The erotic Vatan [homeland] as beloved and mother: To love, to possess, and to protect

Comparative Studies in Society and History

Volumn 39, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 442-467

  Najmabadi, Afsaneh ^a  

^a USA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0002618668     PISSN: 00104175     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0010417500020727     Document Type: Article

References (186)

1. Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 7. See also, Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988).
2. Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 7. See also, Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988).
3. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985).
4. On homeland as a female body, see Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, and Patricia Yaeger, "Introduction," Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992), particularly, 5-12. See also Peter Stallybrass, "Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, M. W. Ferguson, M. Quilligan, and N. J. Vickers, eds. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986); Samita Sen, "Motherhood and Mothercraft: Gender and Nationalism in Bengal," Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 231-43, and Suruchi Thaper, "Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist Movement," Feminist Review, 44 (summer 1993), 81-96.
5. On homeland as a female body, see Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, and Patricia Yaeger, "Introduction," Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992), particularly, 5-12. See also Peter Stallybrass, "Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, M. W. Ferguson, M. Quilligan, and N. J. Vickers, eds. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986); Samita Sen, "Motherhood and Mothercraft: Gender and Nationalism in Bengal," Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 231-43, and Suruchi Thaper, "Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist Movement," Feminist Review, 44 (summer 1993), 81-96.
6. On homeland as a female body, see Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, and Patricia Yaeger, "Introduction," Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992), particularly, 5-12. See also Peter Stallybrass, "Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, M. W. Ferguson, M. Quilligan, and N. J. Vickers, eds. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986); Samita Sen, "Motherhood and Mothercraft: Gender and Nationalism in Bengal," Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 231-43, and Suruchi Thaper, "Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist Movement," Feminist Review, 44 (summer 1993), 81-96.
7. On homeland as a female body, see Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, and Patricia Yaeger, "Introduction," Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992), particularly, 5-12. See also Peter Stallybrass, "Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, M. W. Ferguson, M. Quilligan, and N. J. Vickers, eds. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986); Samita Sen, "Motherhood and Mothercraft: Gender and Nationalism in Bengal," Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 231-43, and Suruchi Thaper, "Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist Movement," Feminist Review, 44 (summer 1993), 81-96.
8. See Thongchai Winichahul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994).
9. Parker et al., Nationalisms and Sexualities, 1 (emphasis in original).
10. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (rev. ed., London: Verso, 1991), 5.
11. am taking (and modifying) the concept of "constitutive work" from Mary Poovey's Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988). See, in particular, chapter one, "The Ideological Work of Gender." I owe more to this book than the mere phrase.
12. am taking (and modifying) the concept of "constitutive work" from Mary Poovey's Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988). See, in particular, chapter one, "The Ideological Work of Gender." I owe more to this book than the mere phrase.
13. Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge, 1995), 61.
14. McClintock, Imperial Leather, 61-62.
15. Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
16. For an essay on Chinese modernity that deals with similar concerns, see Lydia Liu, "The Female Body and Nationalist Discourse: The Field of Life and Death Revisited," in Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan, eds., Scattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
17. See Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran: Language and Culture During the Constitutional Revolution," Iranian Studies, 23:1-4 (1990), 77-101, and his The Formation of Two Revolutionary Discourses in Modern Iran: The Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1906 and the Islamic Revolution of 1978-1979 (Ph. D. disser., The University of Chicago, 1988).
18. See Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran: Language and Culture During the Constitutional Revolution," Iranian Studies, 23:1-4 (1990), 77-101, and his The Formation of Two Revolutionary Discourses in Modern Iran: The Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1906 and the Islamic Revolution of 1978-1979 (Ph. D. disser., The University of Chicago, 1988).
19. See Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran."
20. See Beth Baron, "The Construction of National Honour in Egypt," Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 244-55; Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Zanhā-yi millat: Women or Wives of the Nation," Iranian Studies, 26:1-2 (winter-spring 1993), 51-71.
21. See Beth Baron, "The Construction of National Honour in Egypt," Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 244-55; Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Zanhā-yi millat: Women or Wives of the Nation," Iranian Studies, 26:1-2 (winter-spring 1993), 51-71.
22. See Afsaneh Najmabadi, "The Eclipse of the Female Sun: Masculine State, Fantasmatic Females, and National Erasures" (paper presented at the Middle East Institute, Columbia University, New York, October 26, 1995).
23. For similar changes in Arabic and Turkish, see Bernard Lewis, The Political Language of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 40-41; idem, The Middle East and the West (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), 75-78, and Ami Ayalon, Language and Change in the Arab Middle East: The Evolution of Modem Political Discourse (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 52-53. For a work concerned with changes in language, Ayalon is unfortunately careless about, if not oblivious to, the gendered meaning of words. Ibn al-watan [son of homeland] is translated as "the child of the homeland" (p. 52). When women began to join the ranks of children of vatan, they invariably did not envisage themselves as ibn or abnā; instead, bint al-watan (daughter of homeland) and khvāharān-i vatanī (patriotic sisters) were coined.
24. For similar changes in Arabic and Turkish, see Bernard Lewis, The Political Language of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 40-41; idem, The Middle East and the West (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), 75-78, and Ami Ayalon, Language and Change in the Arab Middle East: The Evolution of Modem Political Discourse (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 52-53. For a work concerned with changes in language, Ayalon is unfortunately careless about, if not oblivious to, the gendered meaning of words. Ibn al-watan [son of homeland] is translated as "the child of the homeland" (p. 52). When women began to join the ranks of children of vatan, they invariably did not envisage themselves as ibn or abnā; instead, bint al-watan (daughter of homeland) and khvāharān-i vatanī (patriotic sisters) were coined.
25. For similar changes in Arabic and Turkish, see Bernard Lewis, The Political Language of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 40-41; idem, The Middle East and the West (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), 75-78, and Ami Ayalon, Language and Change in the Arab Middle East: The Evolution of Modem Political Discourse (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 52-53. For a work concerned with changes in language, Ayalon is unfortunately careless about, if not oblivious to, the gendered meaning of words. Ibn al-watan [son of homeland] is translated as "the child of the homeland" (p. 52). When women began to join the ranks of children of vatan, they invariably did not envisage themselves as ibn or abnā; instead, bint al-watan (daughter of homeland) and khvāharān-i vatanī (patriotic sisters) were coined.
26. On the centrality of "land" to the emergence of Iranian nationalist discourse in the nineteenth century, see Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet, "'Fragile Frontiers: The Diminishing Domains of Qajar Iran," International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:2 (1997), 205-34; and idem., "The Frontier Phenomenon: Perceptions of the Land in Iranian Nationalism," Critique, (Spring 1997), pp. 19-38.
27. On the centrality of "land" to the emergence of Iranian nationalist discourse in the nineteenth century, see Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet, "'Fragile Frontiers: The Diminishing Domains of Qajar Iran," International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:2 (1997), 205-34; and idem., "The Frontier Phenomenon: Perceptions of the Land in Iranian Nationalism," Critique, (Spring 1997), pp. 19-38.
28. borrow this expression from Ana Mariá Alonso, though she uses it somewhat differently. See her Thread of Blood: Colonialism, Revolution, and Gender on Mexico's Northern Frontier (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1995), 86.
29. See Sayyid 'Alīrizā Ali Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā," pt. 1, Guftigū, 8 (summer 1995), 163-72, and pt. 2, Guftigū, 9 (fall 1995), 90-99.
30. See Sayyid 'Alīrizā Ali Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā," pt. 1, Guftigū, 8 (summer 1995), 163-72, and pt. 2, Guftigū, 9 (fall 1995), 90-99.
31. That love in classical Perso-Islamic literature is often male homoerotic is reflected not only in the celebration of same-sex male love couples, such as Mahmud and Ayaz. but also in books of advice with separate chapters on "Love" and on "Marriage," in which the beloved in chapters on "Love" is male, and issues of marriage and love, unlike in the later modernist discourse, are constructed as belonging to different domains. See, for instance, 'Unsur al-Ma'ālī, Qābūsnāmah, Ghulāmhusayn Yūsufī, ed. (Tehran: Jībī, 1974), eh. 14, 100-6, "On Love," and ch. 26, 144-6, "On Seeking a Wife."
32. That love in classical Perso-Islamic literature is often male homoerotic is reflected not only in the celebration of same-sex male love couples, such as Mahmud and Ayaz. but also in books of advice with separate chapters on "Love" and on "Marriage," in which the beloved in chapters on "Love" is male, and issues of marriage and love, unlike in the later modernist discourse, are constructed as belonging to different domains. See, for instance, 'Unsur al-Ma'ālī, Qābūsnāmah, Ghulāmhusayn Yūsufī, ed. (Tehran: Jībī, 1974), eh. 14, 100-6, "On Love," and ch. 26, 144-6, "On Seeking a Wife."
33. That love in classical Perso-Islamic literature is often male homoerotic is reflected not only in the celebration of same-sex male love couples, such as Mahmud and Ayaz. but also in books of advice with separate chapters on "Love" and on "Marriage," in which the beloved in chapters on "Love" is male, and issues of marriage and love, unlike in the later modernist discourse, are constructed as belonging to different domains. See, for instance, 'Unsur al-Ma'ālī, Qābūsnāmah, Ghulāmhusayn Yūsufī, ed. (Tehran: Jībī, 1974), eh. 14, 100-6, "On Love," and ch. 26, 144-6, "On Seeking a Wife."
34. See Najmabadi, "Zanhā-yi millat."
35. Not surprisingly, concepts of wife and mother went through paradigmatic shifts in this same period. I discuss these shifts in "Crafting An Educated Housewife in Iran," in Lila Abu Lughod, ed. Remaking Women: eminism and Modernity in the Middle East (Princeton: Princeton University Press, forthcoming).
36. For pre-modern concepts of vatan in Persian literature, see Muhammad Rizā Shafī'i Kadkanī, "Talaqqī-i qudamā az vatan" [Our Ancestors' Understanding of Homeland], Alifbā, 1; 1 (n.d.), 1-26.
37. See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40. On this literature in Persian, see Shafī'i Kadkanī, "Talaqqī," 12-17, 19-22. He also gives examples of poets with an opposite sentiment who preferred the pain of exile to suffering at home. See ibid, 17-19.
38. See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40. On this literature in Persian, see Shafī'i Kadkanī, "Talaqqī," 12-17, 19-22. He also gives examples of poets with an opposite sentiment who preferred the pain of exile to suffering at home. See ibid, 17-19.
39. See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40. On this literature in Persian, see Shafī'i Kadkanī, "Talaqqī," 12-17, 19-22. He also gives examples of poets with an opposite sentiment who preferred the pain of exile to suffering at home. See ibid, 17-19.
40. See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40-41; Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (rev. ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
41. See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40-41; Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (rev. ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
42. Firaydūn Ādamīyat credits Ákhūndzadah and Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kirmānī (1853-1896), more than any other nineteenth-century political thinkers, with constructing the new meaning of vatan in Iranian modernity. For notions of vatan in the writings of these two thinkers, see Firaydūn Ādamīyat, Andīshah'hā-yi Mīrzā Fath'alī Ākhūndzādah (Tehran: Khvārazmī, 1970), 114-33. and his Andīshah'hā-yi Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kinnānī (Tehran: Payām, 1978), 267-87.
43. Firaydūn Ādamīyat credits Ákhūndzadah and Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kirmānī (1853-1896), more than any other nineteenth-century political thinkers, with constructing the new meaning of vatan in Iranian modernity. For notions of vatan in the writings of these two thinkers, see Firaydūn Ādamīyat, Andīshah'hā-yi Mīrzā Fath'alī Ākhūndzādah (Tehran: Khvārazmī, 1970), 114-33. and his Andīshah'hā-yi Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kinnānī (Tehran: Payām, 1978), 267-87.
44. Mīrzā Fath'alī Ākhūndzādah, Maktūbāt, M. Subhdam, ed. (n.p.: Mard-i imrūz, 1985). The definitions of these terms, and others, appear on pages 9-14; quote is from page 11.
45. Tavakoli-Targhi characterizes this as a "dual process of projection and introjection," in which "Iranian modernists attributed undesirable customs and conditions to Arabs and Islam, and appropriated desirable European manners and cultures by depicting them as originally Iranian" (Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83). In the case of vatan, however, its Iranianization drew on the sufi concept of love, even while disassociating itself from the sufi concept of vatan.
46. Shafī'i Kadkanī, "Talaqqī," 8-12.
47. These concepts are in turn related to how the figure of mother is written in sufi biographical dictionaries. Many sufis are depicted as devoted to their mothers, serving her unfailingly in her old age. The only earthly love that is not seen either as a manifestation, or disruptive, of the sufi's love for the divine seems to be his love for his mother. For a survey of female in sufi writings, see Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975). appendix 2, "The Feminine Element in Sufism," 426-35.
48. These concepts are in turn related to how the figure of mother is written in sufi biographical dictionaries. Many sufis are depicted as devoted to their mothers, serving her unfailingly in her old age. The only earthly love that is not seen either as a manifestation, or disruptive, of the sufi's love for the divine seems to be his love for his mother. For a survey of female in sufi writings, see Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975). appendix 2, "The Feminine Element in Sufism," 426-35.
49. These sufi concepts in turn influenced more orthodox interpretations of this narrative. See, for instance, Sayyid Mahmūd Imāmī Isfahānī, Samarāt al-hayāt (Tehran: Dār al-kutub al-Islāmīyya, 1953), vol. 1, 34-35.
50. Shaykh Bahā' al-Din Muhammad al-'Āmilī, Kullīīyāt-i ash'ār-i fārsī va mūsh-u-gurbah-'i Shaykh Bahā'ī Mihdī Tawhīdīpūr, ed. (Tehran: Mahmūdī, 1958), 23.
51. Iranian frontiers in this period, as Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet has powerfully argued, were anything but well-defined. Their "fragility" in part intensified the nationalist desire for territorial certitude. See Kashani-Sabet, "'Fragile Frontiers'."
52. 'Abd al-Rahīm Tālibuf, Kitāb-i Ahmad, Bāqir Mu'minī, ed. (Tehran: Shabgīr, 1977 [originally published in three volumes in 1893, 1895, and 1906]), 93.
53. See Anderson, Imagined Communities, particularly chs. 2, 10, and 11.
54. Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 77-78.
55. See Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 80-82. The success of this process can be seen in the prevalent assumption among Iranians that Firdausi's Iran is what they today consider their homeland. This is reflected in Shafī'i Kadkanī's essay as well. See "Talaqqī" 3-4.
56. See Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 80-82. The success of this process can be seen in the prevalent assumption among Iranians that Firdausi's Iran is what they today consider their homeland. This is reflected in Shafī'i Kadkanī's essay as well. See "Talaqqī" 3-4.
57. See Firuz Kazemzadeh, Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864-1914: A Study in Imperialism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968).
58. Muhammad Hasan Khān I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, 'Abd al-Husayn Navā'ī and Mīr Hāshim Muhaddas, eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989). See, for instance, volume 1, 438-57, where I'timād̄ al-Saltanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mihdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Saltanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Saltanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to "convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran." The entries listed geographical names according to "ancient geographies" and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a "service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan, Hindustan and other provinces of Asia." The entries were prefaced by chapters on "Ancient Geography," including a section on maps and mapping; on "Ethnography"; and on "Languages of Ancient Times." See Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timād al-Saltanah, Tatbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadïd-i Īrān, Mīr Hāshim Muhaddis, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15-16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83-85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Ahmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992).
59. Muhammad Hasan Khān I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, 'Abd al-Husayn Navā'ī and Mīr Hāshim Muhaddas, eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989). See, for instance, volume 1, 438-57, where I'timād̄ al-Saltanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mihdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Saltanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Saltanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to "convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran." The entries listed geographical names according to "ancient geographies" and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a "service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan, Hindustan and other provinces of Asia." The entries were prefaced by chapters on "Ancient Geography," including a section on maps and mapping; on "Ethnography"; and on "Languages of Ancient Times." See Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timād al-Saltanah, Tatbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadïd-i Īrān, Mīr Hāshim Muhaddis, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15-16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83-85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Ahmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992).
60. Muhammad Hasan Khān I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, 'Abd al-Husayn Navā'ī and Mīr Hāshim Muhaddas, eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989). See, for instance, volume 1, 438-57, where I'timād̄ al-Saltanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mihdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Saltanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Saltanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to "convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran." The entries listed geographical names according to "ancient geographies" and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a "service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan, Hindustan and other provinces of Asia." The entries were prefaced by chapters on "Ancient Geography," including a section on maps and mapping; on "Ethnography"; and on "Languages of Ancient Times." See Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timād al-Saltanah, Tatbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadïd-i Īrān, Mīr Hāshim Muhaddis, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15-16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83-85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Ahmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992).
61. Muhammad Hasan Khān I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, 'Abd al-Husayn Navā'ī and Mīr Hāshim Muhaddas, eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989). See, for instance, volume 1, 438-57, where I'timād̄ al-Saltanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mihdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Saltanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Saltanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to "convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran." The entries listed geographical names according to "ancient geographies" and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a "service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan, Hindustan and other provinces of Asia." The entries were prefaced by chapters on "Ancient Geography," including a section on maps and mapping; on "Ethnography"; and on "Languages of Ancient Times." See Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timād al-Saltanah, Tatbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadïd-i Īrān, Mīr Hāshim Muhaddis, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15-16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83-85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Ahmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992).
62. Muhammad Hasan Khān I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, 'Abd al-Husayn Navā'ī and Mīr Hāshim Muhaddas, eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989). See, for instance, volume 1, 438-57, where I'timād̄ al-Saltanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mihdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Saltanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Saltanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to "convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran." The entries listed geographical names according to "ancient geographies" and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a "service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan, Hindustan and other provinces of Asia." The entries were prefaced by chapters on "Ancient Geography," including a section on maps and mapping; on "Ethnography"; and on "Languages of Ancient Times." See Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timād al-Saltanah, Tatbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadïd-i Īrān, Mīr Hāshim Muhaddis, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15-16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83-85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Ahmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992).
63. Muhammad Hasan Khān I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, 'Abd al-Husayn Navā'ī and Mīr Hāshim Muhaddas, eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989). See, for instance, volume 1, 438-57, where I'timād̄ al-Saltanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mihdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Saltanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Saltanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to "convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran." The entries listed geographical names according to "ancient geographies" and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a "service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan, Hindustan and other provinces of Asia." The entries were prefaced by chapters on "Ancient Geography," including a section on maps and mapping; on "Ethnography"; and on "Languages of Ancient Times." See Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timād al-Saltanah, Tatbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadïd-i Īrān, Mīr Hāshim Muhaddis, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15-16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 83-85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Ahmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992).
64. 41 I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, vol. 1, 5.
65. 41 I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, vol. 1, 5.
66. 41 I'timād al-Saltanah, Mir'āt al-Buldān, vol. 1, 5.
67. On Nāsir al-Dīn Shāh's travelogues, see Iraj Afshar, "Nigāhī bah safarnāmah'nivīsī-i Nāsir al-Dīn Shāh" [A Look at Nāsir al-Dīn Shāh as a travelogue-writer]. Āyandah, 9:10-11 (winter 1984),757-69.
68. In her suggestion that gender is the story that a culture relates about sex, a social elaboration of sex, Val Plumwood draws on "the way in which land and 'country' is thought of in Australian aboriginal culture, where 'country' is land as given social significance and meaning, in a story (theory) about the land, its origins, effects and proper treatment; and of course, how this is lived out in a practice relating people to the land." See Val Plumwood, "Do We Need a Sex/Gender Distinction?," Radical Philosophy, 51 (Spring 1989), 2-11. Quotation is from page 8. In a similar move, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick draws on Gayle Rubin's "sex/gender system" to suggest "habitation/nation system" [land/country?] as a parallel construction for negotiating between a particular geographical space that one inhabits and "the far more abstract, sometimes even apparently unrelated organization of what has emerged since the late seventeenth century as her/his national identity, as signalized by, for instance, citizenship." See her essay "Nationalisms and Sexualities in the Age of Wilde," in Parker et al., Nationalisms anil Sexualities, 235-45. Quote is from page 239.
69. In her suggestion that gender is the story that a culture relates about sex, a social elaboration of sex, Val Plumwood draws on "the way in which land and 'country' is thought of in Australian aboriginal culture, where 'country' is land as given social significance and meaning, in a story (theory) about the land, its origins, effects and proper treatment; and of course, how this is lived out in a practice relating people to the land." See Val Plumwood, "Do We Need a Sex/Gender Distinction?," Radical Philosophy, 51 (Spring 1989), 2-11. Quotation is from page 8. In a similar move, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick draws on Gayle Rubin's "sex/gender system" to suggest "habitation/nation system" [land/country?] as a parallel construction for negotiating between a particular geographical space that one inhabits and "the far more abstract, sometimes even apparently unrelated organization of what has emerged since the late seventeenth century as her/his national identity, as signalized by, for instance, citizenship." See her essay "Nationalisms and Sexualities in the Age of Wilde," in Parker et al., Nationalisms anil Sexualities, 235-45. Quote is from page 239.
70. Tālibuf, Kitāb-i Ahmad, 147.
71. For a thorough historical survey of love (and wine) in sufi literature, see Nasrullāh Pūrjavādī, "Bādah-'i 'ishq" [Wine of Love], published in the following issues of Nashr-i dānish: 11:6 (October-November 1991), 4-13; 12:1 (December 1991-January 1992). 4-18; 12:2 (February-March 1992), 6-15; 12:3 (April-May 1992), 26-32: 12:4 (June-July 1992), 22-30.
72. For a thorough historical survey of love (and wine) in sufi literature, see Nasrullāh Pūrjavādī, "Bādah-'i 'ishq" [Wine of Love], published in the following issues of Nashr-i dānish: 11:6 (October-November 1991), 4-13; 12:1 (December 1991-January 1992). 4-18; 12:2 (February-March 1992), 6-15; 12:3 (April-May 1992), 26-32: 12:4 (June-July 1992), 22-30.
73. For a thorough historical survey of love (and wine) in sufi literature, see Nasrullāh Pūrjavādī, "Bādah-'i 'ishq" [Wine of Love], published in the following issues of Nashr-i dānish: 11:6 (October-November 1991), 4-13; 12:1 (December 1991-January 1992). 4-18; 12:2 (February-March 1992), 6-15; 12:3 (April-May 1992), 26-32: 12:4 (June-July 1992), 22-30.
74. For a thorough historical survey of love (and wine) in sufi literature, see Nasrullāh Pūrjavādī, "Bādah-'i 'ishq" [Wine of Love], published in the following issues of Nashr-i dānish: 11:6 (October-November 1991), 4-13; 12:1 (December 1991-January 1992). 4-18; 12:2 (February-March 1992), 6-15; 12:3 (April-May 1992), 26-32: 12:4 (June-July 1992), 22-30.
75. For a thorough historical survey of love (and wine) in sufi literature, see Nasrullāh Pūrjavādī, "Bādah-'i 'ishq" [Wine of Love], published in the following issues of Nashr-i dānish: 11:6 (October-November 1991), 4-13; 12:1 (December 1991-January 1992). 4-18; 12:2 (February-March 1992), 6-15; 12:3 (April-May 1992), 26-32: 12:4 (June-July 1992), 22-30.
76. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
77. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
78. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
79. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
80. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
81. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
82. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
83. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
84. The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muhammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled "The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering" (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10-13, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10-13; 3 (June 23, 1900). 9-12; 5 (July 9, 1900), 8-11; 8 (July 30, 1900), 11-13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12-14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14-16.
85. Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1990), 10-13. Further references will be noted in the text by reference to issue number, followed by page number. On "dream literature," see Juan R. I. Cole, "'Reform' in Dream Time: Literary Aspects of Qajar Social Thought" (paper presented at the twenty-fifth annual conference of Middle Eastern Studies Association of North America. November 22-25, 1991. Washington D.C.).
86. Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1990), 10-13. Further references will be noted in the text by reference to issue number, followed by page number. On "dream literature," see Juan R. I. Cole, "'Reform' in Dream Time: Literary Aspects of Qajar Social Thought" (paper presented at the twenty-fifth annual conference of Middle Eastern Studies Association of North America. November 22-25, 1991. Washington D.C.).
87. Many of the metaphors of these passages come directly from classical love poetry and would evoke strong affective associations for the reader familiar with that literature. For instance, the notion of the beloved appearing khawy'kardah [sweated, in a state of ecstasy], recalls a famous verse from Hafiz. See Shams al-D̄n Muhammad [Hafiz], Dīvān, Parvīz Natl Khānlarī, ed. (Tehran: Khvārazmī, 1980), 60, for the full ghazal. Note also that the beloved is spoken of as "our beloved," apparently an object of desire for a male homosocial community, whose bonding is perhaps produced in part through their shared love for this beloved.
88. At this point in the text, it is still not clear if the beloved is male or female, since Persian pronouns do not indicate gender. Moreover, in classical Persian literature about the beloved, female and male figures are inscribed in similar bodily terms. A stature as elegant as a cypress [sarv] could describe a handsome man or woman. In complicity with the modernist moves to erase such ambiguities, I have dissolved this ambiguity in favor of the female pronoun in English translation because I have teleological knowledge of its use further in the text. This of course deprives the text of its powerful ambiguity and tension up to that point of resolution.
89. The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet, Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See. for instance, Abdelwahab Bouhdiba. Sexuality in Islam, Alan Sheridan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985); Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); and Jalāl Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguerian and Afsaneh Najmabadi. "Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose 'Best Story'?" International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jāmī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see David Pendlebury's translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980).
90. The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet, Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See. for instance, Abdelwahab Bouhdiba. Sexuality in Islam, Alan Sheridan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985); Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); and Jalāl Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguerian and Afsaneh Najmabadi. "Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose 'Best Story'?" International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jāmī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see David Pendlebury's translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980).
91. The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet, Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See. for instance, Abdelwahab Bouhdiba. Sexuality in Islam, Alan Sheridan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985); Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); and Jalāl Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguerian and Afsaneh Najmabadi. "Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose 'Best Story'?" International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jāmī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see David Pendlebury's translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980).
92. The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet, Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See. for instance, Abdelwahab Bouhdiba. Sexuality in Islam, Alan Sheridan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985); Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); and Jalāl Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguerian and Afsaneh Najmabadi. "Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose 'Best Story'?" International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jāmī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see David Pendlebury's translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980).
93. The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet, Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See. for instance, Abdelwahab Bouhdiba. Sexuality in Islam, Alan Sheridan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985); Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); and Jalāl Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguerian and Afsaneh Najmabadi. "Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose 'Best Story'?" International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jāmī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see David Pendlebury's translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980).
94. The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet, Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See. for instance, Abdelwahab Bouhdiba. Sexuality in Islam, Alan Sheridan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985); Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); and Jalāl Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguerian and Afsaneh Najmabadi. "Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose 'Best Story'?" International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jāmī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see David Pendlebury's translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980).
95. The slippage perhaps demonstrates how our present modernist fixing of binary distinctions between male and female beloveds is not as determinate in these earlier modernist texts.
96. Quoted by Muhammad Mihdī Sharīf Kāshānī, Vāgi 'āt-i ittifāqīyah dar rūzigār, Mansoureh Ettehadieh (Nizam Mafi) and Cīrūs Sa'dvandīān, eds. (Tehran: Nashr-i Tārīkh-i Īrān, 1983), vol. 3, 631. These pages report on events in 1911. The Constitutional Revolution spanned the years 1906-09.
97. These are popularly known hetero- and homoerotic love couples of classical Persian literature.
98. Zayn al-'Ābidīn Marāghah'ī, Sīāhat'nāmah-'i Ibrāhīm Bayg, M. A. Sipānlū, ed. (Tehran: Asfār, 1985), 431-2.
99. Yahyā Mīrzā Iskandarī, 'Arūsī-i Mihrangīz [The Wedding of Mihrangīz], serialized in the constitutionalist paper, Īrān-i naw, from October 24, 1910, to February 18, 1911. Yahyā Mīrzā was a grandson of Muhammad Tāhir Mīrzā Iskandarī, the nineteenth-century translator of many French texts into Persian, including Alexandre Dumas's Trois Mousquetaires [1316; 1899], La Reine Margot [1323; 1905], Conte de Monte Cristo [1312; 18951. On these translations, see Dāvūd Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah-'i Furānsah bah Fārsī dar Īrān az āghāz tā kunūn (n.p. Kāvīān, 1984).
100. Yahyā Mīrzā Iskandarī, 'Arūsī-i Mihrangīz [The Wedding of Mihrangīz], serialized in the constitutionalist paper, Īrān-i naw, from October 24, 1910, to February 18, 1911. Yahyā Mīrzā was a grandson of Muhammad Tāhir Mīrzā Iskandarī, the nineteenth-century translator of many French texts into Persian, including Alexandre Dumas's Trois Mousquetaires [1316; 1899], La Reine Margot [1323; 1905], Conte de Monte Cristo [1312; 18951. On these translations, see Dāvūd Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah-'i Furānsah bah Fārsī dar Īrān az āghāz tā kunūn (n.p. Kāvīān, 1984).
101. Yahyā Mīrzā Iskandarī, 'Arūsī-i Mihrangīz [The Wedding of Mihrangīz], serialized in the constitutionalist paper, Īrān-i naw, from October 24, 1910, to
102. Yahyā Mīrzā Iskandarī, 'Arūsī-i Mihrangīz [The Wedding of Mihrangīz], serialized in the constitutionalist paper, Īrān-i naw, from October 24, 1910, to February 18, 1911. Yahyā Mīrzā was a grandson of Muhammad Tāhir Mīrzā Iskandarī, the nineteenth-century translator of many French texts into Persian, including Alexandre Dumas's Trois Mousquetaires [1316; 1899], La Reine Margot [1323; 1905], Conte de Monte Cristo [1312; 18951. On these translations, see Dāvūd Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah-'i Furānsah bah Fārsī dar Īrān az āghāz tā kunūn (n.p. Kāvīān, 1984).
103. Yahyā Mīrzā Iskandarī, 'Arūsī-i Mihrangīz [The Wedding of Mihrangīz], serialized in the constitutionalist paper, Īrān-i naw, from October 24, 1910, to February 18, 1911. Yahyā Mīrzā was a grandson of Muhammad Tāhir Mīrzā Iskandarī, the nineteenth-century translator of many French texts into Persian, including Alexandre Dumas's Trois Mousquetaires [1316; 1899], La Reine Margot [1323; 1905], Conte de Monte Cristo [1312; 18951. On these translations, see Dāvūd Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah-'i Furānsah bah Fārsī dar Īrān az āghāz tā kunūn (n.p. Kāvīān, 1984).
104. This confession of love by the young woman to the trusted nanny, as well as the subsequent development of the plot, in which Suwaydā acts as a go-between for the two lovers, connects the story with classical love literature. One significant difference is that whereas in the classical plot the wet nurse-old woman takes verbal messages between lovers, here the two young educated lovers exchange letters. For the figure of the nanny, see 'Iffat Mustashārnīā, Dāyah dar adabīyāt-i Fārsī [The Nanny in Persian Literature] (Ph. D. disser., Dept. of Literature, Tehran University, 1978); Farzaneh Milani, "On Nannies. Gypsies, and Ideal Men: Figures of Mediation" (paper presented at the First Biennial Conference of the Society for Iranian Studies, Arlington, VA, May 14-16. 1993); and Leyla Rouhi, "A Comparative Typology of the Medieval Go-Between In Light of Western European, Near Eastern, and Spanish Cases" (Ph. D. disser., Harvard University, 1995).
105. This confession of love by the young woman to the trusted nanny, as well as the subsequent development of the plot, in which Suwaydā acts as a go-between for the two lovers, connects the story with classical love literature. One significant difference is that whereas in the classical plot the wet nurse-old woman takes verbal messages between lovers, here the two young educated lovers exchange letters. For the figure of the nanny, see 'Iffat Mustashārnīā, Dāyah dar adabīyāt-i Fārsī [The Nanny in Persian Literature] (Ph. D. disser., Dept. of Literature, Tehran University, 1978); Farzaneh Milani, "On Nannies. Gypsies, and Ideal Men: Figures of Mediation" (paper presented at the First Biennial Conference of the Society for Iranian Studies, Arlington, VA, May 14-16. 1993); and Leyla Rouhi, "A Comparative Typology of the Medieval Go-Between In Light of Western European, Near Eastern, and Spanish Cases" (Ph. D. disser., Harvard University, 1995).
106. This confession of love by the young woman to the trusted nanny, as well as the subsequent development of the plot, in which Suwaydā acts as a go-between for the two lovers, connects the story with classical love literature. One significant difference is that whereas in the classical plot the wet nurse-old woman takes verbal messages between lovers, here the two young educated lovers exchange letters. For the figure of the nanny, see 'Iffat Mustashārnīā, Dāyah dar adabīyāt-i Fārsī [The Nanny in Persian Literature] (Ph. D. disser., Dept. of Literature, Tehran University, 1978); Farzaneh Milani, "On Nannies. Gypsies, and Ideal Men: Figures of Mediation" (paper presented at the First Biennial Conference of the Society for Iranian Studies, Arlington, VA, May 14-16. 1993); and Leyla Rouhi, "A Comparative Typology of the Medieval Go-Between In Light of Western European, Near Eastern, and Spanish Cases" (Ph. D. disser., Harvard University, 1995).
107. Īrān-i naw, 2:7 (October 29, 1910), 3.
108. Neatness and order are emphatic modernist themes in literature of this time, particularly wherever desirable domestic spaces are constructed. Glassed-in bookshelves became an icon of an enlightened display of modernity.
109. Some of these titles were available in Persian translations by the turn of the century including: Polybius. History of Greece [Tārīkh-i Yunan], Mīrzā 'Alī Khān Nasr, trans. (1910); Hugo's Les Miserables, Yūsuf I'tisāmī, trans. (1897). See Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah.
110. Some of these titles were available in Persian translations by the turn of the century including: Polybius. History of Greece [Tārīkh-i Yunan], Mīrzā 'Alī Khān Nasr, trans. (1910); Hugo's Les Miserables, Yūsuf I'tisāmī, trans. (1897). See Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah.
111. Some of these titles were available in Persian translations by the turn of the century including: Polybius. History of Greece [Tārīkh-i Yunan], Mīrzā 'Alī Khān Nasr, trans. (1910); Hugo's Les Miserables, Yūsuf I'tisāmī, trans. (1897). See Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah.
112. On Dar al-Funūn, see Maryam Ekhtiar, The Dār al-Funūn: Educational Reform and Cultural Development in Qajar Iran (Ph. D. disser., Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Literature New York University, 1994).
113. Hurmuz, said to have attended Dār al-Funūn, is an example ot how modern education produced the egalitarian brotherhood of master and servant. This egalitarian tendency, not a common feature of modernist fiction, is also crafted here by the choice of the names of the three men. Hūshang, Firaydūn, and Hurmuz are all names of kings from the Shāhnāmah of Firdausi. Much of the later modernist fiction did the opposite, giving servants names with Islamic genealogies as a way of marking the class divide with a cultural flag. For the significance of new namings after the ancient mytho-historical names in this period, see Tavakoli-Targhi. "Refashioning Iran."
114. Īrān-i naw, 2:9 (October 31, 1910), 3.
115. See Farīd al-Dīn 'Attār, Tazkirat al-'awlīā', with an introduction by Muhammad Qazvīnī (Tehran: Ganjīnah, 1991), 82. My thanks to Kouross Esmaeli for bringing this story and the significance of the exclusion test of love to my attention.
116. This brief summary cannot do justice to this rich novelette that deserves to be republished and analyzed independently.
117. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
118. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
119. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
120. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
121. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
122. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
123. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
124. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
125. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
126. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
127. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
128. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
129. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
130. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
131. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
132. For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muhammad Sādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muhammad Mīrzā Muhammad Khān Bahādur, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934); Husayn Namīnī, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Husaynī Gilānī - Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984); Muhammad Taqī Bahār, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965); 'Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Sayyid Hādī Hā'irī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980); Muhammad Rizā Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyat, 'Alī Akbar Musīr Salīmī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971); Abū al-Qāsim Lāhūtī, Kulīyāt, Bihrūz Mushīrī, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979); and Muhammad Farrukhī, Dīvān-i Farrukhī Yazdī, Husayn Makkī, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978). See also Mīr 'Alī Naqī, "Vatanīyah'hā"; and Muhammad Ahmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-vi Millī-i Iran (Tehran: Zībā, 1990). For examples of another genre, bahr-i tavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number "bahr-i tavīl-i vatani" published in Habl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7-8; 26 (January 20, 1908), 10-11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17-18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18-19; and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996).
133. Īrān-i naw, 1:134 (February 16, 1910), 1. See also Tavakoli-Targhi. "Refashioning Iran," 98-99. For similar arguments regarding the inclusivity of the category "Iranian" or "Muslims, Zoroasterians. Jews, Armenians" as well as "Shirazis, Isfahanis, Kirmanis, Tehranis, Baluchis, Bakhtiaris, Luris, Kurds, Irakis and Azerbaijanis," see "Īrān va Īrānīān" [Iran and Iranians], Hab/ al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1-8 and 17.
134. Īrān-i naw, 1:134 (February 16, 1910), 1. See also Tavakoli-Targhi. "Refashioning Iran," 98-99. For similar arguments regarding the inclusivity of the category "Iranian" or "Muslims, Zoroasterians. Jews, Armenians" as well as "Shirazis, Isfahanis, Kirmanis, Tehranis, Baluchis, Bakhtiaris, Luris, Kurds, Irakis and Azerbaijanis," see "Īrān va Īrānīān" [Iran and Iranians], Hab/ al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1-8 and 17.
135. Īrān-i naw, 1:134 (February 16, 1910), 1. See also Tavakoli-Targhi. "Refashioning Iran," 98-99. For similar arguments regarding the inclusivity of the category "Iranian" or "Muslims, Zoroasterians. Jews, Armenians" as well as "Shirazis, Isfahanis, Kirmanis, Tehranis, Baluchis, Bakhtiaris, Luris, Kurds, Irakis and Azerbaijanis," see "Īrān va Īrānīān" [Iran and Iranians], Hab/ al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1-8 and 17.
136. On "the interweaving of private sentiments and public politics," see Hunt. The Family Romance, 4.
137. Sūr-i Isrāfīl, 18 (November 23, 1907), 3, from the complete reprint of Sūr-i Isrāfīl, edited with an introduction by Mansoureh Ettehadieh (Tehran: Nashr-i Tārikh-i Īrān, 1982).
138. Sūr-i Isrāfīl, 18 (November 23, 1907), 3, from the complete reprint of Sūr-i Isrāfīl, edited with an introduction by Mansoureh Ettehadieh (Tehran: Nashr-i Tārikh-i Īrān, 1982).
139. Āmuzgār, 15 (September 7, 1911), 1.
140. Al-Jamāl, 29 (January 1, 1908), 1-2.
141. "Lāyihah-'i yikī az dānāyān-i junūb," Habl al-matīn, 15:18 (November 25, 1907), 13-18; quotations, page 15.
142. This shift in meaning of haqq was intimately linked to the shift in meaning of sīāsat from the ruler's (and parent's) prerogative to punish his subjects (children) to a citizen's rights to participate in politics, as explicated by Tavakoli-Targhi, in "Refashioning Iran."
143. For an English translation of a poem of this genre, see the 1913 poem by Pūr Davūd, in Edward G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia (Los Angeles: Kalimat, 1983 [1914]), 289-91, from which 1 have taken the subtitle of this section: "fevered, tormented and grieved." For a sample of a political essay that scripts Iran as a sick body in need of a knowledgeable physician and a caring nurse and narrates a history of Iran as cycles of health and illness, see Surayyā, 2:25 (May 26, 1900), 17-18. For a dialogue between two sons of vatan in which mother vatan is diagnosed as having contracted many diseases over centuries from foreign intruders (melancholia [mālīkhūlīā] from the Greeks, a stroke and paralysis resulting from the Arab attack, rabies from Genghiz Khan), see "Tashkhīs-i amrāz-i vatan yā dīāgnūstīk-i Īrān" [Recognizing the Illnesses of Vatan or a Diagnosis of Iran], in Rahnimā, vol. 1; the article was serialized from the first issue (August 6, 1907, 5-7) and continued through almost every issue, except for issues 4 and 21. The collection of Raahnimā to which I had access (Butler Library, Columbia University) ends with issue no. 24 (May 12, 1908), in which the essay appeared on pages 5 to 6 and was to be continued.
144. For an English translation of a poem of this genre, see the 1913 poem by Pūr Davūd, in Edward G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia (Los Angeles: Kalimat, 1983 [1914]), 289-91, from which 1 have taken the subtitle of this section: "fevered, tormented and grieved." For a sample of a political essay that scripts Iran as a sick body in need of a knowledgeable physician and a caring nurse and narrates a history of Iran as cycles of health and illness, see Surayyā, 2:25 (May 26, 1900), 17-18. For a dialogue between two sons of vatan in which mother vatan is diagnosed as having contracted many diseases over centuries from foreign intruders (melancholia [mālīkhūlīā] from the Greeks, a stroke and paralysis resulting from the Arab attack, rabies from Genghiz Khan), see "Tashkhīs-i amrāz-i vatan yā dīāgnūstīk-i Īrān" [Recognizing the Illnesses of Vatan or a Diagnosis of Iran], in Rahnimā, vol. 1; the article was serialized from the first issue (August 6, 1907, 5-7) and continued through almost every issue, except for issues 4 and 21. The collection of Raahnimā to which I had access (Butler Library, Columbia University) ends with issue no. 24 (May 12, 1908), in which the essay appeared on pages 5 to 6 and was to be continued.
145. For an English translation of a poem of this genre, see the 1913 poem by Pūr Davūd, in Edward G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia (Los Angeles: Kalimat, 1983 [1914]), 289-91, from which 1 have taken the subtitle of this section: "fevered, tormented and grieved." For a sample of a political essay that scripts Iran as a sick body in need of a knowledgeable physician and a caring nurse and narrates a history of Iran as cycles of health and illness, see Surayyā, 2:25 (May 26, 1900), 17-18. For a dialogue between two sons of vatan in which mother vatan is diagnosed as having contracted many diseases over centuries from foreign intruders (melancholia [mālīkhūlīā] from the Greeks, a stroke and paralysis resulting from the Arab attack, rabies from Genghiz Khan), see "Tashkhīs-i amrāz-i vatan yā dīāgnūstīk-i Īrān" [Recognizing the Illnesses of Vatan or a Diagnosis of Iran], in Rahnimā, vol. 1; the article was serialized from the first issue (August 6, 1907, 5-7) and continued through almost every issue, except for issues 4 and 21. The collection of Raahnimā to which I had access (Butler Library, Columbia University) ends with issue no. 24 (May 12, 1908), in which the essay appeared on pages 5 to 6 and was to be continued.
146. "Ru'yā-yi sādiqānah, "Habl al-matīn (Tehran), 2:43 (June 7, 1908), 1-5.
147. The slippage from the sentiment of love for a beloved to the love of sons for their mother and her demands upon them is often correlated in these texts with a shift from the individual patriot to the brotherhood of compatriots. The shift thus avoids a disruption of the fraternal bonding of male citizens that rivaling over the love of a beloved would engender. For other implications of the double figure of beloved mother, see Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Reading for Gender through Qajar Painting.,quot; in Exhibition Catalogue (New York: Brooklyn Museum, "Exhibition on Qajar Court Art," forthcoming in Fall 1998). For examples of such a shift, see "Īrān va Īrānīan," Habl al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1-8 and 17; and "Lāyihah-'i yikī az dānāyān-i junūb," Habl al-matīn, 15:18 (November 25, 1907), 13-18.
148. The slippage from the sentiment of love for a beloved to the love of sons for their mother and her demands upon them is often correlated in these texts with a shift from the individual patriot to the brotherhood of compatriots. The shift thus avoids a disruption of the fraternal bonding of male citizens that rivaling over the love of a beloved would engender. For other implications of the double figure of beloved mother, see Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Reading for Gender through Qajar Painting.,quot; in Exhibition Catalogue (New York: Brooklyn Museum, "Exhibition on Qajar Court Art," forthcoming in Fall 1998). For examples of such a shift, see "Īrān va Īrānīan," Habl al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1-8 and 17; and "Lāyihah-'i yikī az dānāyān-i junūb," Habl al-matīn, 15:18 (November 25, 1907), 13-18.
149. The slippage from the sentiment of love for a beloved to the love of sons for their mother and her demands upon them is often correlated in these texts with a shift from the individual patriot to the brotherhood of compatriots. The shift thus avoids a disruption of the fraternal bonding of male citizens that rivaling over the love of a beloved would engender. For other implications of the double figure of beloved mother, see Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Reading for Gender through Qajar Painting.,quot; in Exhibition Catalogue (New York: Brooklyn Museum, "Exhibition on Qajar Court Art," forthcoming in Fall 1998). For examples of such a shift, see "Īrān va Īrānīan," Habl al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1-8 and 17; and "Lāyihah-'i yikī az dānāyān-i junūb," Habl al-matīn, 15:18 (November 25, 1907), 13-18.
150. See Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran."
151. Al-Hadīd, 1:6 (August 2, 1905), 8.
152. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
153. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
154. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
155. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
156. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
157. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
158. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
159. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
160. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
161. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
162. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
163. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
164. For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2-3, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3-4, Īrān naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2; Īrān-i naw, 114 (January 18, 1910), 4; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3; Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911), 3. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vatan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4.
165. Īrān-i naw, 124 (February 3, 1910), 4. The letter, following the practice of women at the time, is signed by a reference to the woman's father: "daughter of Imām al-Hukamā." The signature is preceded by another domestic expression used by women at this time: "servant of vatan" [khādimah-'i vatan].
166. This is a proverbial phrase, used in the political language of this period to call upon men to take up the struggle and prove themselves superior to women. For a discussion of the inner tensions of the constitutional discourse about women, see Najmabadi, "Zanhā-vi millat."
167. Shukūfah, 1:17 (November 3, 1913), 2.
168. Majlis, 6 (December 3, 1906), 3.
169. Īrān-i naw, 19 (September 15, 1909), 3.
170. Shukùfah, 1:12 (July28, 1913): 2. Note that these formulations also engender knowledge as female through her personification as a nurturing mother.
171. Shukūfah, 2:8 (March 13, 1914), 3.
172. Shukūfah, 3:19 (October 8, 1915), 2.
173. Īrān-i naw, 65 (November 13, 1909), 3; 69 (November 18, 1909), 3; 78 (November 30, 1909), 2-3; 84 (December 8, 1909), 3; 92 (December 18, 1909), 3-4.
174. Īrān-i naw, 65 (November 13, 1909), 3; 69 (November 18,
175. Īrān-i naw, 65 (November 13, 1909), 3; 69 (November 18, 1909), 3; 78 (November 30, 1909), 2-3; 84 (December 8, 1909), 3; 92 (December 18, 1909), 3-4.
176. Īrān-i naw, 65 (November 13, 1909), 3; 69 (November 18, 1909), 3; 78 (November 30, 1909), 2-3; 84 (December 8, 1909), 3; 92 (December 18, 1909), 3-4.
177. Īrān-i naw, 65 (November 13, 1909), 3; 69 (November 18, 1909), 3; 78 (November 30, 1909), 2-3; 84 (December 8, 1909), 3; 92 (December 18, 1909), 3-4.
178. Īrān-i naw, 78 (November 30, 1909), 3.
179. For a discussion of these contesting notions within Iranian modernism, see Najmabadi, "Zanhā-yi millat."
180. Tālibuf, Kitāb-i Ahmad, 194.
181. Ibid., 92.
182. Al-Hadīd, 1:36 (March 15, 1906), 1-2.
183. On the cultural significance of execution of Shaykh Fazl'allāh Nūri as "the cultural equivalent of the execution of Louis XVI," see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 101.
184. On the cultural significance of execution of Shaykh Fazl'allāh Nūri as "the cultural equivalent of the execution of Louis XVI," see Tavakoli-Targhi, "Refashioning Iran," 101.
185. For a fuller discussion of this issue, see Najmabadi, "The Eclipse of the Female Sun."
186. Muhammad 'Alī Karīmzādah Tabrīzī, "Āsārī az hunarmandān-i Īrānī marbūt bah shāhanshāhī-i Pahlavī," Barrasī'hā-yi tārikhī, 11 (special issue: March 1976), 347-82. Reproduction of this postcard appears on page 370.