Rethinking nationalism and Islam: Some preliminary notes on the roots of "Turkish-Islamic synthesis" in modern Turkish political thought

Muslim World

Volumn 89, Issue 3-4, 1999, Pages 350-376

  Cetinsaya, Gokhan ^a  

^a HACETTEPE UNIVERSITY   (Turkey)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0005401831     PISSN: 00274909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-1913.1999.tb02753.x     Document Type: Article

References (172)

1. Hugh Poulton, The Top Hat, the Grey Wolf and the Crescent: Turkish Nationalism and the Turkish Repulic (London, 1997), 322.
2. See, for example, S. Bozdogn and R. Kasaba, eds. , Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey (Seattle, 1997);
3. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Turkish Identity and Foreign Policy in flux: The rise of Neo-Ottomanism,' Critique, 12 (Spring 1998), 19-41;
4. See several examples in Türk-Islam Sentezi, eds. Bozkurt Giivenç, et al. (Istanbul, 1991).
5. See also Gencay Şaylan, Türkiye' de Izlamci Siyaset (Ankara, 1992), 207-19.
6. For an example of 'modernist' literature, see John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester, 1985).
7. See Adrian Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, 1997);
8. Mark Juergensmeyer, The New Cold War?: Religious Nationalism Confronts the Secular State (Berkeley, 1993);
9. Dennis J. Dunn, ed. , Religion and Nationalism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (Boulder, 1985);
10. Pedro Ramet, ed. , Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics (Durham, 1989).
11. See Şerif Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton, 1962).
12. See Engin D. Akarli, Belgelerle Tanzimat (Istanbul, 1978).
13. See Mümtaz'er Türköne, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak Islamciliǧin Doǧuşu (Istanbul, 1991).
14. Türköne, 245ff. ;
15. Mustafa Nihat Özön, Namik Kemal ve Ibret Gazetesi (Istanbul, 1938).
16. See Hüseyin Çelik, Ali Suavi (Ankara, 1993);
17. Ismail Doǧn, Tanzimatin Iki Ucu: Münif Paşa ve Ali Suavi (Istanbul, 1991); Mardin, 360-84.
18. For Abdülhamid II Period, see Selim Deringil, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909 (London, 1998). To be sure, Ottomanism had never been abandoned as the empire had still an important level of Christian population (around 20 percent); but a certain stress was put in the policies towards the Muslim subjects- Turks, Arabs, Albanians, Kurds, and Circassians. This could be seen in several indications, from symbolic gestures to undertaking important investments in those areas.
19. See also, Gökhan Çetinsaya, 'Ottoman Policy of Iraq, 1890-1908. ' Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1994.
20. Hakan Yavuz, "The Patterns of Political Islamic Identity: dynamics of national and transnational loyalties and identites," Central Asian Survey, 14/3 (1995), 341-72.
21. See Sultan II. Abdülhamid, Devlet ve Memleket Görüslerim, ed. A. Çetin and R. Yildiz (Istanbul, 1976).
22. David Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism, 1876-1908 (London, 1977).
23. For modernist Islam in general, see Fazlur Rahman, "Islamic Modernism: its Scope, Method and Alternatives,' International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 1 (1970), 317-33.
24. For Turkish Islamic modernists, see Ismail Kara, Islamcilarin Siyasi Görüsleri (Istanbul, 1994).
25. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Nationalism and Islam: Yusuf Akçura and Üç Tarz-i Siyaset," Journal of Islamic Studies, 4/2 (1993), 175-207;
26. Andrew Davison, "Secularization and Modernization in Turkey: the ideas of Ziya Gökalp," Economy and Society, 24/2 (1995), 189-224.
27. Masami Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden, 1992), 97.
28. Davison, "Secularization";
29. Uriel Heyd, Foundations of Turkish Nationalism: the life and teachings of Ziya Gökalp (London, 1950);
30. Taha Parla, The Social and Political Thought of Ziya Gökalp, 1876-1924 (Leiden, 1985).
31. See for example Reçad Kaynar, "Ziya Gökalp ve Türk-Islam Sentezi," Cumhuriyet, 2 Şubat 1988, in Güvenç, 210-13. He states: "Gökalp realized the dangers posed by his thoughts on creating 'a modern Turkish Islam' and 'Turkish-Islamic culture', and he did not give any place to Turkish-Islamic coalescence in his book, 'Principles of Turkism,' published a year before his death. "
32. Ziya Gökalp, Türkçülügün Esaslari, ed. Mehmet Kaplan (Ankara, 1990), 66.
33. Yavuz, "Nationalism and Islam,' 202 and 206.
34. Alexander Benningsen, "Panturkism and Panislamism in History and Today," Central As/an Survey, 3/3 (1985), 40.
35. Cf. François Georgeon, Türk Milliyetçiliǧinin Kökenleri: Yusuf Akçura (Ankara, 1986), 82ff.
36. Yusuf Akçura, Üç Tarz-i Siyaset, ed. Enver Ziya Karal (Ankara, 1976), 34-35. He gives the examples of the Orthodox church in Russia, Protestantism in Germany, Anglicanism in England and Catholicism in various countries.
37. Georgeon, 104-11.
38. See Mehmet Akif, "Cemaleddin Efgani," Siratimüstakim, 90 (17 Cemaziyelewel 1328 [1910]), 207-208
39. and "Hasbihal," Siratimüstakim, 91 (24 Cemaziyelewel 1328 [1910]), 222-23, in Mehmet Akif Ersoy' un Makaleleri, eds. A. and N. Abdulkadiroilu (Ankara, 1987), 32-39.
40. Fahir Iz, 'Mehmed Emin," EI(2), VI, 986-89.
41. Cf. Nikkie Keddie, 'Pan-Islam as Proto-Nationalism,' Journal of Modern History. 41 (March 1969), 17-28.
42. See Ismail Kara, Türkiye de Islamcilik Düşüncesi, I (Istanbul, 1986), XV-LXVII.
43. For examples, see Mehmet Akif Ersoy, Safahat, ed. M. E. Düzdai (Istanbul, 1991). Cf. Kara I, L-LI, 315-362.
44. Mehmed Akif, "Hutbe ve mevaiz: Bayezid kürsüsünden vaaz," Sebilürreşad, 230 (29 Safer 1331 [1913]), in Kara I, 376-82.
45. See, for example, Şaylan, 214-15.
46. Cf. Tarik Zafer Tunaya, Islamcilik Akimi (Istanbul, 1991), 82-89.
47. Babanzade Ahmed Nairn, "Islamda dava-yi kavmiyet," Sebilürreşad, 293 (10 Nisan 1330 [1914]) in Türkiye'de Islam ve Irkçilik Meselesi, ed. M. E. Düzdai (Istanbul, 1983), 33-117.
48. Cf. Kara I, 283-93.
49. Ahmed Agayef [Agaoglu], "Islamda Dava-yi Milliyet," Türk Yurdu, VI/10, 2320-2329
50. and, VII/11, 2381-2390 (1330 [1914]) in Kara I, 445-60.
51. For the roots of Turkish-Islamic synthesis in the writings of Aǧaoǧlu, see Süleyman Seyfi Öǧün, "Bir Türkçü-Islamci Eklemlenme Figürü Olarak Aǧaoǧlu Ahmed,' in his Politik Kultur Yazilari (Bursa, 1997), 295-301.
52. See Arai, chap. 6.
53. Mehmet Ali Ayni, Ulusçuluk-Milliyeiçilik (Istanbul, 1997 [1943]), 10-11.
54. For him, see Ismail Kara, Türkiye'de Islamcilik Düş üncesi, II (Istanbul, 1987), 43ff.
55. See Said Halim Paşa, "Islamlaçmak," [Sebilürreşad, Kasim-Aralik, 1918] Buhranlarimiz ve Son Eserleri, ed. M. E. Düzdai (Istanbul, 1991), 181-222.
56. Cf. Kara I, 114-32.
57. For Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (1873-1960), see Şerif Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (New York, 1989).
58. Bediüzzaman Said Nursi, Mektubat (Istanbul, 1964), 297-303, 393-97, in Düzdai, Türkiye' de Istem ve Irkçilik Meselesi, 228-55, and, Kara II, 339-52.
59. For different views on Bediüzzaman's understanding of nationalism, see Zekeriya Yildiz, Bediüzzaman ve Milliyetçilik (Istanbul, 1995);
60. Safa Mürsel, Siyasi Düşünce Tarihi Işiǧinda Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (Istanbul, 1989);
61. Ismail Mutlu, Bediüzzaman'in Görüsleri I̧siǧinda Islam ve Milliyetçilik (Istanbul, 1994).
62. The writings of Yahya Kemal [Beyatli], Yakup Kadri [Karaosmanoǧlu] , Halide Edip [Adivar] in this period are very illustrating on this point. For examples, see Devrin Yazarlarinin Kalemiyle Milli Mücadele ve Gazi Mustafa Kemal, eds. Mehmet Kaplan et al, 2 vols. (Ankara, 1992).
63. See also Besir Ayvazoǧlu, Yahya Kemal: Eve Dönen Adam (Istanbul, 1995);
64. Sait Başer, Yahya Kemal'de Türk Müslümanliǧi (Istanbul, 1998).
65. Cf. Yaşar Çaǧlayir, Istiklal Marşinin Tahlili (Ankara, 1998).
66. See Mustafa Baydar, Hamdullah Suphi Tanriôver ve Anilari (Istanbul, 1968), 119. It appears that, in the early 1920s, the term 'milliyet' replaced the term 'kavmiyet' as Turkish equivalent of nationalism.
67. For recent studies, see Andrew Davison, Secularism and Revivalism in Turkey: A Hermeneutic Reconsideration (New Haven, 1998);
68. Levent Köker, Modernleşme, Kemalizm ve Demokrasi (Istanbul, 1990);
69. Taha Parla, Türkiye'de Siyasal Kültürün Resmi Kaynaklari, 3 vols. (Istanbul, 1991).
70. See Poulton, chap. 4.
71. See Büşra Ersanli Behar, Iktidar ve Tarih: Türkiye'de Resmi Tarih Tezinin Oluşumu, 1929-1937 (Istanbul, 1992).
72. Afet Inan, Medeni Bilgiler (Ankara, 1969), 371.
73. Parla, III, 108.
74. Inan, 364.
75. Cf. Doǧu Perinçek, ed. , Atatürk:Din ve Laiklik Üzerine (Istanbul, 1997), 50.
76. See also, Idem. , Kemalist Devrim-2: Din ve Allah (Istanbul, 1994).
77. Sadri Ertem, "Laik Milliyetçilik," Vakit, 25 Temmuz 1929
78. in Türkiye Nasil Laikleştirildi?, ed. Hüseyin Durukan (Istanbul, 1998), 417.
79. See also Mehmet Kaplan et al, Atatürk Devri Fikir Hayati, 2 vols. (Ankara, 1992).
80. See Ayin Tarihi, 72 (Sonteşrin, 1939), 78-80.
81. See Perinçek, Atatürk, 59, dated 3. 12. 1934.
82. See, for example, Paul Stirling, "Religious Change in Republican Turkey," Middle East Journal 12 (1958), 395-408.
83. See Erol Güngor, Dünden Bugünden: Tarih-Kültür- Milliyetçilik (Istanbul, 1986), 152ff.
84. For Riza Nur (1879-1942), see B. Zakir Avşar, Bir Muhalifin Portresi: Dr. Riza Nur (Ankara, 1992).
85. For Nihat Atsiz (1905-1975), see Sakin Öner, Nihal Atsiz (Istanbul, 1977).
86. According to the Anadolucus, the real identity of the Turks emerged after their conversion to Islam, and especially after the establishment of Selçuk and Ottoman states following the conquest of Anatolia in 1071. Their nationalism was oriented toward the Ottoman-Islamic past unlike the Turanists. See, for example, Remzi Oguz Arik, Türk Milliyetç iliǧi (Istanbul, 1974).
87. See Parla, Ziya Gökalp, 120-21. Between 1924 and 1940s, no work of Gökalp was transcribed into the Latin alphabet, which became the standard script in 1928.
88. See, for example, Sadri Ertem, "Laik Milliyetçilik. "
89. In fact these were in line with modernist-Islamist ideas. For Islamists' attitude on the abolishment of Caliphate, see, for example, Seyyid Bey, "Hilafetin mahiyet-i şeriyyesi," (1924) in Kara I, 179-220.
90. See Ismail Kara, "Halifelik ne zaman kaldirildi?" Dergah 29 (Temmuz, 1992), 15-16;
91. "Madalyonun bir yüzü: Tekkeler kapandi iyi oldu," Dergah, 10 (Aralik, 1990), 14-15;
92. "Madalyonun öbür yüzü: Tekkeler kapandi kötü oldu," Dergah 12 (Şubat, 1991), 16-17;
93. "Sonuç yerine: Tekkeler kapandi mi?" Dergah 16 (Haziran, 1991), 14-15.
94. See Lowell Bezanis, "Soviet Muslim Emigres in the Republic of Turkey," Central Asian Survey 13/1 (1994), 59-180.
95. See Yusuf Sarinay, Türk Milliyetçiliiinin Tarihi Gelişimi ve TürA Ocaklari (Istanbul: Ötüken, 1994);
96. Füsun Üstel, Türk Ocaklari, 1912-1931 (Istanbul: Iletişim, 1997).
97. For Traditionalist-Conservatives, see Nazim Irem, "Kemalizm ve Gelenekçi-Muhafazakarlik," Toplum ve Bilim 74 (Güz, 1997), 52-99.
98. Cf. Tanil Bora, Türk Saiinin Üç Hali: Milliyetçilik-Muhafazakarlik-Islamcilik (Istanbul, 1998).
99. For the importance of Peyami Safa (1899-1961), see Beşir Ayvazoǧlu, Peyami: Hayati-Sanati-Felsefesi-Drami (Istanbul, 1998).
100. Cf. Süleyman Seyfi Öǧün, "Peyami Safa'nin Muhafazakar Yanilgisi," Toplum ve Bilim, 74 (Güz, 1997), 102-52.
101. Also see his Doǧu-Bati Sentezi (Istanbul, 1963).
102. See Cemil Koçak, Türkiye 'de Milli Şef Dönemi, 1938-1945 (Ankara, 1986).
103. For Eşref Edip (1882-1971) and his vision of Islamic nationalism, see Kara III, 11-111.
104. Necmettin Şahiner, Bilinmeyen Taraflariyla Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (Istanbul, 1998).
105. Cf. Mardin, Religion and Social Change.
106. For Necip Fazil Kisakürek, see M. Orhan Okay, Necip Fazil Kisakürek (Istanbul, 1998);
107. Kara III, 243-375;
108. Şerif Mardin, "Culture, Change and Intellectual: A study of the effects of secularization in modern Turkey - Necip Fazil and the Nakşibendi," Cultural Transitions in the Middle East, ed. Şerif Mardin (Leiden, 1994), 189-213;
109. Elizabeth Özdalga, "Necip Fazil üstüne bir deneme," Toplum ve Bilim, 74 (Güz, 1997), 176-180.
110. For Nurettin Topçu, see Süleyman Seyfi miün, Türkiye' de Cemaatçi Milliyetçilik ve Nurettin Topçu (Istanbul, 1992); Kara III, 115-239.
111. Kisakürek and Topçu were influenced respectively by shaikh Abdülhakim Arvasi and shaikh Abdülaziz Bekkine. The shaikhs represented the two major branches of Naqshbandi-Khalidiyye of the time. See Kisakürek, O ve Ben (Istanbul, 1994), 80ff. ;
112. and Ögiin, 48-50.
113. Cf. Thierry Zarcone, "Nakşibendiler ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti," Türkiye Günlüǧü, 23 (Yaz, 1993), 99-107.
114. See Tunaya, Islamcilik Akimi, 177ff. ;
115. Gotthard Jaschke, Yeni Türkiye'de Islamlik (Ankara, 1972), 98ff. ;
116. Nilgün Gürkan, Türkiye'de Demokrasiye Geçiş te Basin, 1945-1950 (Istanbul, 1998), 445-59.
117. For Hamdullah Suphi Tanriöver (1885-1966), see Halim Seraslan, Hamdullah Suphi Tanriöver (Ankara, 1995).
118. See Süleyman Seyfi Ógün, "Türk-Islam Sentezi: Ideolojik bir süreklilik mi, kesinti mi?" Birikim, 44 (Aralik, 1992), 49-59. For the 1950s, see Tunaya, 205ff. ;
119. Caban Sitembölükbaşi, Türkiye' de Islamin Yeniden Inkişafi, 1950-1960 (Ankara, 1995);
120. Ilhan E. Darendelioilu, Türkiye' de Milliyetçilik Hareketleri (Istanbul, 1968), 215ff. ;
121. Yalçin Toker, Milliyetçiliǧin Yasal Kaynaklari (Istanbul, 1979).
122. Beşir Ayvazoǧlu, "Türkiye'de Saici Olmak,' Türkiye Günlügü, 16 (Güz, 1991), 32-43.
123. See also his "Ah, O Eski Ülkücüler," Ibid. , 50 (Mart-Nisan, 1998), 179-82.
124. Cf. Mustafa Çalik, MHP Hareketi: Kaynaklari ve Gelişimi, 1965-1980 (Ankara, 1995).
125. For the latter line, see Ahmet Güner Sayar, A. Süheyi Ünver (Istanbul, 1994).
126. Ayvazoǧlu, 34.
127. See Ismail Kara, "Müslüman Kardeşler Türkçe' ye Tercüme Edildi mi?" Dergah, 21 (Kasim, 1991), 14-15.
128. We should treat the tariqa and cemaat groups separately as they were not influenced by this process in their closed circle.
129. Ayvazoǧlu, 38. Interestingly enough, these were also the debate topics in the 1910s!
130. See Tanil Bora and Kemal Can, Devlet-Ocak-Dergah: J2 Eylül' den 1990' lara Ülkücü Hareket (Istanbul, 1991);
131. Çalik, MHP Hareketi;
132. Poulton, Turkish Nationalism, chap. 5;
133. Jacop M. Landau, Radical Politics in Modern Turkey (Leiden, 1974), chap. 5;
134. Mehmet Ali Aǧoǧullari, "The Ultranationalist Right," in Turkey in Transition, eds. I. Schick and E. A. Tonak (New York, 1987), 177-217.
135. Alpaslan Türkes, Temel Göruşler (Istanbul, 1975), 33.
136. See Ibrahim Kafesoilu, Türk Milliyetçiliiinin Meseleleri (Ankara, 1970);
137. Osman Turan, Türk Cihan Hakimiyeti Mefkuresi Tarihi, 9th ed. (Istanbul, 1996).
138. Ayvazoǧlu, 39-40.
139. For Turan (1914-1978), see Nurdan Demirci, Prof. Dr. Osman Turan' in Hayati ve Eserleri (Istanbul, t. y. )
140. See Ziya Nur, Dündar Taşer'in Büyük Türkiyesi (Istanbul, 1972);
141. Güngör, Dünden Bugünden, 129-51.
142. Bora-Can, 62 and 284ff.
143. Kisakürek had supported MSP in 1973 elections. But MSP-CHP coalition and Erbakans personal style resented Kisakürek as well as other 'milliyetçi-mukaddesatçi' groups, i. e. , Aydinlar Ocaǧi. For Kisakürek's own reasoning, see Kara III, 351-68.
144. See Bora-Can, 284-85;
145. Aǧoǧullari, "The Ultranationalist Right. "
146. For Arvasi (1932-1988), see Mustafa Kuvanci, Seyyid Ahmed Arvasi: Hayati-Tefekkürü-Eserleri (Istanbul, 1992).
147. Cf. Bora-Can, 299-303.
148. See his Türk-Islam Ülküsü, 3 vols. (Istanbul, 1979-1980).
149. See Ali Yaşar Saribay, Türkiye'de Modernleşme, Din ve Parti Politikasi:MSP örnek olayi (Istanbul, 1985).
150. Cf. Binnaz Toprak, Islam and Political Development in Turkey (Leiden, 1981).
151. See Prof. Dr. Necmettin Erbakan, Milli Görüş (Istanbul, 1975).
152. For Erbakan's nationalism, see Saribay, 114-15.
153. Erbakans views on nationalism appears very similar to the others in the Right in general. See, for example, Süleyman Demirel, Büyük Türkiye (Istanbul, 1975), 115-19, 123ff. , 130-32.
154. Erbakan, Milli Görüş, 9.
155. See Güvenç, Türk-Islam Sentezi; Bora-Can, 147ff.
156. See Muharrem Ergin, Türkiye' nin Bugünkü Meseleleri (Istanbul, 1975), 208-10.
157. Cf. Ibrahim Kafesoilu, Türk-Islam Sentezi (Istanbul, 1985).
158. See Yavuz, "Neo-Ottomanism," 30.
159. Binnaz Toprak, "Religion as State Ideology in a secular setting: The Turkish-Islamic Synthesis," in Aspects of Religion in Secular Turkey, ed. Malcom Wagstaff (Durham, 1990), 10-15.
160. See Muharrem Ergin, A. Aydin Bolak and Süleyman Yalçin, "Milli Mutabakatlar," Türk Kültürü 279 (Temmuz, 1986), 405-18.
161. Cf. Süleyman Yalçin, "Aydinlar Ocaǧi ve Türk-Islam Sentezi," Tercüman, 1-6 (Subat, 1988).
162. See Aydinlar Ocaǧi, Yeni Bir Yüzyila Girerken Türk-Islam Sentezi Görüşünde Meselelerimiz, 3 vols. (Istanbul, 1988).
163. Bora-Can, 450-51.
164. Idem. , "Birleşenler Ayrilirken,' Birikim, 40 (Aiustos, 1992), 47-52;
165. Tanil Bora, "Iki MHP," Birikim, 60 (Nisan, 1994), 30-40.
166. There is a growing literature in English on the "new Islamic intellectuals". See, for example, Michael Meeker, "The Muslim Intellectual and his Audience: A new configuration of writer and reader among believers in the Republic of Turkey," in Cultural Transitions in the Middle East, ed. Şerif Mardin (Leiden, 1994), 153-88.
167. See also Kara III, 597-702.
168. See Ruşen Çakir, Ayet ve Slogan: Türkiye' de Islami Oluşumlar (Istanbul, 1990).
169. See Türkiye Günlüǧü, 16 (Güz, 1991), 99.
170. See Ruşen Çakir, Ne Şeriat Ne Demokrasi: Refah Partisini Anlamak (Istanbul, 1994).
171. Cf. Bora, Türk Saǧinin Üç Hali.
172. For an insight see, M. Hakan Yavuz, "Search for a New Social Contract in Turkey: Fethullah Gülen, the Virtue Party and the Kurds," SAIS Review, 19/1 (1999), 114-43.