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), 72733-10.
35. Ibid., 728a16, 765b15-20, 766b-c, 729b18-19; cf. Aeschylus, Eumenides, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 658-61; Euripides, Orestes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), I.554. For a more detailed discussion of concoction, see Peck's comments, (n. 16), p. lxiiiff. Anthony Preuss, in "Science and Philosophy in Aristotle's Generation of Animals," J. Hist. Biol., 1970, 3, 1-52, argues that Aristotle came to the conclusion that menstrual fluid was the female counterpart of male seed because there was no other alternative. George Sarton, in "The discovery of the mammalian egg and the foundation of modern embryology." Isis, 1931, 16, 315, makes the discovery of the mammalian egg in 1827 the starting point of modern embryology.
36. Ibid., 728a16, 765b15-20, 766b-c, 729b18-19; cf. Aeschylus, Eumenides, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 658-61; Euripides, Orestes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), I.554. For a more detailed discussion of concoction, see Peck's comments, (n. 16), p. lxiiiff. Anthony Preuss, in "Science and Philosophy in Aristotle's Generation of Animals," J. Hist. Biol., 1970, 3, 1-52, argues that Aristotle came to the conclusion that menstrual fluid was the female counterpart of male seed because there was no other alternative. George Sarton, in "The discovery of the mammalian egg and the foundation of modern embryology." Isis, 1931, 16, 315, makes the discovery of the mammalian egg in 1827 the starting point of modern embryology.
37. Ibid., 728a16, 765b15-20, 766b-c, 729b18-19; cf. Aeschylus, Eumenides, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 658-61; Euripides, Orestes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), I.554. For a more detailed discussion of concoction, see Peck's comments, (n. 16), p. lxiiiff. Anthony Preuss, in "Science and Philosophy in Aristotle's Generation of Animals," J. Hist. Biol., 1970, 3, 1-52, argues that Aristotle came to the conclusion that menstrual fluid was the female counterpart of male seed because there was no other alternative. George Sarton, in "The discovery of the mammalian egg and the foundation of modern embryology." Isis, 1931, 16, 315, makes the discovery of the mammalian egg in 1827 the starting point of modern embryology.
38. Ibid., 728a16, 765b15-20, 766b-c, 729b18-19; cf. Aeschylus, Eumenides, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 658-61; Euripides, Orestes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), I.554. For a more detailed discussion of concoction, see Peck's comments, (n. 16), p. lxiiiff. Anthony Preuss, in "Science and Philosophy in Aristotle's Generation of Animals," J. Hist. Biol., 1970, 3, 1-52, argues that Aristotle came to the conclusion that menstrual fluid was the female counterpart of male seed because there was no other alternative. George Sarton, in "The discovery of the mammalian egg and the foundation of modern embryology." Isis, 1931, 16, 315, makes the discovery of the mammalian egg in 1827 the starting point of modern embryology.
39. Ibid., 728a16, 765b15-20, 766b-c, 729b18-19; cf. Aeschylus, Eumenides, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 658-61; Euripides, Orestes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), I.554. For a more detailed discussion of concoction, see Peck's comments, (n. 16), p. lxiiiff. Anthony Preuss, in "Science and Philosophy in Aristotle's Generation of Animals," J. Hist. Biol., 1970, 3, 1-52, argues that Aristotle came to the conclusion that menstrual fluid was the female counterpart of male seed because there was no other alternative. George Sarton, in "The discovery of the mammalian egg and the foundation of modern embryology." Isis, 1931, 16, 315, makes the discovery of the mammalian egg in 1827 the starting point of modern embryology.
40. Aristotle, (n. 16) GA, 726b33-34, History of Animals (hereafter HA), trans. D.W. Thompson, in J.A. Smith and W.D. Ross, eds., The Works of Aristotle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), 608a32-b19; Hippocrates, (n. 14) Regimen, I.35. p. 1-19.
41. Aristotle, (n. 16) GA, 726b33-34, History of Animals (hereafter HA), trans. D.W. Thompson, in J.A. Smith and W.D. Ross, eds., The Works of Aristotle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), 608a32-b19; Hippocrates, (n. 14) Regimen, I.35. p. 1-19.
42. Aristotle, (n. 16) GA, 726b33-34, History of Animals (hereafter HA), trans. D.W. Thompson, in J.A. Smith and W.D. Ross, eds., The Works of Aristotle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), 608a32-b19; Hippocrates, (n. 14) Regimen, I.35. p. 1-19.
43. Aristotle, (n. 18) HA, 608b10-16; Aristotle, (n. 17) GA, 765b14.
44. Aristotle, (n. 18) HA, 608b10-16; Aristotle, (n. 17) GA, 765b14.
45. Aristotle, (n. 16), GA, 726a18-20; 737a27-30; 767b8-9. Horowitz (n. 6) argues that it was the higher rate of female infanticide that was behind Aristotle's view of women as "monstrosities."
46. Aristotle, (n. 16) GA, 766b28-33.
47. "Pangenesis" theory was also the prevalent theory in ancient India and Iran [Johann J. Meyer, Sexual Life in Ancient India (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1953); B. Lincoln, "Embryological speculation and gender politics in a Pahlavi text," Hist. Relig. 1988, 27, 355-66]. "Encephalogenic" theory, a variant of "pangenesis" theory, proposed that "seed" originated in the brain and was transported from there through the spinal cord and blood vessels to the genitalia [Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, And Places, trans. Hugh S. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 14.19; (n. 14) Regimen, 1.27.2-6; see Anthony Preuss, "Galen's criticism of Aristotle's conception theory," J. Hist. Biol., 1977, 10, 65-85; Michael Boylan, "The Galenic and Hippocratic challenges of Aristotle's conception theory." J. Hist. Biol., 1986, 19, 47-48]. This theory was likely inspired by a growing belief that the brain controlled all the body's vital functions. The association between male seed and the brain provided a rationalization for the superiority of the male's intelligence relative to the female's.
48. "Pangenesis" theory was also the prevalent theory in ancient India and Iran [Johann J. Meyer, Sexual Life in Ancient India (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1953); B. Lincoln, "Embryological speculation and gender politics in a Pahlavi text," Hist. Relig. 1988, 27, 355-66]. "Encephalogenic" theory, a variant of "pangenesis" theory, proposed that "seed" originated in the brain and was transported from there through the spinal cord and blood vessels to the genitalia [Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, And Places, trans. Hugh S. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 14.19; (n. 14) Regimen, 1.27.2-6; see Anthony Preuss, "Galen's criticism of Aristotle's conception theory," J. Hist. Biol., 1977, 10, 65-85; Michael Boylan, "The Galenic and Hippocratic challenges of Aristotle's conception theory." J. Hist. Biol., 1986, 19, 47-48]. This theory was likely inspired by a growing belief that the brain controlled all the body's vital functions. The association between male seed and the brain provided a rationalization for the superiority of the male's intelligence relative to the female's.
49. "Pangenesis" theory was also the prevalent theory in ancient India and Iran [Johann J. Meyer, Sexual Life in Ancient India (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1953); B. Lincoln, "Embryological speculation and gender politics in a Pahlavi text," Hist. Relig. 1988, 27, 355-66]. "Encephalogenic" theory, a variant of "pangenesis" theory, proposed that "seed" originated in the brain and was transported from there through the spinal cord and blood vessels to the genitalia [Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, And Places, trans. Hugh S. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 14.19; (n. 14) Regimen, 1.27.2-6; see Anthony Preuss, "Galen's criticism of Aristotle's conception theory," J. Hist. Biol., 1977, 10, 65-85; Michael Boylan, "The Galenic and Hippocratic challenges of Aristotle's conception theory." J. Hist. Biol., 1986, 19, 47-48]. This theory was likely inspired by a growing belief that the brain controlled all the body's vital functions. The association between male seed and the brain provided a rationalization for the superiority of the male's intelligence relative to the female's.
50. "Pangenesis" theory was also the prevalent theory in ancient India and Iran [Johann J. Meyer, Sexual Life in Ancient India (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1953); B. Lincoln, "Embryological speculation and gender politics in a Pahlavi text," Hist. Relig. 1988, 27, 355-66]. "Encephalogenic" theory, a variant of "pangenesis" theory, proposed that "seed" originated in the brain and was transported from there through the spinal cord and blood vessels to the genitalia [Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, And Places, trans. Hugh S. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 14.19; (n. 14) Regimen, 1.27.2-6; see Anthony Preuss, "Galen's criticism of Aristotle's conception theory," J. Hist. Biol., 1977, 10, 65-85; Michael Boylan, "The Galenic and Hippocratic challenges of Aristotle's conception theory." J. Hist. Biol., 1986, 19, 47-48]. This theory was likely inspired by a growing belief that the brain controlled all the body's vital functions. The association between male seed and the brain provided a rationalization for the superiority of the male's intelligence relative to the female's.
51. "Pangenesis" theory was also the prevalent theory in ancient India and Iran [Johann J. Meyer, Sexual Life in Ancient India (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1953); B. Lincoln, "Embryological speculation and gender politics in a Pahlavi text," Hist. Relig. 1988, 27, 355-66]. "Encephalogenic" theory, a variant of "pangenesis" theory, proposed that "seed" originated in the brain and was transported from there through the spinal cord and blood vessels to the genitalia [Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, And Places, trans. Hugh S. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 14.19; (n. 14) Regimen, 1.27.2-6; see Anthony Preuss, "Galen's criticism of Aristotle's conception theory," J. Hist. Biol., 1977, 10, 65-85; Michael Boylan, "The Galenic and Hippocratic challenges of Aristotle's conception theory." J. Hist. Biol., 1986, 19, 47-48]. This theory was likely inspired by a growing belief that the brain controlled all the body's vital functions. The association between male seed and the brain provided a rationalization for the superiority of the male's intelligence relative to the female's.
52. "Pangenesis" theory was also the prevalent theory in ancient India and Iran [Johann J. Meyer, Sexual Life in Ancient India (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1953); B. Lincoln, "Embryological speculation and gender politics in a Pahlavi text," Hist. Relig. 1988, 27, 355-66]. "Encephalogenic" theory, a variant of "pangenesis" theory, proposed that "seed" originated in the brain and was transported from there through the spinal cord and blood vessels to the genitalia [Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, And Places, trans. Hugh S. Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 14.19; (n. 14) Regimen, 1.27.2-6; see Anthony Preuss, "Galen's criticism of Aristotle's conception theory," J. Hist. Biol., 1977, 10, 65-85; Michael Boylan, "The Galenic and Hippocratic challenges of Aristotle's conception theory." J. Hist. Biol., 1986, 19, 47-48]. This theory was likely inspired by a growing belief that the brain controlled all the body's vital functions. The association between male seed and the brain provided a rationalization for the superiority of the male's intelligence relative to the female's.
53. Hippocrates, (n. 14) Regimen, I.4.2-3; I.25.1-5.
54. Hippocrates, On Generation, lain Lonie, ed., Hippocratic Treatises (New York: De-Gruyter, 1981), 4.1-3; 46.21-47.29.
55. Hippocrates, On Seed, T.U. Ellinger, ed., Hippocrates on Intercourse and Pregnancy (New York: Henry Schuman, 1952), 6ff.
56. To complicate matters, gender was also said to be influenced by whether seed was produced in the right testis (male) or left testis (female), whether it was positioned in the right side of the uterus (male) or the left (female); cf. Hippocrates, Epidemics, trans. Wesley D. Smith, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 2.6.15, 6.5.25.
57. Hippocrates, (n. 14) Regimen, I.27.2-10.
58. Galen, On the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body, trans. Margaret T. May (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1968), 14.2.296; 14.2.300. On Galen's disagreements with Aristotle, see Preuss (n. 22); Boylan, (n. 22).
59. Galen, (n. 28) Usefulness, 14.2.299.
60. Boylan, (n. 22).
61. Galen, (n. 28) Usefulness, 14.2.302. Galen also endorsed the Hippocratic idea that males arose from seed ejaculated from the right testis and explained that phenomenon in terms of body temperature which, he said, was hotter on the right side because its blood supply originated directly from vessels whose blood was cleansed by the kidneys and were therefore warmer than the corresponding vessels on the left side, which arose from blood vessels still laden with residues and was therefore colder.
62. Everett Mendelsohn, Heat and Life. The Development of the Theory of Animal Heat (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 23; cf. Howard B. Adelmann, Marcello Malpighi and the Evolution of Embryology (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), II, 749ff.
63. Everett Mendelsohn, Heat and Life. The Development of the Theory of Animal Heat (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 23; cf. Howard B. Adelmann, Marcello Malpighi and the Evolution of Embryology (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), II, 749ff.
64. Hippocrates, (n. 14) Regimen, 1.32.4ff.
65. Winslow and Bellinger, "Hippocratic and Galenic concepts of metabolism," Bull. Hist. Med., 1945, 17, 129; see also Aristotle, (n. 16) GA.
66. Winslow and Bellinger, "Hippocratic and Galenic concepts of metabolism," Bull. Hist. Med., 1945, 17, 129; see also Aristotle, (n. 16) GA.
67. Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book. Or The Whole Art of Midwifery Discovered Directing Childbearing Women How to Behave Themselves in Their Conception, Breeding, Bearing, and Nursing of Children (London: Simon and Miller, 1671), pp. 90-91; see also Michael K. Eshleman, "Diet during pregnancy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1975, 30, 23-39.
68. Jane Sharp, The Midwives Book. Or The Whole Art of Midwifery Discovered Directing Childbearing Women How to Behave Themselves in Their Conception, Breeding, Bearing, and Nursing of Children (London: Simon and Miller, 1671), pp. 90-91; see also Michael K. Eshleman, "Diet during pregnancy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1975, 30, 23-39.
69. Ovid, Amores, 1.4; Art of Love (1.239-40, 244), trans. J.H. Mosley (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985).
70. Ovid, Amores, 1.4; Art of Love (1.239-40, 244), trans. J.H. Mosley (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985).
71. Terence, The Eunuch, trans. J.G. Sargeant (New York: Putnam's Sons, 1920).
72. Macrobius, Saturnalia, trans. P.V. Davies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), 7.6.8.
73. Shakespeare, Macbeth (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962), 2.2.
74. Aristotle, Problemata, trans. Edward S. Forster, in The Works of Aristotle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1927), 871a-871b.
75. Ovid, The Remedies for Love (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1957), v. 805-6.
76. Macrobius, (n. 38) Saturnalia, 7.6.
77. Plutarch, Table Talk, trans. Paul A. Clement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 3.5.2; see also Macrobius, "the effects of extreme cold and drunkenness are the same," (n. 38) Saturnalia, 7.6.9; Aristotle, (n. 40) Problemata, 871a26-28.
78. Plutarch, Table Talk, trans. Paul A. Clement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 3.5.2; see also Macrobius, "the effects of extreme cold and drunkenness are the same," (n. 38) Saturnalia, 7.6.9; Aristotle, (n. 40) Problemata, 871a26-28.
79. Plutarch, Table Talk, trans. Paul A. Clement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 3.5.2; see also Macrobius, "the effects of extreme cold and drunkenness are the same," (n. 38) Saturnalia, 7.6.9; Aristotle, (n. 40) Problemata, 871a26-28.
80. On Alexander's alcoholism, see J.M. O'Brien, "Alexander and Dionysus: the Invisible Enemy," Ann. Scholar. 1980, 1, 83-105; J.M. O'Brien, "The Enigma of Alexander: The Alcohol Factor." Ann. Scholar., 1980, 1, 31-46.
81. On Alexander's alcoholism, see J.M. O'Brien, "Alexander and Dionysus: the Invisible Enemy," Ann. Scholar. 1980, 1, 83-105; J.M. O'Brien, "The Enigma of Alexander: The Alcohol Factor." Ann. Scholar., 1980, 1, 31-46.
82. Plutarch, Syniposiacs, trans. W.W. Goodwin, Plutarch's Miscellaneous and Essays (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1898), 1.6.1.
83. Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, trans. Charles B. Gulick (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1935), X.435.
84. Macrobius, (n. 38) Saturnalia, 7.6.9.
85. Plutarch, (n. 45) Symposiacs, 3.5.2.
86. Aristotle, (n. 40) Problemata, 871a23.
87. Soranus, Gynecology, trans. Owsei Temkin (Baltimore. Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 1.9.38.
88. Ibid.
89. Soranus, (n. 50) Gynecology, 1.9.39-40.
90. Brad Inwood, Empedocles. A Text and Translation with an Introduction (Toronto: University Toronto Press, 1992). The idea is discussed in detail in Marie Huet, Monstrous Imagination (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993).
91. Brad Inwood, Empedocles. A Text and Translation with an Introduction (Toronto: University Toronto Press, 1992). The idea is discussed in detail in Marie Huet, Monstrous Imagination (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993).
92. Lawrence I. Conrad, "The Arab-Islamic medical tradition," in L.I. Conrad et al., eds., The Western Medical Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 93-110.
93. George W. Corner, Anatomical Text of the Early Middle Ages. A Study in the Transmissions of Culture (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1927), pp. 11-14; Nancy G. Siraisi, N.G. Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981), p. 97.
94. George W. Corner, Anatomical Text of the Early Middle Ages. A Study in the Transmissions of Culture (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1927), pp. 11-14; Nancy G. Siraisi, N.G. Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981), p. 97.
95. Paul Delany, trans.,"Constantinus Africanus' De Coitus: A translation," Chaucer Rev., 1970, 4, 55-65.
96. Albertus Magnus, De Animalibus in Albert the Great, Man and the Beasts, trans. James J. Scanlan (Binghamton, N.Y.: Mediaeval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1987), pp. 59-60.
97. Delaney, trans., (n. 56) p. 57.
98. Magnus, (n. 57) De Animalibus, 22.2.
99. Ibid., 22.3.
100. Ricardus Anglicus, "Anatomia vivarum," in George W. Corner, ed., Anatomical Text of the Early Middle Ages. A Study in the Transmissions of Culture (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1927), p. 88.
101. Conrad, (n. 54).
102. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica in A.C. Pegis, ed., The Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas (New York: Random House, 1945), 1.92. Like Aristotle, Aquinas believed women had been created to be housekeepers and urged that they devote their energies to that task. V.L. Bullough, in "Medieval medical and scientific views of women." Viator, 1973, 4, 485-501, argues the medieval Church's misogyny arose from the medical and scientific assumptions of the pre-Christian era; cf. B. Rowland, Medieval Woman's Guide to Health (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1981) p. 29; M.R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early-Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-14.
103. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica in A.C. Pegis, ed., The Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas (New York: Random House, 1945), 1.92. Like Aristotle, Aquinas believed women had been created to be housekeepers and urged that they devote their energies to that task. V.L. Bullough, in "Medieval medical and scientific views of women." Viator, 1973, 4, 485-501, argues the medieval Church's misogyny arose from the medical and scientific assumptions of the pre-Christian era; cf. B. Rowland, Medieval Woman's Guide to Health (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1981) p. 29; M.R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early-Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-14.
104. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica in A.C. Pegis, ed., The Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas (New York: Random House, 1945), 1.92. Like Aristotle, Aquinas believed women had been created to be housekeepers and urged that they devote their energies to that task. V.L. Bullough, in "Medieval medical and scientific views of women." Viator, 1973, 4, 485-501, argues the medieval Church's misogyny arose from the medical and scientific assumptions of the pre-Christian era; cf. B. Rowland, Medieval Woman's Guide to Health (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1981) p. 29; M.R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early-Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-14.
105. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica in A.C. Pegis, ed., The Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas (New York: Random House, 1945), 1.92. Like Aristotle, Aquinas believed women had been created to be housekeepers and urged that they devote their energies to that task. V.L. Bullough, in "Medieval medical and scientific views of women." Viator, 1973, 4, 485-501, argues the medieval Church's misogyny arose from the medical and scientific assumptions of the pre-Christian era; cf. B. Rowland, Medieval Woman's Guide to Health (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1981) p. 29; M.R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection. Attitudes to Women in Early-Modern Society (London: Arnold, 1995), pp. 10-14.
106. M. Anthony Hewson, Giles of Rome and the Mediaeval Theory of Conception (London: Athlone, 1975).
107. Sirasi, (n. 55) Taddeo, p. 119.
108. Ibid., pp. 98-104.
109. Katherine Park, Doctors and Medicine in Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 26; 124-25.
110. Andrew Wear, "Medicine in early modern Europe, 1500-1700," in L.I. Conrad et al., eds., (n. 54), pp. 250-55.
111. Allesandro Beneditti, "History of the human body," trans. L.R. Lind, in Studies in Pre-Vesalian Anatomy (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Association, 1975), p. 99.
112. Andres de Laguna, "Anatomical procedure, or a survey of the dissections of the human body," in L.R. Lind, trans., (n. 69), p. 278.
113. William Shakespeare. Merchant of Venice (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), III.V.1.
114. Sirasi, (n. 55) Taddeo, pp. 267-68.
115. Park, (n. 67) Doctors, pp. 209-10.
116. Quoted in T.G. Benedik, "Food and drink as aphrodisiacs," Sex. Behav., 1971, 25, 540-44, p. 541.
117. Desiderius Erasmus, The Praise of Folly, 1511 (reprt., New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press), 1979, p. 16.
118. For example, Ambroise Paré, one of the most influential anatomists of his time, restates the Galenic argument that both sexes produced seed: "the male and female yeeld forth their seeds, which presently mixed and conjoyned, are received and kept in the females wombe. Male children are engendered of a more hot and dry seed, and women of a more cold and moist." Ambroise Paré, Of the Generation of Man, 1634, book 24, 1-2, in trans.
119. Thomas Johnson, The Collected Works of Ambroise Paré (reprt., New York: Milford House, 1968).
120. The same comment about male seed being hotter than female seed was made by John Pechey in his The Compleat Midwife's Practice Enlarged (London: H. Rhodes, 1698), P. 97.
121. Laurent Joubert, Erreurs Populaires An Fait De La Medecine Et Regime De Saute, Corriges (Popular Errors), 1578, (reprt., Tuscaloosa: University Alabama Press, 1989), p. 107.
122. Greenblatt, (n. 12) Shakespearean, p. 81ff; Maclean, (n. 12) Renaissance, Sommerville, (n. 12) Sex, pp. 10-13.
123. Greenblatt, (n. 12) Shakespearean, p. 81ff; Maclean, (n. 12) Renaissance, Sommerville, (n. 12) Sex, pp. 10-13.
124. Greenblatt, (n. 12) Shakespearean, p. 81ff; Maclean, (n. 12) Renaissance, Sommerville, (n. 12) Sex, pp. 10-13.
125. Sharp, (n. 35) Midwive's Book.
126. Joubert, (n. 77) Erreurs, p. 115.
127. Francis Bacon, Sylva Sylvanun: Or A Natural History, in J. Spedding, ed., The Works of Francis Bacon (London: Longmans & Co., 1887), p. 571.
128. Quoted in Rowland Watson, Merry Gentlemen (London: T.W. Laury, 1951), pp. 120-21.
129. Moliere, Amphitryon, 1668, in, University Of North Carolina Studies In Comparative Literature. Amphitryon. (Chapel Hill, University North Carolina Press, 1974), 2.3.1160-3. Moliere, however, was poking fun at the idea which was ridiculed even more in the next century by Lawrence Sterne (1713-1760) when he has Tristan Shandy say he wished his father and mother had minded what they were about when they begat me; had they duly considered how much depended upon what they were doing; that not only the production of a rational Being was concern'd in it, but that possibly the happy formation and temperature of his body, perhaps his genius and the very cast of his mine; - and, for aught they knew to the contrary, even the fortunes of his whole house might take their turn from the humerons and dispositions that were then uppermost. [L. Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristam Shandy, Gentleman, 1760, M. New, ed. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1969) p. 1].
130. Moliere, Amphitryon, 1668, in, University Of North Carolina Studies In Comparative Literature. Amphitryon. (Chapel Hill, University North Carolina Press, 1974), 2.3.1160-3. Moliere, however, was poking fun at the idea which was ridiculed even more in the next century by Lawrence Sterne (1713-1760) when he has Tristan Shandy say he wished his father and mother had minded what they were about when they begat me; had they duly considered how much depended upon what they were doing; that not only the production of a rational Being was concern'd in it, but that possibly the happy formation and temperature of his body, perhaps his genius and the very cast of his mine; - and, for aught they knew to the contrary, even the fortunes of his whole house might take their turn from the humerons and dispositions that were then uppermost. [L. Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristam Shandy, Gentleman, 1760, M. New, ed. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1969) p. 1].
131. William Shakespeare, Henry IV, Part 2, M.A. Shaaber, ed. (Philadelphia: J.P. Lippincott Co., 1940), 4.3.94-97.
132. John Marston, Parasitaster or the Fawn, D.A. Blostein, ed. (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 2:169.
133. Thomas Middleton, The Phoenix, 1607, in A.H. Bullen, ed., The Works of Thomas Middleton, I (London: John C. Nimmo, 1885), 2.3.70-73.
134. Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher, The Woman Hater, in F. Bowers, ed., The Dramatized Works in the Beaumond and Fletcher Canon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), 2.1.45-48.
135. George Herbert, Jacula (London: T. Maxey, 1651), p. 51.
136. Thomas May, The Heire, in W.C. Hazlitt, ed., A Select Collection of Old English Plays (London: Reeves and Turner, 1875), p. 524.
137. John Clavell and Shakerly Marmion, The Soddered Citizen, 1633, J.H.P. Pafford, ed., (London: Malone Society Reprints, 1936), 4.3.
138. Ibid.
139. William D'Avenant, News From Plymouth, in The Dramatic Works of Sir William D'Avenant (Edinburgh: William Paterson, 1873), p. 174.
140. Thomas Bartholin, Bartholin Anatomy; Made from the Precepts of His Father. London: Nicholas Culpepper, 1668, book 1, 62.
141. Joseph A. Needham, History of Embryology (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1950), p. 163ff; Mendelsohn, (n. 32) Heat and Life, p. 22.
142. Joseph A. Needham, History of Embryology (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1950), p. 163ff; Mendelsohn, (n. 32) Heat and Life, p. 22.
143. Tuana, (n. 12), pp. 147-71.
144. F.J. Cole, Early Theories of Sexual Generation (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), p. 63.
145. Jeffrey Weeks, Sex, Politics and Society (London: Longman, 1981); Ernest L. Abel. Fetal Alcohol Syndrome/Fetal Alcohol Effects (New York: Plenum Press, 1984).
146. Jeffrey Weeks, Sex, Politics and Society (London: Longman, 1981); Ernest L. Abel. Fetal Alcohol Syndrome/Fetal Alcohol Effects (New York: Plenum Press, 1984).