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Volumn 43, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 38-48

Russia's oil and gas interest group and its foreign policy agenda

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EID: 0003268913     PISSN: 10758216     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10758216.1996.11655677     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (22)

References (45)
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    • For example, the military-industrial complex and the agro-industrial complex are continuously competing with each other for more credits and financial support from the federal budget. Both complexes share antagonism toward the oil and gas industry, blaming the latter's policy of raising the price of energy sources for their economically disastrous performance. Regional elites tend to team up with the rest of the three depending on the specific economic features of the individual regions
    • For example, the military-industrial complex and the agro-industrial complex are continuously competing with each other for more credits and financial support from the federal budget. Both complexes share antagonism toward the oil and gas industry, blaming the latter's policy of raising the price of energy sources for their economically disastrous performance. Regional elites tend to team up with the rest of the three depending on the specific economic features of the individual regions.
  • 2
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    • Russia's energy and fuel complex basically includes the following three major components: oil, gas, and coal. The first two have so much in common - and are so different from the third in terms of economic clout as well as domestic and foreign policy interests - that they can be regarded as a distinct interest group. It does not mean, however, that the oil and gas sectors are quite identical in their perception and views. The two may have divergent attitudes toward a number of specific issues, such as organizational structures and relationships with the government, but this does not undermine their common agenda
    • Russia's energy and fuel complex basically includes the following three major components: oil, gas, and coal. The first two have so much in common - and are so different from the third in terms of economic clout as well as domestic and foreign policy interests - that they can be regarded as a distinct interest group. It does not mean, however, that the oil and gas sectors are quite identical in their perception and views. The two may have divergent attitudes toward a number of specific issues, such as organizational structures and relationships with the government, but this does not undermine their common agenda.
  • 3
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    • According to its deputy director, Valerii Remizov, Gazpromis worth between $250 and $900 billion (Reuters, August 7, 1995). It has 367,000 employees, 87,000 miles of pipeline, and more than 1 million acres of land. Western experts estimate its annual revenues at $20 to $25 billion and its profits at $6 billion. If it were ranked in the Global Fortune 500, it would be the world's second-largest profit-maker after Royal Dutch Shell. December 11
    • According to its deputy director, Valerii Remizov, Gazpromis worth between $250 and $900 billion (Reuters, August 7, 1995). It has 367,000 employees, 87,000 miles of pipeline, and more than 1 million acres of land. Western experts estimate its annual revenues at $20 to $25 billion and its profits at $6 billion. If it were ranked in the Global Fortune 500, it would be the world's second-largest profit-maker after Royal Dutch Shell. U.S. News and World Report 119, no. 2 (December 11, 1995): 58, 60.
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    • Among the twelve vertically integrated oil companies formed in Russia are such giants as LUKoil and Sidanko. In terms of annual production levels and reserves in the ground, LUKoil can be considered equal to Exxon and Shell
    • Among the twelve vertically integrated oil companies formed in Russia are such giants as LUKoil and Sidanko. In terms of annual production levels and reserves in the ground, LUKoil can be considered equal to Exxon and Shell.
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    • "Major exports and imports to countries outside the former Soviet Union," Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Study Russia, first quarter, 1995, p. 37. It should be noted that these exports alone are more than the entire UK production from the North Sea.
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    • The former option would require close cooperation with and involvement of all littoral states if its oil deposits on the shelf are to be developed. Alternatively, the sea status would enable surrounding countries to divide the water space into appropriate sectors inside which each littoral state has complete freedom of action
    • The former option would require close cooperation with and involvement of all littoral states if its oil deposits on the shelf are to be developed. Alternatively, the sea status would enable surrounding countries to divide the water space into appropriate sectors inside which each littoral state has complete freedom of action.
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    • Yuri Shafranik views discord with respect to the Caspian sea status as 'unjustified'
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    • Interfax and Russian TV, November 17, 1995.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.