Identity politics and the welfare state

Social Philosophy and Policy

Volumn 14, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 231-255

  Wolfe, Alan ^a   Klausen, Jytte ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0002661111     PISSN: 02650525     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0265052500001898     Document Type: Article

References (107)

1. See Michael Piore, Beyond Individualism: How Social Demands of the New Identity Groups Constrain American Political and Economic Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995); Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992); and Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). For a recent critique of identity politics, see Todd Gitlin, The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America Is Wracked by Culture Wars (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1995).
2. See Michael Piore, Beyond Individualism: How Social Demands of the New Identity Groups Constrain American Political and Economic Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995); Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992); and Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). For a recent critique of identity politics, see Todd Gitlin, The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America Is Wracked by Culture Wars (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1995).
3. See Michael Piore, Beyond Individualism: How Social Demands of the New Identity Groups Constrain American Political and Economic Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995); Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992); and Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). For a recent critique of identity politics, see Todd Gitlin, The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America Is Wracked by Culture Wars (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1995).
4. See Michael Piore, Beyond Individualism: How Social Demands of the New Identity Groups Constrain American Political and Economic Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995); Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992); and Anne Phillips, The Politics of Presence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). For a recent critique of identity politics, see Todd Gitlin, The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America Is Wracked by Culture Wars (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1995).
5. Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 174, 187.
6. Jeff Spinner, The Boundaries of Citizenship: Race, Ethnicity, and Nationality in the Liberal State (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994).
7. Tzvetan Todorov, On Human Diversity: Nationalism, Racism, and Exoticism in French Thought, trans. Catherine Porter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
8. Stephen Holmes, Passions and Constraints: On the Theory of Liberal Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 39.
9. Will Kymlicka, Liberalism, Community, and Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), pp. 206-19.
10. Taylor, Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition; Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
11. Taylor, Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition; Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
12. Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
13. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised ed. (London and New York: Verso, 1991); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
14. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised ed. (London and New York: Verso, 1991); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
15. David Miller, Market, State, and Community: Theoretical Foundations of Market Socialism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 284. A more extensive discussion of these issues by the same author can be found in On Nationalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
16. David Miller, Market, State, and Community: Theoretical Foundations of Market Socialism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 284. A more extensive discussion of these issues by the same author can be found in On Nationalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
17. Bernard Yack, "Reconciling Liberalism and Nationalism," Political Theory, vol. 23 (February 1995), pp. 166-82.
18. Will Kymlicka, "Group Representation in Canadian Politics," in F. Leslie Seidle, ed., Equity and Community: The Charter, Interest Advocacy, and Representation (Brookfield: Ashgate Publishing, 1993), p. 74, cited in Phillips, The Politics of Presence, p. 140. See also Charles Taylor, "Shared and Divergent Values," in Ronald L. Watts and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Options for a New Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991).
19. Will Kymlicka, "Group Representation in Canadian Politics," in F. Leslie Seidle, ed., Equity and Community: The Charter, Interest Advocacy, and Representation (Brookfield: Ashgate Publishing, 1993), p. 74, cited in Phillips, The Politics of Presence, p. 140. See also Charles Taylor, "Shared and Divergent Values," in Ronald L. Watts and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Options for a New Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991).
20. Will Kymlicka, "Group Representation in Canadian Politics," in F. Leslie Seidle, ed., Equity and Community: The Charter, Interest Advocacy, and Representation (Brookfield: Ashgate Publishing, 1993), p. 74, cited in Phillips, The Politics of Presence, p. 140. See also Charles Taylor, "Shared and Divergent Values," in Ronald L. Watts and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Options for a New Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991).
21. Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference, p. 184.
22. Taylor, "Shared and Divergent Values," p. 66; see also Phillips, The Politics of Presence, pp. 132-33.
23. Taylor, "Shared and Divergent Values," p. 66; see also Phillips, The Politics of Presence, pp. 132-33.
24. T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, and Other Essays (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950), pp. 10, 11.
25. Ibid., p. 56.
26. Ibid., p. 69.
27. T. H. Marshall, Class, Citizenship, and Social Development: Essays by T. H. Marshall, with an introduction by Seymour Martin Lipset (Garden City: Doubleday, 1964), p. 247.
28. Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Politics against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985); Walter Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983).
29. Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Politics against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985); Walter Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983).
30. See Birte Siim, "Towards a Feminist Rethinking of the Welfare State," in Kathleen B. Jones and Anna Jónasdóttir, eds., The Political Interests of Gender: Developing Theory and Research with a Feminist Face (London: Sage Publication, 1988), pp. 160-86; Ann Shola Orloff, "Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship," American Sociological Review, vol. 58 (June 1993), pp. 303-28; and Helga Maria Hernes, Welfare State and Woman Power: Essays in State Feminism (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1987).
31. See Birte Siim, "Towards a Feminist Rethinking of the Welfare State," in Kathleen B. Jones and Anna Jónasdóttir, eds., The Political Interests of Gender: Developing Theory and Research with a Feminist Face (London: Sage Publication, 1988), pp. 160-86; Ann Shola Orloff, "Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship," American Sociological Review, vol. 58 (June 1993), pp. 303-28; and Helga Maria Hernes, Welfare State and Woman Power: Essays in State Feminism (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1987).
32. See Birte Siim, "Towards a Feminist Rethinking of the Welfare State," in Kathleen B. Jones and Anna Jónasdóttir, eds., The Political Interests of Gender: Developing Theory and Research with a Feminist Face (London: Sage Publication, 1988), pp. 160-86; Ann Shola Orloff, "Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship," American Sociological Review, vol. 58 (June 1993), pp. 303-28; and Helga Maria Hernes, Welfare State and Woman Power: Essays in State Feminism (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1987).
33. Carole Pateman, "The Patriarchal Welfare State," in Amy Gutmann, ed., Democracy and the Welfare State (Princeton: Princetion University Press, 1988), pp. 231-60.
34. For an exception, see Jytte Klausen, "Social Rights Advocacy and State Building: T. H. Marshall in the Hands of Social Reformers," World Politics, vol. 47 (January 1995), pp. 244-67.
35. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, and Other Essays, p. 41.
36. R. H. Tawney, Equality (1931; reprint, New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), p. 31.
37. Kymlicka, Liberalism Community, and Culture, pp. 135-61.
38. Jean Quandt, From the Small Town to the Great Community: The Social Thought of Progressive Intellectuals (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1970).
39. John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems (New York: Henry Holt, 1927).
40. Sir William H. Beveridge, The Pillars of Security, and Other War-Time Essays and Addresses (New York: Macmillan, 1943), p. 104.
41. Ibid., p. 93.
42. Social Insurance and Allied Services: Report by Sir William Beveridge (New York: Macmillan, 1942). On the use of declining birth rates and other eugenic concepts by advocates of the welfare state, see Susan Pedersen, Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State: Britain and France, 1914-1945 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 316-19.
43. Social Insurance and Allied Services: Report by Sir William Beveridge (New York: Macmillan, 1942). On the use of declining birth rates and other eugenic concepts by advocates of the welfare state, see Susan Pedersen, Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State: Britain and France, 1914-1945 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 316-19.
44. Beveridge, The Pillars of Security, p. 164.
45. Beveridge, "Children's Allowances and the Race," in his The Pillars of Security, pp. 164-75.
46. Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (New York: Free Press, 1994).
47. The Labour Party, Let Us Face the Future: A Declaration of Labour Policy for the Consideration of the Nation (London: The Labour Party, 1945), p. 10.
48. Marshall, "Social Selection in the Welfare State," in his Class, Citizenship, and Social Development, pp. 236-55.
49. Alva Myrdal, Nation and Family: The Swedish Experiment in Democratic Family and Population Policy (New York: Harper, 1941), p. 15.
50. Ibid., pp. 158, 161.
51. Gunnar Myrdal, Beyond the Welfare State: Economic Planning and Its International Implications (1960; reprint, New York: Bantam Books, 1967), pp. 130-31.
52. Stephen Steinberg, Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought ana Policy (Boston: Beacon, 1995), pp. 191-92.
53. Lise Togeby, "Political Implications of Increasing Numbers of Women in the Labor Force," Comparative Political Studies, vol. 27 (July 1994), pp. 211-40; EG, kvinnorna och välfärden. Betänkende av EG-konsekvensultredningarna: Social välfärd och jämställdhet (Stockholm: SOU, 1993).
54. Lise Togeby, "Political Implications of Increasing Numbers of Women in the Labor Force," Comparative Political Studies, vol. 27 (July 1994), pp. 211-40; EG, kvinnorna och välfärden. Betänkende av EG-konsekvensultredningarna: Social välfärd och jämställdhet (Stockholm: SOU, 1993).
55. Michael Walzer, Thick and Thin: Moral Argument at Home and Abroad (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994).
56. See Rodolfo O. de la Garza et al., Latino Voices: Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban Perspectives on American Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992), pp. 100-101; and Peter Skerry, Mexican Americans: The Ambivalent Minority (New York: Free Press, 1993). Much the same split between rank-and-file opinion and the opinion of leadership organizations on immigration can be seen among African Americans.
57. See Rodolfo O. de la Garza et al., Latino Voices: Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban Perspectives on American Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992), pp. 100-101; and Peter Skerry, Mexican Americans: The Ambivalent Minority (New York: Free Press, 1993). Much the same split between rank-and-file opinion and the opinion of leadership organizations on immigration can be seen among African Americans.
58. Alejandro Portes and Alex Stepick, City on the Edge: The Transformation of Miami (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univesity of California Press, 1993), pp. 176-202. Immigration is also a more powerful force than color or racial identity; Portes and Stepick note that "Black Americans are profoundly ambivalent about Haitians in Miami, who, though 'brothers' in color, are regarded as a competitive threat in the labor market and business world" (p. 190).
59. David Hollinger, Post-Ethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism (New York: Basic Books, 1995).
60. Jytte Klausen, "Citizenship and Social Justice in Open Societies," in Erik Oddvar Enksen and Jørn Loftager, eds., The Rationality of the Welfare State (Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1996), pp. 203-27.
61. See Kenichi Omae, The End of the Nation State: The Rise of Regional Economies (New York: Free Press, 1995).
62. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society (New York: Norton, 1992).
63. Marshall, Class, Citizenship, and Social Development, p. 236.
64. Despite Marshall's emphasis on individualism, the welfare state, at least in its earlier phases, assumed that the family, and not the persons within it, was the main economic unit. For that reason, it was not until the feminist critique of the welfare state developed in the 1970s and 1980s that a truly individualist result was produced, one which disaggregated the family as a unit, so as to increase the rights of all the individuals, including the women (and children) who composed it.
65. Kymlicka, Liberalism, Community, and Culture, p. 180.
66. Bernard Grofman and Chandler Davidson, "Postcript: What Is the Best Way to a Color-Blind Society?" in Bernard Grofman and Chandler Davidson, eds., Controversies in Minority Voting: The Voting Rights Act in Perspective (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1992), pp. 300-317;
67. Douglas J. Amy, Real Choices/New Voices: The Case for Proportional Representation Elections in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 115.
68. Abigail Thernstrom, Whose Votes Count? Affirmative Action and Minority Voting Rights (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987); Lani Guinier, The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in Representative Democracy (New York: Free Press, 1994).
69. Abigail Thernstrom, Whose Votes Count? Affirmative Action and Minority Voting Rights (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987); Lani Guinier, The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in Representative Democracy (New York: Free Press, 1994).
70. "High Court Voids Race-Based Redistricting," New York Times, June 14, 1996, p. A24.
71. Ibid.
72. Carol Swain, Black Faces/Black Interests: The Representation of African-Americans in Congress (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). There is also evidence that black voters have become more conservative; see Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 29-38. On the differences between black and white opinion, see Jennifer Hochschild, Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
73. Carol Swain, Black Faces/Black Interests: The Representation of African-Americans in Congress (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). There is also evidence that black voters have become more conservative; see Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 29-38. On the differences between black and white opinion, see Jennifer Hochschild, Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
74. Carol Swain, Black Faces/Black Interests: The Representation of African-Americans in Congress (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). There is also evidence that black voters have become more conservative; see Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 29-38. On the differences between black and white opinion, see Jennifer Hochschild, Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
75. Marshall, Class, Citizenship, and Social Development, pp. 219-20.
76. Piore, Beyond Individualism, p. 25.
77. See, for example, Carl Cohen, Naked Racial Preference (Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1995);
78. Paul Craig Roberts and Lawrence M. Stratton, The New Color Line: How Quotas and Privilege Destroy Democracy (Washington, DC: Regnery, 1995);
79. and Terry Eastland, Ending Affirmative Action: The Case for Colorblind Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1996).
80. Peter Skerry, "The Affirmative Action Paradox: Group Rights and Individual Benefits," unpublished paper.
81. Terri Susan Fine, "Race and Political Culture: Blacks, Whites, and Commitment to Individualism," Southeastern Political Review, cited in Skerry, "The Affirmative Action Paradox," p. 10.
82. Terri Susan Fine, "Race and Political Culture: Blacks, Whites, and Commitment to Individualism," Southeastern Political Review, cited in Skerry, "The Affirmative Action Paradox," p. 10.
83. Richard D. Kahlenberg, The Remedy: Class, Race, and Affirmative Action (New York: Basic Books, 1996).
84. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, pp. 65-66.
85. Marshall, Class, Citizenship, and Social Development, p. 243.
86. Tawney, Equality, p. 38.
87. ibid., p. 50.
88. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, vol. 1, An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Pantheon, 1969).
89. David Halperin, Saint Foucault: Towards a Gay Hagiography (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).
90. For an elucidation of psychological, neurological, hormonal, and biological arguments about homosexuality, see Michael Ruse, Homosexuality: A Philosophical Inquiry (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1988).
91. Simon Levay, The Sexual Brain (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993); Richard Mohr, Gay Ideas: Outing and Other Controversies (Boston: Beacon, 1992), pp. 221-42.
92. Simon Levay, The Sexual Brain (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993); Richard Mohr, Gay Ideas: Outing and Other Controversies (Boston: Beacon, 1992), pp. 221-42.
93. Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex" (New York: Routledge, 1993).
94. Judith Lorber, Paradoxes of Gender (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), pp. 292-93.
95. Andrew Kull, The Color-Blind Constitution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
96. The story of how this happened is well told in Hugh Davis Graham, The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy, 1960-1972 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
97. For examples, see Nel Noddings, Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Mary Field Belenky, et al., Women's Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self, Voice, and Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, How Schools Shortchange Girls: The AAUW Report: A Study of Major Findings on Girls in Education (Washington, DC: Association of American Univesity Women, 1992).
98. For examples, see Nel Noddings, Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Mary Field Belenky, et al., Women's Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self, Voice, and Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, How Schools Shortchange Girls: The AAUW Report: A Study of Major Findings on Girls in Education (Washington, DC: Association of American Univesity Women, 1992).
99. For examples, see Nel Noddings, Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Mary Field Belenky, et al., Women's Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self, Voice, and Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, How Schools Shortchange Girls: The AAUW Report: A Study of Major Findings on Girls in Education (Washington, DC: Association of American Univesity Women, 1992).
100. Mari J. Matsuda, Charles R. Lawrence III, Richard Delgado, and Kimberlè Williams Crenshaw, Words That Wound: Critical Race Theory, Assaultive Speech, and the First Amendment (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993).
101. For an interesting treatment of the directive, see Hollinger, Post-Ethnic America, pp. 33-39.
102. Herrnstein and Murray, The Bell Curve (supra note 33).
103. Lawrence Wright, "One Drop of Blood," The New Yorker, vol. 70 (July 25, 1994), pp. 46-50ff.
104. Phillips, The Politics of Presence, pp. 170-78.
105. Stephen Bates, Battleground: One Mother's Crusade, the Religious Right, and the Struggle for Control of Our Classrooms (New York: Poseidon Press, 1993), p. 311.
106. Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905). For two examples of this strategy, see Lawrence Tribe, Abortion: The Clash of Absolutes (New York: Norton, 1990), p. 86; and H. N. Hirsch, A Theory of Liberty: The Constitution and Minorities (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 72-75.
107. Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905). For two examples of this strategy, see Lawrence Tribe, Abortion: The Clash of Absolutes (New York: Norton, 1990), p. 86; and H. N. Hirsch, A Theory of Liberty: The Constitution and Minorities (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 72-75.