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Volumn 87, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 25-40

Making diversity safe for democracy: American pluralism and the presidential local address, 1885-1992

Author keywords

Democracy; Diversity; Local address; Pluralism; Rhetorical presidency

Indexed keywords


EID: 0002447619     PISSN: 00335630     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00335630109384316     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (11)

References (67)
  • 3
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    • Hart reports that between 1945 and 1985, for example, the sheer amount of presidential rhetoric increased significantly, with approximately 75% of this discourse being addressed specifically to local audiences, specific interest groups, or the press. Similar quantitative analysis of presidential speech from 1900 to 1945 and from 1985 to the present is currently unavailable
    • See Hart, The Sound of Leadership: Presidential Communication in the Modern Age, 228. Hart reports that between 1945 and 1985, for example, the sheer amount of presidential rhetoric increased significantly, with approximately 75% of this discourse being addressed specifically to local audiences, specific interest groups, or the press. Similar quantitative analysis of presidential speech from 1900 to 1945 and from 1985 to the present is currently unavailable.
    • The Sound of Leadership: Presidential Communication in the Modern Age , pp. 228
    • Hart1
  • 4
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    • note
    • I have chosen this time period purposefully. I have started in 1885 in order to include the peak immigration years of the late nineteenth century, when ethnic and socioeconomic differences were of great concern to the citizenry, and I have ended in 1992, a year plagued with post-Rodney King concerns about diversity, in order to include the most recent complete presidential term. In addition, by "local address," I mean a speech given to a specific subgroup of citizens. These speeches typically occur in one of three settings: the group's own locale (i.e., the president visits a particular community or site), a neutral location (the president speaks at a group's meeting at a hotel or conference center), or the White House (as a result of a presidential invitation). Regardless of their ostensible purposes (as party fund-raisers, stump speeches, etc.), these addresses are unlike other presidential talks because they imply a greater degree of intimacy between the speaker and audience. Although some of these speeches are broadcast to the general public, I have excluded informal remarks made to the press alone from my data.
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    • Dahl muses that "if a fifth-century Athenian citizen were suddenly to appear in our midst he (being a citizen of Athens, it would necessarily be he, not she) would probably find what we call democracy unrecognizable, unattractive, and undemocratic." See Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, 235. Furthermore, here I use the term demos to suggest a "citizen body" of people capable of self-rule and eligible to participate in the democracy as voters, a definition that I take from Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, 4.
    • Democracy and Its Critics , pp. 235
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    • Dahl muses that "if a fifth-century Athenian citizen were suddenly to appear in our midst he (being a citizen of Athens, it would necessarily be he, not she) would probably find what we call democracy unrecognizable, unattractive, and undemocratic." See Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, 235. Furthermore, here I use the term demos to suggest a "citizen body" of people capable of self-rule and eligible to participate in the democracy as voters, a definition that I take from Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, 4.
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    • For documentation of the overall rise of presidential speech to the public in the modern argue, see Hart, The Sound of Leadership: Presidential Communication in the Modern Age (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987). For a comparison of speaking rates of twentieth century chief executives with their nineteenth-century forebears, see Jeffrey K. Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
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    • note
    • Here I define "presidential term" as the tenure of any sitting president, beginning with either an election or appointment and ending with another election, impeachment, or death. By this definition, there were 31 terms, complete and incomplete, from 1885-1992, resulting in a total of 310 speeches in my collection. For presidents with multiple terms, I collected a separate set of speeches for each term; in other words, in the case of FDR, I read forty speeches to correspond with his four terms, ten for each one, even though his last executive term was cut short.
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    • note
    • Yet some people and places are not visited. No president has spoken specifically to members of the American Communist Party, for example, nor have chief executives clamored to address groups of atheists or nudists. These omissions are hardly surprising, as most critics would classify local addresses as epideictic speeches in which common values are affirmed and celebrated. Indeed, my analysis suggests that presidents tend to talk to groups unlikely to challenge their "safe" definitions of American pluralities (and thus identity). A quantitative review of all local addresses would be necessary to provide further support for this claim.
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