Postrevolutionary intellectuals, rural readings and the shaping of the 'peasant problem' in Mexico: El Maestro Rural, 1932-34

Journal of Latin American Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 309-339

  Palacios, Guillermo ^a,b  

^a Ctro Invest y Docencia E   (Mexico)

^b EL COLEGIO DE MÉXICO   (Mexico)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0001967095     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X98005069     Document Type: Review

References (166)

1. William Doyle, 'Presentation' (Part 1: The Old Regimen and the Revolution), in Colin Lucas (ed.), The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, vol. II, The Political Culture of the French Revolution (Oxford, New York, 1988), p. 4. On the difficulty of measuring the results, that is, the cultural ('ideological') impact of the revolution cf. Alan Knight, 'Revolutionary Project; Recalcitrant People: Mexico, 1910-1940', in Jaime E. Rodriguez (ed.), The Revolutionary Process in Mexico. Essays on Political and Social Change (Los Angeles, 1990), pp. 251-52.
2. William Doyle, 'Presentation' (Part 1: The Old Regimen and the Revolution), in Colin Lucas (ed.), The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, vol. II, The Political Culture of the French Revolution (Oxford, New York, 1988), p. 4. On the difficulty of measuring the results, that is, the cultural ('ideological') impact of the revolution cf. Alan Knight, 'Revolutionary Project; Recalcitrant People: Mexico, 1910-1940', in Jaime E. Rodriguez (ed.), The Revolutionary Process in Mexico. Essays on Political and Social Change (Los Angeles, 1990), pp. 251-52.
3. See, for example, Elsie Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930', in Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent (ed.), Everyday Forms of State Formation. Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham and London, 1994), pp. 170-208; Knight, 'Revolutionary Project', also offers valuable information about instances of popular rejection of the cultural post-revolutionary 'project' and discusses the term.
4. See, for example, Elsie Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution: Enacting and Contesting State Forms in Tlaxcala, 1910-1930', in Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent (ed.), Everyday Forms of State Formation. Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham and London, 1994), pp. 170-208; Knight, 'Revolutionary Project', also offers valuable information about instances of popular rejection of the cultural post-revolutionary 'project' and discusses the term.
5. The background of rural education in the twenties has been studied in detail by several authors; it is worth consulting, among others, J. Z. Vázquez, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico, 1975), pp. 317-36; D. L. Raby, Educación y revolución social en México (1921-1940) (Mexico, 1974), pp. 11-18; and M. K. Vaughan, Estado, closes sociales y educación en México, vol. II (Mexico, 1982), pp. 317-36. Cf. also the classic I. Castillo, México: sus revoluciones sociales y la educación, vol. 3 (Mexico, 1976), pp. 287-319.
6. The background of rural education in the twenties has been studied in detail by several authors; it is worth consulting, among others, J. Z. Vázquez, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico, 1975), pp. 317-36; D. L. Raby, Educación y revolución social en México (1921-1940) (Mexico, 1974), pp. 11-18; and M. K. Vaughan, Estado, closes sociales y educación en México, vol. II (Mexico, 1982), pp. 317-36. Cf. also the classic I. Castillo, México: sus revoluciones sociales y la educación, vol. 3 (Mexico, 1976), pp. 287-319.
7. The background of rural education in the twenties has been studied in detail by several authors; it is worth consulting, among others, J. Z. Vázquez, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico, 1975), pp. 317-36; D. L. Raby, Educación y revolución social en México (1921-1940) (Mexico, 1974), pp. 11-18; and M. K. Vaughan, Estado, closes sociales y educación en México, vol. II (Mexico, 1982), pp. 317-36. Cf. also the classic I. Castillo, México: sus revoluciones sociales y la educación, vol. 3 (Mexico, 1976), pp. 287-319.
8. The background of rural education in the twenties has been studied in detail by several authors; it is worth consulting, among others, J. Z. Vázquez, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico, 1975), pp. 317-36; D. L. Raby, Educación y revolución social en México (1921-1940) (Mexico, 1974), pp. 11-18; and M. K. Vaughan, Estado, closes sociales y educación en México, vol. II (Mexico, 1982), pp. 317-36. Cf. also the classic I. Castillo, México: sus revoluciones sociales y la educación, vol. 3 (Mexico, 1976), pp. 287-319.
9. 'Lázaro Cárdenas el 1° de septiembre de 1936, al abrir el Congreso las sesiones ordinarias' in Secretaría de Educación Pública, La Educación Pública a través de los mensajes presidenciales (Mexico, 1976), p. 23; about El Sembrador and El Libro y el Pueblo, encouraged by a group led by Jaime Torres Bodet, another bright hope of the revolutionary intellectuals, cf. Engracia Loyo, 'Lectura para el pueblo, 1921-1940', Historia Mexicana, vol. 33, no. 3 (1988), pp. 298-345.
10. 'Lázaro Cárdenas el 1° de septiembre de 1936, al abrir el Congreso las sesiones ordinarias' in Secretaría de Educación Pública, La Educación Pública a través de los mensajes presidenciales (Mexico, 1976), p. 23; about El Sembrador and El Libro y el Pueblo, encouraged by a group led by Jaime Torres Bodet, another bright hope of the revolutionary intellectuals, cf. Engracia Loyo, 'Lectura para el pueblo, 1921-1940', Historia Mexicana, vol. 33, no. 3 (1988), pp. 298-345.
11. 'Lázaro Cárdenas el 1° de septiembre de 1936, al abrir el Congreso las sesiones ordinarias' in Secretaría de Educación Pública, La Educación Pública a través de los mensajes presidenciales (Mexico, 1976), p. 23; about El Sembrador and El Libro y el Pueblo, encouraged by a group led by Jaime Torres Bodet, another bright hope of the revolutionary intellectuals, cf. Engracia Loyo, 'Lectura para el pueblo, 1921-1940', Historia Mexicana, vol. 33, no. 3 (1988), pp. 298-345.
12. The 'legitimate symbolic violence' concept is a Weberian elaboration made by Bourdieu. Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power (1991).
13. The Cultural Missions were created in 1923 as a tool for updating rural teachers and 'brigades for the ideological fermentation and the renovation of the teachers' knowledge and methods'. These were small groups of teachers ('missionaries') specialised in fields such as pedagogy, geography, mathematics, arts and trades, who made short and periodic visits ('Missions') to isolated villages. In 1932 the SEP had thirteen of these missions. Cf. Narciso Bassols, 'El Programa Educativo de México', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, (1 Aug. 1932), p. 4-5; Manuel Mesa [Andraca], 'Organización y funcionamiento de las Misiones Culturales', ibid., vol. II, no. 10 (1933); R. Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador de México. (Su vida, su Obra y su Tiempo) (Monterrey, 1962), pp. 121-2; Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Las Misiones Culturales, 1932-33 (Mexico, 1933); Castillo, México: sus revoluciones, vol. 3, pp. 308-19; a critical vision by one of the participants in the Bassolist phase can be found in S. Arias Navarro, Las Misiones Culturales: reflexiones de un misionero (Mexico, 1934).
14. The Cultural Missions were created in 1923 as a tool for updating rural teachers and 'brigades for the ideological fermentation and the renovation of the teachers' knowledge and methods'. These were small groups of teachers ('missionaries') specialised in fields such as pedagogy, geography, mathematics, arts and trades, who made short and periodic visits ('Missions') to isolated villages. In 1932 the SEP had thirteen of these missions. Cf. Narciso Bassols, 'El Programa Educativo de México', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, (1 Aug. 1932), p. 4-5; Manuel Mesa [Andraca], 'Organización y funcionamiento de las Misiones Culturales', ibid., vol. II, no. 10 (1933); R. Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador de México. (Su vida, su Obra y su Tiempo) (Monterrey, 1962), pp. 121-2; Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Las Misiones Culturales, 1932-33 (Mexico, 1933); Castillo, México: sus revoluciones, vol. 3, pp. 308-19; a critical vision by one of the participants in the Bassolist phase can be found in S. Arias Navarro, Las Misiones Culturales: reflexiones de un misionero (Mexico, 1934).
15. The Cultural Missions were created in 1923 as a tool for updating rural teachers and 'brigades for the ideological fermentation and the renovation of the teachers' knowledge and methods'. These were small groups of teachers ('missionaries') specialised in fields such as pedagogy, geography, mathematics, arts and trades, who made short and periodic visits ('Missions') to isolated villages. In 1932 the SEP had thirteen of these missions. Cf. Narciso Bassols, 'El Programa Educativo de México', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, (1 Aug. 1932), p. 4-5; Manuel Mesa [Andraca], 'Organización y funcionamiento de las Misiones Culturales', ibid., vol. II, no. 10 (1933); R. Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador de México. (Su vida, su Obra y su Tiempo) (Monterrey, 1962), pp. 121-2; Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Las Misiones Culturales, 1932-33 (Mexico, 1933); Castillo, México: sus revoluciones, vol. 3, pp. 308-19; a critical vision by one of the participants in the Bassolist phase can be found in S. Arias Navarro, Las Misiones Culturales: reflexiones de un misionero (Mexico, 1934).
16. The Cultural Missions were created in 1923 as a tool for updating rural teachers and 'brigades for the ideological fermentation and the renovation of the teachers' knowledge and methods'. These were small groups of teachers ('missionaries') specialised in fields such as pedagogy, geography, mathematics, arts and trades, who made short and periodic visits ('Missions') to isolated villages. In 1932 the SEP had thirteen of these missions. Cf. Narciso Bassols, 'El Programa Educativo de México', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, (1 Aug. 1932), p. 4-5; Manuel Mesa [Andraca], 'Organización y funcionamiento de las Misiones Culturales', ibid., vol. II, no. 10 (1933); R. Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador de México. (Su vida, su Obra y su Tiempo) (Monterrey, 1962), pp. 121-2; Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Las Misiones Culturales, 1932-33 (Mexico, 1933); Castillo, México: sus revoluciones, vol. 3, pp. 308-19; a critical vision by one of the participants in the Bassolist phase can be found in S. Arias Navarro, Las Misiones Culturales: reflexiones de un misionero (Mexico, 1934).
17. The Cultural Missions were created in 1923 as a tool for updating rural teachers and 'brigades for the ideological fermentation and the renovation of the teachers' knowledge and methods'. These were small groups of teachers ('missionaries') specialised in fields such as pedagogy, geography, mathematics, arts and trades, who made short and periodic visits ('Missions') to isolated villages. In 1932 the SEP had thirteen of these missions. Cf. Narciso Bassols, 'El Programa Educativo de México', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, (1 Aug. 1932), p. 4-5; Manuel Mesa [Andraca], 'Organización y funcionamiento de las Misiones Culturales', ibid., vol. II, no. 10 (1933); R. Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador de México. (Su vida, su Obra y su Tiempo) (Monterrey, 1962), pp. 121-2; Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Las Misiones Culturales, 1932-33 (Mexico, 1933); Castillo, México: sus revoluciones, vol. 3, pp. 308-19; a critical vision by one of the participants in the Bassolist phase can be found in S. Arias Navarro, Las Misiones Culturales: reflexiones de un misionero (Mexico, 1934).
18. The Cultural Missions were created in 1923 as a tool for updating rural teachers and 'brigades for the ideological fermentation and the renovation of the teachers' knowledge and methods'. These were small groups of teachers ('missionaries') specialised in fields such as pedagogy, geography, mathematics, arts and trades, who made short and periodic visits ('Missions') to isolated villages. In 1932 the SEP had thirteen of these missions. Cf. Narciso Bassols, 'El Programa Educativo de México', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, (1 Aug. 1932), p. 4-5; Manuel Mesa [Andraca], 'Organización y funcionamiento de las Misiones Culturales', ibid., vol. II, no. 10 (1933); R. Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador de México. (Su vida, su Obra y su Tiempo) (Monterrey, 1962), pp. 121-2; Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), Las Misiones Culturales, 1932-33 (Mexico, 1933); Castillo, México: sus revoluciones, vol. 3, pp. 308-19; a critical vision by one of the participants in the Bassolist phase can be found in S. Arias Navarro, Las Misiones Culturales: reflexiones de un misionero (Mexico, 1934).
19. For example, Dagoberto J. Rendón, 'Cómo construir un gallinero', El Maestro Rural, vol. 1, no. 3 (1932), p. 15.
20. The formal elaboration of the magazine entails a certain representation of the peasant audience within the 'imaginary' of its drafters and typographers. For reading as a concrete act of construction of meaning see R. Chartier, Cultural history: between practices and representations (Cambridge, 1988).
21. Guiding the reader by using 'introductions' is a central practice in the creation of a meaning to be imposed upon the reader. It is achieved through what Chartier calls 'Strategies of control or of seduction of the reader', and by means of devices that seek to control interpretation. Roger Chartier, Cultural History: between practices and representations (Cambridge, 1988).
22. Certainly, Bassols, Sáenz, Novo and Yáñez need no presentation. Manuel Mesa Andraca (1893-1984) was educated as an agronomist at the National School of Agricultural in 1917; between 1923 and 1930 he was its secretary and director. In 1928 he produced an extensive, critical study about the Central Agricultural Schools, upon which the reforms implemented in 1933 would be based. About his role and, in general, about the relationship among the members of the intellectual pedagogue group, cf. J. A. Britton, Educación y Radicalismo en México, I, Los Años de Bassols (1931-1934) (México, 1976). Rafael Ramírez was a teacher educated at the Escuela Normal of Xalapa, Veracruz. He was Director of the Department of Rural Schools of the SEP and Head of the Cultural Missions between 1927 and 1935. Very close to Sáenz, he resigned from his posts when Bassols forced Sáenz out. Cf. ibid., p. 29; David Raby, 'Ideología y formación del Estado: la función política de la educación rural en México, 1921-1935', Revista Mexicana de Sociología, vol. LI, no. 2 (1989), p. 310. Isidro Castillo was also a teacher, educated at the Escuela Normal of Morelia; he was director of federal education in several states during the thirties.
23. Certainly, Bassols, Sáenz, Novo and Yáñez need no presentation. Manuel Mesa Andraca (1893-1984) was educated as an agronomist at the National School of Agricultural in 1917; between 1923 and 1930 he was its secretary and director. In 1928 he produced an extensive, critical study about the Central Agricultural Schools, upon which the reforms implemented in 1933 would be based. About his role and, in general, about the relationship among the members of the intellectual pedagogue group, cf. J. A. Britton, Educación y Radicalismo en México, I, Los Años de Bassols (1931-1934) (México, 1976). Rafael Ramírez was a teacher educated at the Escuela Normal of Xalapa, Veracruz. He was Director of the Department of Rural Schools of the SEP and Head of the Cultural Missions between 1927 and 1935. Very close to Sáenz, he resigned from his posts when Bassols forced Sáenz out. Cf. ibid., p. 29; David Raby, 'Ideología y formación del Estado: la función política de la educación rural en México, 1921-1935', Revista Mexicana de Sociología, vol. LI, no. 2 (1989), p. 310. Isidro Castillo was also a teacher, educated at the Escuela Normal of Morelia; he was director of federal education in several states during the thirties.
24. Certainly, Bassols, Sáenz, Novo and Yáñez need no presentation. Manuel Mesa Andraca (1893-1984) was educated as an agronomist at the National School of Agricultural in 1917; between 1923 and 1930 he was its secretary and director. In 1928 he produced an extensive, critical study about the Central Agricultural Schools, upon which the reforms implemented in 1933 would be based. About his role and, in general, about the relationship among the members of the intellectual pedagogue group, cf. J. A. Britton, Educación y Radicalismo en México, I, Los Años de Bassols (1931-1934) (México, 1976). Rafael Ramírez was a teacher educated at the Escuela Normal of Xalapa, Veracruz. He was Director of the Department of Rural Schools of the SEP and Head of the Cultural Missions between 1927 and 1935. Very close to Sáenz, he resigned from his posts when Bassols forced Sáenz out. Cf. ibid., p. 29; David Raby, 'Ideología y formación del Estado: la función política de la educación rural en México, 1921-1935', Revista Mexicana de Sociología, vol. LI, no. 2 (1989), p. 310. Isidro Castillo was also a teacher, educated at the Escuela Normal of Morelia; he was director of federal education in several states during the thirties.
25. Knight calls the latter 'intelectuales pueblerinos' ('village intellectuals'): Alan Knight, 'Los intelectuales en la revolución', Revista Mexicana de Sociología, vol. LI, no. 2 (1989), p. 53.
26. On the effect of 'circularity' see M. M. Bakthin, Estética de la creación verbal. Lingüística y teoría literaria (Mexico, 1982); other authors speak of the 'reciprocal influence' in the relationship between different 'culture levels'. See C. Ginzburg, O queijo e os vermes. O cotidiano e as idéias de um moleiro perseguido pela Inquisição (São Paulo, 1987), pp. 25-6; P. Burke, Cultura popular na idade maderna. Europa 1500-1800 (São Paulo, 1989), pp. 20-1.
27. On the effect of 'circularity' see M. M. Bakthin, Estética de la creación verbal. Lingüística y teoría literaria (Mexico, 1982); other authors speak of the 'reciprocal influence' in the relationship between different 'culture levels'. See C. Ginzburg, O queijo e os vermes. O cotidiano e as idéias de um moleiro perseguido pela Inquisição (São Paulo, 1987), pp. 25-6; P. Burke, Cultura popular na idade maderna. Europa 1500-1800 (São Paulo, 1989), pp. 20-1.
28. On the effect of 'circularity' see M. M. Bakthin, Estética de la creación verbal. Lingüística y teoría literaria (Mexico, 1982); other authors speak of the 'reciprocal influence' in the relationship between different 'culture levels'. See C. Ginzburg, O queijo e os vermes. O cotidiano e as idéias de um moleiro perseguido pela Inquisição (São Paulo, 1987), pp. 25-6; P. Burke, Cultura popular na idade maderna. Europa 1500-1800 (São Paulo, 1989), pp. 20-1.
29. Compare with Sayer: 'It is usually intellectuals in positions of power who articulate what they claim is already there as vox populi' Derek Sayer, 'Everyday Forms of State Formation: Some Dissident Remarks on "Hegemony"', in Joseph and Nugent (eds.), Everyday farms of State Formation, p. 372.
30. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación de la cultura', in Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología de Moisés Saenz (Mexico, 1970). Obviously, this does not include the ideas formulated by Sáenz at the beginning of the thirties that he later gathered in anthologies such as México Integro; see also Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador and John Britton, 'Moisés Sáenz: nacionalista mexicano', Historia Mexicana, vol. 22, no. 1 (1972), pp. 77-97.
31. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación de la cultura', in Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología de Moisés Saenz (Mexico, 1970). Obviously, this does not include the ideas formulated by Sáenz at the beginning of the thirties that he later gathered in anthologies such as México Integro; see also Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador and John Britton, 'Moisés Sáenz: nacionalista mexicano', Historia Mexicana, vol. 22, no. 1 (1972), pp. 77-97.
32. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación de la cultura', in Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología de Moisés Saenz (Mexico, 1970). Obviously, this does not include the ideas formulated by Sáenz at the beginning of the thirties that he later gathered in anthologies such as México Integro; see also Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador and John Britton, 'Moisés Sáenz: nacionalista mexicano', Historia Mexicana, vol. 22, no. 1 (1972), pp. 77-97.
33. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación de la cultura', in Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología de Moisés Saenz (Mexico, 1970). Obviously, this does not include the ideas formulated by Sáenz at the beginning of the thirties that he later gathered in anthologies such as México Integro; see also Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz. Educador and John Britton, 'Moisés Sáenz: nacionalista mexicano', Historia Mexicana, vol. 22, no. 1 (1972), pp. 77-97.
34. 'El segundo aniversario de El Maestro Rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. IV, no. 5 (1934), p. 3.
35. 'Nuestro objeto', El Maestro Rural, vol. I, no. 1 (1932), p. 5.
36. 'Segundo aniversario', p. 3. On the construction of the social 'imaginary' during the course of revolutionary processes and/or of violent change, cf. B. Baczko, Los imaginarios sociales. Memorias y esperanzas colectivas (Buenos Aires, 1991).
37. 'Segundo aniversario', p. 3. On the construction of the social 'imaginary' during the course of revolutionary processes and/or of violent change, cf. B. Baczko, Los imaginarios sociales. Memorias y esperanzas colectivas (Buenos Aires, 1991).
38. 'Segundo aniversario', p. 3.
39. Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', pp. 183-5.
40. An article from 1933 summarised the vision that the intellectuals developed regarding the condition in the country as follows: '[...] al contemplar el estado de la población campesina en nuestro país, aparece antes que todo un cuadro de estancamiento. El indio, en muchas regiones mexicanas, vive como vivían sus ancestros de hace un milenio. En otras, vive como vivían sus abuelos sometidos a la encomienda, al diezmo y a la cura de almas, que era también sabrosa explotación de cuerpos. El tiempo ha pasado; ni la independencia, con su desfile glorioso de heroes; ni la Reforma, con su falange victoriosa de pensadores y de caracteres; ni siquiera la Revolución, vieja ya de dos décadas, que ha conmovido y transformado en grado tan evidente muchos de los aspectos mexicanos, han logrado influenciar a esas tribus, a esas poblacioncs, a esas masas humanas de intrincadas y recónditas regiones nuestras'. 'La agitación de la conciencia revolucionaria', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 13 (1933), p. 3.
41. [Aureliano Esquivel], 'Las escuelas rurales juzgadas por el Prof. Esquivel: Su idea de lo que son y de lo que deben ser', ibid., vol. I, no. 6 (1932), p. 3.
42. Cf. A. Molina Enríquez, Clasificación de las ciencias fundamentales, (Mexico, 1935).
43. A representative list of peasant 'deficiencies' compiled by a rural teacher can be found in Urbano Méndez S., 'La Escuela Rural y algunos de sus problemas', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 7 (1933), p. 22; evidently, that 'discovery' of the dead weight in peasant culture is not an accomplishment of the thirties but the sophistication of previous reflections, revolutionary and pre-revolutionary. Vaughan rescues similar concepts published during the first years of the twenties in the Boletín de la SEP in Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 319-20.
44. A representative list of peasant 'deficiencies' compiled by a rural teacher can be found in Urbano Méndez S., 'La Escuela Rural y algunos de sus problemas', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 7 (1933), p. 22; evidently, that 'discovery' of the dead weight in peasant culture is not an accomplishment of the thirties but the sophistication of previous reflections, revolutionary and pre-revolutionary. Vaughan rescues similar concepts published during the first years of the twenties in the Boletín de la SEP in Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 319-20.
45. Knight, among others, has stressed the prevalence of the liberal vision during the revolution (and, in general, the curious persistance of 'conservative' and 'liberal' lines in some regions); Knight, 'Intelectuales en la revolución', p. 54-5. Alan Knight, 'Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940', Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 74, no. 3 (1994), pp. 406-7, 437-8. The chief advocate of this vision is, of course, Jesús Reyes Heroles, El liberalismo mexicano (Mexico, 1957-61).
46. Knight, among others, has stressed the prevalence of the liberal vision during the revolution (and, in general, the curious persistance of 'conservative' and 'liberal' lines in some regions); Knight, 'Intelectuales en la revolución', p. 54-5. Alan Knight, 'Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940', Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 74, no. 3 (1994), pp. 406-7, 437-8. The chief advocate of this vision is, of course, Jesús Reyes Heroles, El liberalismo mexicano (Mexico, 1957-61).
47. Knight, among others, has stressed the prevalence of the liberal vision during the revolution (and, in general, the curious persistance of 'conservative' and 'liberal' lines in some regions); Knight, 'Intelectuales en la revolución', p. 54-5. Alan Knight, 'Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940', Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 74, no. 3 (1994), pp. 406-7, 437-8. The chief advocate of this vision is, of course, Jesús Reyes Heroles, El liberalismo mexicano (Mexico, 1957-61).
48. 'Nuestro Objeto', p. 4.
49. On this issue, see L. King, Roots of Identity. Language and Literacy in Mexico (Stanford, 1994), pp. 62-6.
50. On this thematic relationship of the different kinds of totalitarianism, cf. G. Balandier, El poder en escenas. De la representación del poder al poder de la representación (Barcelona, 1994), pp. 20-1.
51. Incorporationism and integrationism were opposite projects in the field of post-revolutionary cultural policies during the second half of the twenties and the first years of the next decade, when the thesis of an integral approach to the Indian-peasant problem finally was imposed. The incorporation thesis - which implicitly contained the notion of the modernisation of the Indian-peasant life by means of its civilisation, that is, the converting of the Indian into an acculturated westerner - originates, in its Mexican version, in A. Molina Enríquez but has its greatest impulse with M. Gamio in his Forjando Patria (Mexico, 1916). Sáenz, who supported this outlook during the second half of the twenties, fought against it at the beginning of the thirties and opposed it to the integration theory. Cf. Moisés Sáenz, 'El indio y la escuela' in Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología, pp. 23-5. For a sharp analysis of the meaning and contradictions of incorporation, see Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y su reinterpretación', pp. xxvi-xxx.
52. Incorporationism and integrationism were opposite projects in the field of post-revolutionary cultural policies during the second half of the twenties and the first years of the next decade, when the thesis of an integral approach to the Indian-peasant problem finally was imposed. The incorporation thesis - which implicitly contained the notion of the modernisation of the Indian-peasant life by means of its civilisation, that is, the converting of the Indian into an acculturated westerner - originates, in its Mexican version, in A. Molina Enríquez but has its greatest impulse with M. Gamio in his Forjando Patria (Mexico, 1916). Sáenz, who supported this outlook during the second half of the twenties, fought against it at the beginning of the thirties and opposed it to the integration theory. Cf. Moisés Sáenz, 'El indio y la escuela' in Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología, pp. 23-5. For a sharp analysis of the meaning and contradictions of incorporation, see Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y su reinterpretación', pp. xxvi-xxx.
53. Incorporationism and integrationism were opposite projects in the field of post-revolutionary cultural policies during the second half of the twenties and the first years of the next decade, when the thesis of an integral approach to the Indian-peasant problem finally was imposed. The incorporation thesis - which implicitly contained the notion of the modernisation of the Indian-peasant life by means of its civilisation, that is, the converting of the Indian into an acculturated westerner - originates, in its Mexican version, in A. Molina Enríquez but has its greatest impulse with M. Gamio in his Forjando Patria (Mexico, 1916). Sáenz, who supported this outlook during the second half of the twenties, fought against it at the beginning of the thirties and opposed it to the integration theory. Cf. Moisés Sáenz, 'El indio y la escuela' in Aguirre Beltrán (ed.), Antología, pp. 23-5. For a sharp analysis of the meaning and contradictions of incorporation, see Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y su reinterpretación', pp. xxvi-xxx.
54. The discussion about the 'superiority of what is modern' has allowed some scholars to try to approach the rural education process in Mexico as a paradigmatic case of the modernisation theory, such as Britton, Educación y radicalismo. Of course, 'modernisation' and 'modernisation theory' can be two very different things, and they are understood as such in this article.
55. [Narciso Bassols], 'Plática del Secretario de Educación pública a los miembros de las Misiones Culturales, sustentada en el Teatro Orientación la noche del 4 de marzo de 1932', El Maestro Rural, vol. I, no. 1 (1932), p. 5.
56. L. Enríquez, 'Problemas Agricolas', ibid., vol. V, no. 2 (1934), p. 17.
57. Obviously, this formula changed during the Cárdenas years, when the communists greatly expanded their influence in some states. Carr gathers information that 90 per cent of the rural teachers in the state of Guerrero and four out of every six federal inspectors were members of the PCM (Mexican Communist Party) in 1939. Barry Carr, 'The Fate of the Vanguard under a Revolutionary State: Marxism's Contribution to the Construction of the Great Arch', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 337; for a completely opposite situation, see Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy in the Countryside: Socialist Education in Puebla in the Cárdenas Period', in Ricardo Sanchez Flores, Eric Van Young and Gisela von Wobeser (eds.), La ciudad y el campo en la historia de México (Mexico, 1992), p. 893-904.
58. Obviously, this formula changed during the Cárdenas years, when the communists greatly expanded their influence in some states. Carr gathers information that 90 per cent of the rural teachers in the state of Guerrero and four out of every six federal inspectors were members of the PCM (Mexican Communist Party) in 1939. Barry Carr, 'The Fate of the Vanguard under a Revolutionary State: Marxism's Contribution to the Construction of the Great Arch', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 337; for a completely opposite situation, see Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy in the Countryside: Socialist Education in Puebla in the Cárdenas Period', in Ricardo Sanchez Flores, Eric Van Young and Gisela von Wobeser (eds.), La ciudad y el campo en la historia de México (Mexico, 1992), p. 893-904.
59. Moisés Sáenz, 'La escuela y la cultura', El Maestro Rural, vol. I, no. 5 (1932), p. 6.
60. Ibid., p. 7; it should be possible to establish links between the opposition 'school' and 'culture' on the one hand, and the opposition established in the German theoretical debate at the end of the century regarding 'civilisation' and 'culture', on the other hand. One must not forget the influence the controversy surrounding Gesellschaft and Gemeinschaft had upon many Mexican intellectuals of the post revolutionary period; this influence can be traced to the works and classrooms of Antonio Caso, where the discussion and the thinkers supporting it were mentioned; cf. the second edition of his Sociología, genética y sistemática (Mexico, 1931), a work which was republished several times after 1927 and that was circulated throughout Latin America. I thank Prof. Francisco Gil Villegas for his information regarding this point.
61. Ibid., p. 7; it should be possible to establish links between the opposition 'school' and 'culture' on the one hand, and the opposition established in the German theoretical debate at the end of the century regarding 'civilisation' and 'culture', on the other hand. One must not forget the influence the controversy surrounding Gesellschaft and Gemeinschaft had upon many Mexican intellectuals of the post revolutionary period; this influence can be traced to the works and classrooms of Antonio Caso, where the discussion and the thinkers supporting it were mentioned; cf. the second edition of his Sociología, genética y sistemática (Mexico, 1931), a work which was republished several times after 1927 and that was circulated throughout Latin America. I thank Prof. Francisco Gil Villegas for his information regarding this point.
62. See William Roseberry, 'Hegemony and the Language of Contention', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 365. The subject of the cultural revolution during the decades of 1920 and 1930 has been discussed by several authors, in particular Knight, 'Revolutionary Project' and 'Popular Culture'; see also Adrian A. Bantjes, 'Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution', in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin and William E. French (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Willmington, 1994), pp. 263-4, who emphasises the project of creating a 'new society' as a central element of the postrevolutionary ideology. The subject is constant in the magazine pages; Bassols, for example ('El Programs', p. 5), close to the Soviet model, speaks of creating 'a new world' through education; more than ten years earlier, Calles had already expressed the need to create a 'new national soul' by means of the school; cit. in Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 170.
63. See William Roseberry, 'Hegemony and the Language of Contention', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 365. The subject of the cultural revolution during the decades of 1920 and 1930 has been discussed by several authors, in particular Knight, 'Revolutionary Project' and 'Popular Culture'; see also Adrian A. Bantjes, 'Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution', in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin and William E. French (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Willmington, 1994), pp. 263-4, who emphasises the project of creating a 'new society' as a central element of the postrevolutionary ideology. The subject is constant in the magazine pages; Bassols, for example ('El Programs', p. 5), close to the Soviet model, speaks of creating 'a new world' through education; more than ten years earlier, Calles had already expressed the need to create a 'new national soul' by means of the school; cit. in Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 170.
64. See William Roseberry, 'Hegemony and the Language of Contention', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 365. The subject of the cultural revolution during the decades of 1920 and 1930 has been discussed by several authors, in particular Knight, 'Revolutionary Project' and 'Popular Culture'; see also Adrian A. Bantjes, 'Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution', in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin and William E. French (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Willmington, 1994), pp. 263-4, who emphasises the project of creating a 'new society' as a central element of the postrevolutionary ideology. The subject is constant in the magazine pages; Bassols, for example ('El Programs', p. 5), close to the Soviet model, speaks of creating 'a new world' through education; more than ten years earlier, Calles had already expressed the need to create a 'new national soul' by means of the school; cit. in Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 170.
65. See William Roseberry, 'Hegemony and the Language of Contention', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 365. The subject of the cultural revolution during the decades of 1920 and 1930 has been discussed by several authors, in particular Knight, 'Revolutionary Project' and 'Popular Culture'; see also Adrian A. Bantjes, 'Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution', in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin and William E. French (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Willmington, 1994), pp. 263-4, who emphasises the project of creating a 'new society' as a central element of the postrevolutionary ideology. The subject is constant in the magazine pages; Bassols, for example ('El Programs', p. 5), close to the Soviet model, speaks of creating 'a new world' through education; more than ten years earlier, Calles had already expressed the need to create a 'new national soul' by means of the school; cit. in Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 170.
66. See William Roseberry, 'Hegemony and the Language of Contention', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 365. The subject of the cultural revolution during the decades of 1920 and 1930 has been discussed by several authors, in particular Knight, 'Revolutionary Project' and 'Popular Culture'; see also Adrian A. Bantjes, 'Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution', in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin and William E. French (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Willmington, 1994), pp. 263-4, who emphasises the project of creating a 'new society' as a central element of the postrevolutionary ideology. The subject is constant in the magazine pages; Bassols, for example ('El Programs', p. 5), close to the Soviet model, speaks of creating 'a new world' through education; more than ten years earlier, Calles had already expressed the need to create a 'new national soul' by means of the school; cit. in Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 170.
67. See William Roseberry, 'Hegemony and the Language of Contention', in Joseph and Nugent, Everyday Forms, p. 365. The subject of the cultural revolution during the decades of 1920 and 1930 has been discussed by several authors, in particular Knight, 'Revolutionary Project' and 'Popular Culture'; see also Adrian A. Bantjes, 'Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution', in William H. Beezley, Cheryl English Martin and William E. French (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Willmington, 1994), pp. 263-4, who emphasises the project of creating a 'new society' as a central element of the postrevolutionary ideology. The subject is constant in the magazine pages; Bassols, for example ('El Programs', p. 5), close to the Soviet model, speaks of creating 'a new world' through education; more than ten years earlier, Calles had already expressed the need to create a 'new national soul' by means of the school; cit. in Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 170.
68. Bassols, 'El Programa', p. 4.
69. Francisco Manríquez, 'El ejido y el maestro rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), p. 33.
70. There exists here a kinship between cultural project and political process, as if we were talking of extraordinarily similar brothers who are not completely identical; see Knight, 'Revolutionary Project', pp. 236-7.
71. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1990).
72. Another of Simpson's findings: 'El mito sólo puede ser aceptado si se convierte, para la mirada del individuo, en una suerte de imposición a la que está sometida igualmente toda la sociedad en que aquel participa'. L. Kolakowski, La presencia del mito (Buenos Aires, 1975), p. 27.
73. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
74. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
75. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
76. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
77. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
78. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
79. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
80. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
81. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson, 'Bulkwards of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico', JLAS, vol. 22, no. 1 (1990) and 'The Ceremonial and Political Roles of Village Bands, 1846-1974', in Beezley et al., Rituals of Rule, pp. 307-42; Mary Kay Vaughan, 'The Construction of the Patriotic Festival in Tecamachalco, Puebla, 1900-1946', in ibid., pp. 213-45; Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 261-84; Knight, 'Popular Culture', pp. 406-7; Miguel Rodriguez, 'El 12 de octubre: entre el IV y el V centenario', in Roberto Blancarte (ed.), Cultura e identidad en México (Mexico, 1994), pp. 127-62; see also Historia Mexicana, vol. 45, no. 2 (1995), edited by Solange Alberro on the subject Rituales Cívicos; on the beginning of the work on the postrevolutionary historiography, cf. G. Palacios, Los intelectuales posrevolucionarios y la construcción socio-cultural del' problema campesino' en los añas treinta, I/3: Historia, ciencias sociales y religiosidad popular en el discur so pedagógico (Mexico, 1996), pp. 4-31 .
82. The establishment of the 'national holidays' and a nationalistic civic calendar has been studied by David L. Raby, 'Los principlos de la educación rural en México; el caso de Michoacán, 1915-1924', Historia Mexicana, v. 22, no. 4 (1973), pp. 577-8, and Vaughan, Estado, clases sociales y educación, p. 311. Recently, there has been an avalanche of good studies in this field, as can be seen in Guy P. C. Thomson,
83. Eyler D. Simpson, 'Estado de la educación de los indios en México al comenzar el año de 1932 [I]', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 13 (1993), pp. 13-4.
84. The 'empirical subject' of the discourse, the rural teachers at the end of the twenties and beginning of the thirties, has been described generically by the same authors quoted in footnote 3 above. See particularly Raby, Educación y revolución social, pp. 19-20.
85. 'Nuestro Objeto', p. 4. Talking in general terms, Vaughan thinks (I consider a bit mechanically) that the process of empowerment of rural teachers meant a parallel process of subordination of the peasants. See Mary Kay Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers in the Mexican Revolution: The Story of Reyna's Braids', Journal of Women's History, vol. 2, no. 1 (1990), p. 144.
86. 'Nuestro Objeto', p. 4. Talking in general terms, Vaughan thinks (I consider a bit mechanically) that the process of empowerment of rural teachers meant a parallel process of subordination of the peasants. See Mary Kay Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers in the Mexican Revolution: The Story of Reyna's Braids', Journal of Women's History, vol. 2, no. 1 (1990), p. 144.
87. 'Los nuevos misioneros de la cultura y de la civilización', El Maestro Rural, vol. IV, no. 8 (1934), p. 9.
88. César Martino, 'La escuela y el ejido', ibid., vol. I, no. 1 (1952), p. 11.
89. Adolfo Velasco, 'La acción socializante del maestro de escuela', ibid., vol. II, no. 13 (1933), p. 26.
90. M. Sáenz, 'Escuela y cultura', p. 9; M. Sáenz, México integro (Mexico, 1939), p. 115. Aguirre Beltrán considers the reference to the 'espíritu rural' as 'una exaltación emotiva de la Gemeinschaft de Tönnies [...] su reacción en contra del industrialisme que promueve la corriente desarrollista de la Revolución en la cual él mismo se halla incluido y su apartamiento de esa tendencia para adoptar en su contenido el postulado anárquico del siglo anterior que quiso fundar en la comunidad rural el futuro de una humanidad libre de dictadura y de explotación'. Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii; on the spatial reformulation brought about by the schools in rural communities, see Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 200.
91. M. Sáenz, 'Escuela y cultura', p. 9; M. Sáenz, México integro (Mexico, 1939), p. 115. Aguirre Beltrán considers the reference to the 'espíritu rural' as 'una exaltación emotiva de la Gemeinschaft de Tönnies [...] su reacción en contra del industrialisme que promueve la corriente desarrollista de la Revolución en la cual él mismo se halla incluido y su apartamiento de esa tendencia para adoptar en su contenido el postulado anárquico del siglo anterior que quiso fundar en la comunidad rural el futuro de una humanidad libre de dictadura y de explotación'. Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii; on the spatial reformulation brought about by the schools in rural communities, see Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 200.
92. M. Sáenz, 'Escuela y cultura', p. 9; M. Sáenz, México integro (Mexico, 1939), p. 115. Aguirre Beltrán considers the reference to the 'espíritu rural' as 'una exaltación emotiva de la Gemeinschaft de Tönnies [...] su reacción en contra del industrialisme que promueve la corriente desarrollista de la Revolución en la cual él mismo se halla incluido y su apartamiento de esa tendencia para adoptar en su contenido el postulado anárquico del siglo anterior que quiso fundar en la comunidad rural el futuro de una humanidad libre de dictadura y de explotación'. Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii; on the spatial reformulation brought about by the schools in rural communities, see Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 200.
93. M. Sáenz, 'Escuela y cultura', p. 9; M. Sáenz, México integro (Mexico, 1939), p. 115. Aguirre Beltrán considers the reference to the 'espíritu rural' as 'una exaltación emotiva de la Gemeinschaft de Tönnies [...] su reacción en contra del industrialisme que promueve la corriente desarrollista de la Revolución en la cual él mismo se halla incluido y su apartamiento de esa tendencia para adoptar en su contenido el postulado anárquico del siglo anterior que quiso fundar en la comunidad rural el futuro de una humanidad libre de dictadura y de explotación'. Aguirre Beltrán, 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii; on the spatial reformulation brought about by the schools in rural communities, see Rockwell, 'Schools of the Revolution', p. 200.
94. About the organisation of the teachers union cf. Britton, Educación y radicalismo; A. Arnaut Salgado, Historia de una profesión: maestros de educación primaria en México, 1887-1993 (Mexico, 1996).
95. About the organisation of the teachers union cf. Britton, Educación y radicalismo; A. Arnaut Salgado, Historia de una profesión: maestros de educación primaria en México, 1887-1993 (Mexico, 1996).
96. A rural teacher said: 'dura, áspera y cruel es, sin duda, la vida del campesino; mejorarla es un deber ineludible, inaplazable, es una obligación estricta del revolucionario; pero la vida del civilizado, del maestro rural preparado, de que su vocación o su idealidad lo arrastra a esa convivencia, es más áspera y más dura y más cruel; mejorarla es un deber de humanidad y justicia, también ineludible e inaplazable, es una obligación del culto, es un imperativo de la civilización; abandonarle es un delito de lesa cultura'. Artemio Alpizar Ruz, 'El Ministre de Educación ante el problema de la educación rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. I, no. 10 (1932), p. 6.
97. Isidro Castillo, 'La dotación de tierras a los maestros', ibid., vol. I, 10 (1932), p. 23.
98. Martino, 'Escuela y ejido',p. 12; Marcelino Reyes,'¿Hacia dónde vamos?', El Maestro Rural, vol. V, no. 2 (1934), p. 7. Bantjes ('Burning Saints', p. 268) picks up the designation of 'intellectual directors of workers and peasants'.
99. Martino, 'Escuela y ejido',p. 12; Marcelino Reyes,'¿Hacia dónde vamos?', El Maestro Rural, vol. V, no. 2 (1934), p. 7. Bantjes ('Burning Saints', p. 268) picks up the designation of 'intellectual directors of workers and peasants'.
100. Martino, 'Escuela y ejido',p. 12; Marcelino Reyes,'¿Hacia dónde vamos?', El Maestro Rural, vol. V, no. 2 (1934), p. 7. Bantjes ('Burning Saints', p. 268) picks up the designation of 'intellectual directors of workers and peasants'.
101. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
102. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
103. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
104. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
105. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
106. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
107. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
108. Velasco, 'La acción socializante', p. 26. 'Agitation and propaganda' as a tool for peasant acculturation was a concept evidently imported from Soviet Russia: see for example, A. P. Pinkevich, La nueva educación en la Rusia saviética (Madrid, 1931), p. 443. The populist vocabulary that so frequently appears in the writing of rural teachers seems to originate in the anarchic-populist writings of R. Flores Magón and must have had a powerful source for its diffusion among the magisterial environment with Sáenz himself, who knew Magón's work and, in some aspects, closely followed his same line. Cf. Aguirre Beltrán, 'Aluentes ideológicos de la Revolución Mexicana', in G. Aguirre Beitrán, Crítica Antropológica. Contribuciones al Estudio del Pensamiento Social en México (Mexico, 1990), pp. 106-7; Ibid., 'El indio y la reinterpretación', pp. xi-xii, xlv-xlvii. One must recall that since 1922 El Libro y el Pueblo published in articles or short translations Tolstoi's work and Sáenz, when he took over the SEP Subsecretaría for the first time in 1924, at once redefined the Cultural Missions in clearly populist terms as tools to 'poner los profesionistas que las integran, al servicio de la comunidad'. Quoted in Mejía Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 121-2; on the other hand, in a previous work, Carr showed the great conceptual loss of bearings that existed for years in Mexico regarding the ideological meaning of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the terminological confusion it caused, with the indiscriminate combination of Bolshevik and populist, anarchist and liberal terms, etc. B. Carr, El movimiento obrere y la política mexicana, 1910-1920 (Mexico, 1979), pp. 63-78; A. Villegas, El pensamiento mexicano en el siglo XX (Mexico, 1993), pp. 31-3.
109. Cf. El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), which is totally devoted to spread the SEP version regarding the threat of strike; Britton, Educación y radicalismo, pp. 68-9. Some teachers defended the replacement; one of them remembered that 'una gran mayoría de maestros rurales no son', but rather had been improvised in order to fill the available posts and, referring to the unbelievably low wages of $0.90 a day, stated: 'Sólo quienes no pudieran servir ni como peones aceptarían un empleo de maestro rural y poco podía esperarse de ellos cuando la sola aceptación de esc pequeño salario advertía que nada podría enseñar quien nada sabía'. Jorge Labra, '¿Los maestros o los niños?', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), p. 11: compare with the advice given by the father of one of the improvised rural teachers studied by Vaughan: 'You have two choices in life. You can be a servant or you can be a teacher'. Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 150; the content of improvised instruction is concisely outlined on p. 157.
110. Cf. El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), which is totally devoted to spread the SEP version regarding the threat of strike; Britton, Educación y radicalismo, pp. 68-9. Some teachers defended the replacement; one of them remembered that 'una gran mayoría de maestros rurales no son', but rather had been improvised in order to fill the available posts and, referring to the unbelievably low wages of $0.90 a day, stated: 'Sólo quienes no pudieran servir ni como peones aceptarían un empleo de maestro rural y poco podía esperarse de ellos cuando la sola aceptación de esc pequeño salario advertía que nada podría enseñar quien nada sabía'. Jorge Labra, '¿Los maestros o los niños?', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), p. 11: compare with the advice given by the father of one of the improvised rural teachers studied by Vaughan: 'You have two choices in life. You can be a servant or you can be a teacher'. Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 150; the content of improvised instruction is concisely outlined on p. 157.
111. Cf. El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), which is totally devoted to spread the SEP version regarding the threat of strike; Britton, Educación y radicalismo, pp. 68-9. Some teachers defended the replacement; one of them remembered that 'una gran mayoría de maestros rurales no son', but rather had been improvised in order to fill the available posts and, referring to the unbelievably low wages of $0.90 a day, stated: 'Sólo quienes no pudieran servir ni como peones aceptarían un empleo de maestro rural y poco podía esperarse de ellos cuando la sola aceptación de esc pequeño salario advertía que nada podría enseñar quien nada sabía'. Jorge Labra, '¿Los maestros o los niños?', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), p. 11: compare with the advice given by the father of one of the improvised rural teachers studied by Vaughan: 'You have two choices in life. You can be a servant or you can be a teacher'. Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 150; the content of improvised instruction is concisely outlined on p. 157.
112. Cf. El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), which is totally devoted to spread the SEP version regarding the threat of strike; Britton, Educación y radicalismo, pp. 68-9. Some teachers defended the replacement; one of them remembered that 'una gran mayoría de maestros rurales no son', but rather had been improvised in order to fill the available posts and, referring to the unbelievably low wages of $0.90 a day, stated: 'Sólo quienes no pudieran servir ni como peones aceptarían un empleo de maestro rural y poco podía esperarse de ellos cuando la sola aceptación de esc pequeño salario advertía que nada podría enseñar quien nada sabía'. Jorge Labra, '¿Los maestros o los niños?', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 8 (1933), p. 11: compare with the advice given by the father of one of the improvised rural teachers studied by Vaughan: 'You have two choices in life. You can be a servant or you can be a teacher'. Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 150; the content of improvised instruction is concisely outlined on p. 157.
113. An editorial stated: 'El Maestro Rural no puede ser considerado como un profeta, como un taumaturgo investido milagrosamente por la ignara credulidad con el poder de curar a los leprosos, hacer ver a los ciegos y enriquecer y llenar de regocijo a los pobres y a los tristes. Es un hombre, con facultades y medios limitados'. 'La misión del maestro rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 10 (1933), p. 4. On the other hand, in practice, the replacement of improvised teachers by qualified teachers seemed to have been quite limited. Vaughan reports that in Puebla, already in 1936, unqualified teachers, whose only training depended basically upon the Cultural Missions, El Maestro Rural and the Co-operation Centres, predominated. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 901.
114. An editorial stated: 'El Maestro Rural no puede ser considerado como un profeta, como un taumaturgo investido milagrosamente por la ignara credulidad con el poder de curar a los leprosos, hacer ver a los ciegos y enriquecer y llenar de regocijo a los pobres y a los tristes. Es un hombre, con facultades y medios limitados'. 'La misión del maestro rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 10 (1933), p. 4. On the other hand, in practice, the replacement of improvised teachers by qualified teachers seemed to have been quite limited. Vaughan reports that in Puebla, already in 1936, unqualified teachers, whose only training depended basically upon the Cultural Missions, El Maestro Rural and the Co-operation Centres, predominated. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 901.
115. An editorial stated: 'El Maestro Rural no puede ser considerado como un profeta, como un taumaturgo investido milagrosamente por la ignara credulidad con el poder de curar a los leprosos, hacer ver a los ciegos y enriquecer y llenar de regocijo a los pobres y a los tristes. Es un hombre, con facultades y medios limitados'. 'La misión del maestro rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 10 (1933), p. 4. On the other hand, in practice, the replacement of improvised teachers by qualified teachers seemed to have been quite limited. Vaughan reports that in Puebla, already in 1936, unqualified teachers, whose only training depended basically upon the Cultural Missions, El Maestro Rural and the Co-operation Centres, predominated. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 901.
116. Roberto S. Hernández, 'La Escuela Rural como foco de una comunidad', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 15 (1993), p. 10. Incidentally, Bantjes ('Burning Saints', passim) discusses the anticlerical campaigns in Sonora at the beginning of the thirties and formulates the thesis that as in Jacobin France, there could have been a 'transference of sacredness' (Mona Ozuf) between Catholicism and a 'new civic religion'. It seems to me that the idea is a bit out of place, and a careful reading of the article strengthens that impression because, while it builds up a strong case about the well-known anticlerical actions of what would be phase one (destructive) of the process, it fails to show convincingly, beyond a simple statement, phase two, that is, the creation of a revolutionary 'new religion'. It is not enough to mention Cultural Sundays and other inventions, especially if one has as a frame of reference the dimension of the French example. I think that the search for a revolutionary 'religiosity', which in fact became apparent, should rather try to study the appropriation - in the discourse and practice of the postrevolutionary ideologues, in the symbolic structures and, particularly, in the lexicon of the old religion - instead of the substitution by another religion; see Palacios, Intelectuales posrevolucionarios, I/3, pp. 31-8.
117. Roberto S. Hernández, 'La Escuela Rural como foco de una comunidad', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 15 (1993), p. 10. Incidentally, Bantjes ('Burning Saints', passim) discusses the anticlerical campaigns in Sonora at the beginning of the thirties and formulates the thesis that as in Jacobin France, there could have been a 'transference of sacredness' (Mona Ozuf) between Catholicism and a 'new civic religion'. It seems to me that the idea is a bit out of place, and a careful reading of the article strengthens that impression because, while it builds up a strong case about the well-known anticlerical actions of what would be phase one (destructive) of the process, it fails to show convincingly, beyond a simple statement, phase two, that is, the creation of a revolutionary 'new religion'. It is not enough to mention Cultural Sundays and other inventions, especially if one has as a frame of reference the dimension of the French example. I think that the search for a revolutionary 'religiosity', which in fact became apparent, should rather try to study the appropriation - in the discourse and practice of the postrevolutionary ideologues, in the symbolic structures and, particularly, in the lexicon of the old religion - instead of the substitution by another religion; see Palacios, Intelectuales posrevolucionarios, I/3, pp. 31-8.
118. Roberto S. Hernández, 'La Escuela Rural como foco de una comunidad', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 15 (1993), p. 10. Incidentally, Bantjes ('Burning Saints', passim) discusses the anticlerical campaigns in Sonora at the beginning of the thirties and formulates the thesis that as in Jacobin France, there could have been a 'transference of sacredness' (Mona Ozuf) between Catholicism and a 'new civic religion'. It seems to me that the idea is a bit out of place, and a careful reading of the article strengthens that impression because, while it builds up a strong case about the well-known anticlerical actions of what would be phase one (destructive) of the process, it fails to show convincingly, beyond a simple statement, phase two, that is, the creation of a revolutionary 'new religion'. It is not enough to mention Cultural Sundays and other inventions, especially if one has as a frame of reference the dimension of the French example. I think that the search for a revolutionary 'religiosity', which in fact became apparent, should rather try to study the appropriation - in the discourse and practice of the postrevolutionary ideologues, in the symbolic structures and, particularly, in the lexicon of the old religion - instead of the substitution by another religion; see Palacios, Intelectuales posrevolucionarios, I/3, pp. 31-8.
119. 'Los maestros rurales no deben actuar como políticos', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 2 (1933), pp. 3-4. About the election cf. L. J. Garrido, El partido de la revolución institucionalizada. La formación del nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) (Mexico, 1991); Tzvi Medin, El minimato presidencial: bistoria política del maximato, 1928-1935 (Mexico, 1982); A. Córdova, Le aventura del maximato (Mexico, 1995).
120. 'Los maestros rurales no deben actuar como políticos', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 2 (1933), pp. 3-4. About the election cf. L. J. Garrido, El partido de la revolución institucionalizada. La formación del nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) (Mexico, 1991); Tzvi Medin, El minimato presidencial: bistoria política del maximato, 1928-1935 (Mexico, 1982); A. Córdova, Le aventura del maximato (Mexico, 1995).
121. 'Los maestros rurales no deben actuar como políticos', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 2 (1933), pp. 3-4. About the election cf. L. J. Garrido, El partido de la revolución institucionalizada. La formación del nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) (Mexico, 1991); Tzvi Medin, El minimato presidencial: bistoria política del maximato, 1928-1935 (Mexico, 1982); A. Córdova, Le aventura del maximato (Mexico, 1995).
122. 'Los maestros rurales no deben actuar como políticos', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 2 (1933), pp. 3-4. About the election cf. L. J. Garrido, El partido de la revolución institucionalizada. La formación del nuevo Estado en México (1928-1945) (Mexico, 1991); Tzvi Medin, El minimato presidencial: bistoria política del maximato, 1928-1935 (Mexico, 1982); A. Córdova, Le aventura del maximato (Mexico, 1995).
123. 'Palabras del Secretario de Educación al Cuerpo de Inspectores de Escuelas Primarias del Distrito Federal, el día 16 de febrero de 1934', El Maestro Rural, vol. IV, no. 6 (1934), pp. 4-5. Bassols had to resign from SEP in May 1934, the reason given being the generalised rejection of sexual education, although his anticlericalism and leftist tendencies had antagonised important conservative groups in the capital. He was then appointed Secretario de Gebernación. Britton, Educación y radicalismo, pp. 112-3; the debate surrounding sexual education, which was the same for every kind of school, but having its main impact in urban environments, is in pp. 97-104.
124. 'Palabras del Secretario de Educación al Cuerpo de Inspectores de Escuelas Primarias del Distrito Federal, el día 16 de febrero de 1934', El Maestro Rural, vol. IV, no. 6 (1934), pp. 4-5. Bassols had to resign from SEP in May 1934, the reason given being the generalised rejection of sexual education, although his anticlericalism and leftist tendencies had antagonised important conservative groups in the capital. He was then appointed Secretario de Gebernación. Britton, Educación y radicalismo, pp. 112-3; the debate surrounding sexual education, which was the same for every kind of school, but having its main impact in urban environments, is in pp. 97-104.
125. 'La misión del maestro rural', p. 4. According to Aguirre Beltrán, this pessimistic discourse regarding the industrial modernity at the beginning of the century is, again, influenced by Tönnies and his Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft; cf. 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii. In turn, the populist stance of many rural teachers must have been impregnated at a time when echoes of the Stalinist collectivisation still had not reached the Mexican countryside in all its tragic dimension with the known narodniki theses about the capacity of peasant communities to serve as the foundation to reach 'socialism' without a painful industrialisation period; these theses embraced very important elements for Mexico during the thirties: idealised peasant community, socialism, and crisis - which many considered terminal - of the industrial economies.
126. 'La misión del maestro rural', p. 4. According to Aguirre Beltrán, this pessimistic discourse regarding the industrial modernity at the beginning of the century is, again, influenced by Tönnies and his Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft; cf. 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii. In turn, the populist stance of many rural teachers must have been impregnated at a time when echoes of the Stalinist collectivisation still had not reached the Mexican countryside in all its tragic dimension with the known narodniki theses about the capacity of peasant communities to serve as the foundation to reach 'socialism' without a painful industrialisation period; these theses embraced very important elements for Mexico during the thirties: idealised peasant community, socialism, and crisis - which many considered terminal - of the industrial economies.
127. 'La misión del maestro rural', p. 4. According to Aguirre Beltrán, this pessimistic discourse regarding the industrial modernity at the beginning of the century is, again, influenced by Tönnies and his Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft; cf. 'El indio y la reinterpretación', p. xiii. In turn, the populist stance of many rural teachers must have been impregnated at a time when echoes of the Stalinist collectivisation still had not reached the Mexican countryside in all its tragic dimension with the known narodniki theses about the capacity of peasant communities to serve as the foundation to reach 'socialism' without a painful industrialisation period; these theses embraced very important elements for Mexico during the thirties: idealised peasant community, socialism, and crisis - which many considered terminal - of the industrial economies.
128. 'La misión del maestro rural', p. 3.
129. In June 1933 the magazine was to publish statements of Calles himself regarding the failure of the revolution's educational project. Cf.' Reorganización del ejido y de la industria', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 3 (1933), p. 9.
130. Aureliano Esquivel, 'Opinión sobre la Escuela Rural', ibid., vol I, no. 3 (1932), p. 9.
131. José Dolores Medina, '¿Cuál debe ser el programa de la Escuela Rural?', ibid., vol. I, no. 10 (1931), p. 10.
132. For example: 'refiérome a uno de los sobresalientes problemas que tenemos en nuestras escuelas: "La falta de asistencia de adultos, principalmente de mujeres, a la escuela nocturna" [...] Esto es sin duda, debido a que el pobre maestro sin técnicas, no los ha interesado'. Luis M. Gonzalez, 'El maestro que necesita la vida rural', ibid., vol. I, no. 12 (1932), p. 11; another participant said: 'Nuestra falta de preparación hace que no podamos definir claramente el objeto de la educación, que no podamos satisfacer debidamente los deseos de la Secretaría para favorecer el desarrollo económico de las comunidades'. Alberto M. Ortz, 'Opinión sobre lo que debe ser la escuela rural', ibid., vol I, no. 11 (1952), p. 12. Naturally, Bassols had already approached that problem in his text about 'El Programa Educativo'.
133. For example: 'refiérome a uno de los sobresalientes problemas que tenemos en nuestras escuelas: "La falta de asistencia de adultos, principalmente de mujeres, a la escuela nocturna" [...] Esto es sin duda, debido a que el pobre maestro sin técnicas, no los ha interesado'. Luis M. Gonzalez, 'El maestro que necesita la vida rural', ibid., vol. I, no. 12 (1932), p. 11; another participant said: 'Nuestra falta de preparación hace que no podamos definir claramente el objeto de la educación, que no podamos satisfacer debidamente los deseos de la Secretaría para favorecer el desarrollo económico de las comunidades'. Alberto M. Ortz, 'Opinión sobre lo que debe ser la escuela rural', ibid., vol I, no. 11 (1952), p. 12. Naturally, Bassols had already approached that problem in his text about 'El Programa Educativo'.
134. For example: 'refiérome a uno de los sobresalientes problemas que tenemos en nuestras escuelas: "La falta de asistencia de adultos, principalmente de mujeres, a la escuela nocturna" [...] Esto es sin duda, debido a que el pobre maestro sin técnicas, no los ha interesado'. Luis M. Gonzalez, 'El maestro que necesita la vida rural', ibid., vol. I, no. 12 (1932), p. 11; another participant said: 'Nuestra falta de preparación hace que no podamos definir claramente el objeto de la educación, que no podamos satisfacer debidamente los deseos de la Secretaría para favorecer el desarrollo económico de las comunidades'. Alberto M. Ortz, 'Opinión sobre lo que debe ser la escuela rural', ibid., vol I, no. 11 (1952), p. 12. Naturally, Bassols had already approached that problem in his text about 'El Programa Educativo'.
135. 'Otro gallo nos cantará. Propaganda en favor de las escuelas centrales agrícoles de la República', ibid., vol. IV, no. 6 (1934), pp. 36-8.
136. '¿Cuál es el uso posible del Derecho, por perfectos que sean los códigos, para aquél que no podrá ni leer ni firmar un contrato?' 'Quienes ganarán mas y quienes menos en la Secretaría de Educación', ibid., vol. II, no. 8 (1933), p. 12.
137. 'La agitación y la conciencia revolucionaria', p. 3.
138. Prof. Ramón Berzunza Pinto, 'Hay que continuar la lucha', El Maestro Rural, vol. IV, no. 5 (1934), p. 25. This is what Baczko identifies as a 'more general phenomenon': 'Les nouvelles représentations symboliques ainsi que les nouvelles institutions, de nouvelles formes d'action collective, etc., s'installent et fonctionnent dans un environment culturel et mental traditionnel, s'amalgament avec des comportements et attitudes "archaïques"'. Bronislaw Baczko, 'Presentation' (Part II, The New Symbolism), in Colin Lucas (ed.), The Political Culture, p. 94.
139. Prof. Ramón Berzunza Pinto, 'Hay que continuar la lucha', El Maestro Rural, vol. IV, no. 5 (1934), p. 25. This is what Baczko identifies as a 'more general phenomenon': 'Les nouvelles représentations symboliques ainsi que les nouvelles institutions, de nouvelles formes d'action collective, etc., s'installent et fonctionnent dans un environment culturel et mental traditionnel, s'amalgament avec des comportements et attitudes "archaïques"'. Bronislaw Baczko, 'Presentation' (Part II, The New Symbolism), in Colin Lucas (ed.), The Political Culture, p. 94.
140. On 'religious fanaticism' and its role in the 'cultural revolution' of the thirties, see Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 263-75; for the religious question background, J. Meyer, La Cristiada (Mexico, 1973/4), 3 vols. The very serious problem of the rural teachers' religiosity was also present in the magazine: women teachers in particular were accused (by their male peers) of being Obstacles' for the postrevolutionary project, because 'una grandisima parte profesan el fanatisme católico, el más funesto desde el punto de vista obstruccionista para el adelanto de las masas campesinas'; and they not only continued professing the forbidden religion but participated 'ostentatiously' in the religious services in the peasant communities. Cf. Belisario Trujillo Rovelo, ' La historia natural, la historia patria y el civismo contra el fanatismo', 'La Voz del Maestro', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 9 (1933), p. 13; Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 158.
141. On 'religious fanaticism' and its role in the 'cultural revolution' of the thirties, see Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 263-75; for the religious question background, J. Meyer, La Cristiada (Mexico, 1973/4), 3 vols. The very serious problem of the rural teachers' religiosity was also present in the magazine: women teachers in particular were accused (by their male peers) of being Obstacles' for the postrevolutionary project, because 'una grandisima parte profesan el fanatisme católico, el más funesto desde el punto de vista obstruccionista para el adelanto de las masas campesinas'; and they not only continued professing the forbidden religion but participated 'ostentatiously' in the religious services in the peasant communities. Cf. Belisario Trujillo Rovelo, ' La historia natural, la historia patria y el civismo contra el fanatismo', 'La Voz del Maestro', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 9 (1933), p. 13; Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 158.
142. On 'religious fanaticism' and its role in the 'cultural revolution' of the thirties, see Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 263-75; for the religious question background, J. Meyer, La Cristiada (Mexico, 1973/4), 3 vols. The very serious problem of the rural teachers' religiosity was also present in the magazine: women teachers in particular were accused (by their male peers) of being Obstacles' for the postrevolutionary project, because 'una grandisima parte profesan el fanatisme católico, el más funesto desde el punto de vista obstruccionista para el adelanto de las masas campesinas'; and they not only continued professing the forbidden religion but participated 'ostentatiously' in the religious services in the peasant communities. Cf. Belisario Trujillo Rovelo, ' La historia natural, la historia patria y el civismo contra el fanatismo', 'La Voz del Maestro', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 9 (1933), p. 13; Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 158.
143. On 'religious fanaticism' and its role in the 'cultural revolution' of the thirties, see Bantjes, 'Burning Saints', pp. 263-75; for the religious question background, J. Meyer, La Cristiada (Mexico, 1973/4), 3 vols. The very serious problem of the rural teachers' religiosity was also present in the magazine: women teachers in particular were accused (by their male peers) of being Obstacles' for the postrevolutionary project, because 'una grandisima parte profesan el fanatisme católico, el más funesto desde el punto de vista obstruccionista para el adelanto de las masas campesinas'; and they not only continued professing the forbidden religion but participated 'ostentatiously' in the religious services in the peasant communities. Cf. Belisario Trujillo Rovelo, ' La historia natural, la historia patria y el civismo contra el fanatismo', 'La Voz del Maestro', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 9 (1933), p. 13; Vaughan, 'Women School Teachers', p. 158.
144. 'El verdadero estado del país', ibid., vol. II, no. 15 (1933), pp. 17-18.
145. Eliseo Bandala, 'El estudio de la historia es indispensable en las escuelas rurales', ibid., vol. III, no. 2 (1933), p. 10.
146. Francisca Huerta, 'Mi programa ante los maestros asistentes al Instituto de Ixtapa, Chis.', ibid., vol. IV, no. 11 (1934), p. 9.
147. Castillo, 'La dotación', p. 23.
148. Sáenz, who had resigned as subsecretary in 1930, was removed from the SEP in January 1933 by his ardent adversary Bassols, who thus forced him, among other things, to abandon the Carapan experiment. See Mejia Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 61-64; on the discussions between Sáenz and Bassols, see Britton, Educación y Radicalisme, p. 29.
149. Sáenz, who had resigned as subsecretary in 1930, was removed from the SEP in January 1933 by his ardent adversary Bassols, who thus forced him, among other things, to abandon the Carapan experiment. See Mejia Zúñiga, Moisés Sáenz, pp. 61-64; on the discussions between Sáenz and Bassols, see Britton, Educación y Radicalisme, p. 29.
150. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 894. About socialist education, see also V. Lerner, La educación socialista, in Historta de la Revolución Mexicana, 1924-1940, vol. 17 (Mexico, 1982); Raby, Educación y revolución social, ch. II: Engracia Loyo, 'La difusión del marxismo y la educación socialista, 1930-1940' in Alicia Hernández, Manuel Miño Grijalva (eds.), Cincuenta años de historia de México, vol. II (Mexico, 1991), pp. 165-82.
151. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 894. About socialist education, see also V. Lerner, La educación socialista, in Historta de la Revolución Mexicana, 1924-1940, vol. 17 (Mexico, 1982); Raby, Educación y revolución social, ch. II: Engracia Loyo, 'La difusión del marxismo y la educación socialista, 1930-1940' in Alicia Hernández, Manuel Miño Grijalva (eds.), Cincuenta años de historia de México, vol. II (Mexico, 1991), pp. 165-82.
152. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 894. About socialist education, see also V. Lerner, La educación socialista, in Historta de la Revolución Mexicana, 1924-1940, vol. 17 (Mexico, 1982); Raby, Educación y revolución social, ch. II: Engracia Loyo, 'La difusión del marxismo y la educación socialista, 1930-1940' in Alicia Hernández, Manuel Miño Grijalva (eds.), Cincuenta años de historia de México, vol. II (Mexico, 1991), pp. 165-82.
153. Vaughan, 'The Implementation of National Policy', p. 894. About socialist education, see also V. Lerner, La educación socialista, in Historta de la Revolución Mexicana, 1924-1940, vol. 17 (Mexico, 1982); Raby, Educación y revolución social, ch. II: Engracia Loyo, 'La difusión del marxismo y la educación socialista, 1930-1940' in Alicia Hernández, Manuel Miño Grijalva (eds.), Cincuenta años de historia de México, vol. II (Mexico, 1991), pp. 165-82.
154. 'En muchas comunidades, hemos observado que los padres de familia retiran a sus hijos de la escuela siendo aún muy pequeños, para dedicarlos a trabajos de campo o a cuidar animales, pues los servicios que los niños prestan de esta forma, significan economías para el hogar. Mucho se ha luchado por desterrar esta costumbre que impide al maestro rural la realización de un trabajo completo [...] no hay que hacerse ilusiones sobre el triunfo completo de esta empresa, dado que éste es uno de los problemas cuya resolución no estriba en lo acertado de las medidas que se tomen [...] sino en las necesidades inaplazables de la vida'. Eduardo Zarza, 'El Inspector instructor', El Maestro Rural, vol. I, no. 15 (1932), p. 6: see also Britton, Educación y Radicalismo, p. 71.
155. 'En muchas comunidades, hemos observado que los padres de familia retiran a sus hijos de la escuela siendo aún muy pequeños, para dedicarlos a trabajos de campo o a cuidar animales, pues los servicios que los niños prestan de esta forma, significan economías para el hogar. Mucho se ha luchado por desterrar esta costumbre que impide al maestro rural la realización de un trabajo completo [...] no hay que hacerse ilusiones sobre el triunfo completo de esta empresa, dado que éste es uno de los problemas cuya resolución no estriba en lo acertado de las medidas que se tomen [...] sino en las necesidades inaplazables de la vida'. Eduardo Zarza, 'El Inspector instructor', El Maestro Rural, vol. I, no. 15 (1932), p. 6: see also Britton, Educación y Radicalismo, p. 71.
156. Zarza, 'El Inspector', p. 7; [Esquivel], 'Las escuelas rurales juzgadas', p. 4. The introduction of these games in the rural environment started in the twenties; Dewey claims, clearly exaggerating, the 'almost every school in Mexico, no matter how remote, now has a playground and a basketball field'. John Dewey, Impressions of Soviet Russia and the revolutionary world. Mexico - China - Turkey (New York, 1929), p. 164. Soviet pedagogy, as is known, also afforded great importance to physical education and, in particular, collective games.
157. Zarza, 'El Inspector', p. 7; [Esquivel], 'Las escuelas rurales juzgadas', p. 4. The introduction of these games in the rural environment started in the twenties; Dewey claims, clearly exaggerating, the 'almost every school in Mexico, no matter how remote, now has a playground and a basketball field'. John Dewey, Impressions of Soviet Russia and the revolutionary world. Mexico - China - Turkey (New York, 1929), p. 164. Soviet pedagogy, as is known, also afforded great importance to physical education and, in particular, collective games.
158. Zarza, 'El Inspector', p. 7; [Esquivel], 'Las escuelas rurales juzgadas', p. 4. The introduction of these games in the rural environment started in the twenties; Dewey claims, clearly exaggerating, the 'almost every school in Mexico, no matter how remote, now has a playground and a basketball field'. John Dewey, Impressions of Soviet Russia and the revolutionary world. Mexico - China - Turkey (New York, 1929), p. 164. Soviet pedagogy, as is known, also afforded great importance to physical education and, in particular, collective games.
159. Vaughan, 'Construction of the Patriotic Festival', pp. 224-6, talks about the impact these novelties had upon the culture of the peasant communities in the Puebla Sierra in the late twenties.
160. 'Que la mujer y los hijos se conviertan, de elementos puramente consumidores, en factores productivos, que sin duda contribuirán al mejoramiento de la vida campesina'. 'La ayuda de la mujer en el hogar campesino', El Maestro Rural, vol. III, no. 5 (1933), pp. 5-6.
161. 'Mujer campesina, tú eres una mujer humilde, pero no eres una mujer vulgar; por tanto, tienes que atender con todo esmero a tu aseo personal. No te ocurra tampoco dejarte llevar por los ejemplos de las mujeres de la ciudad que luego te visitan y que usan pintarse la cara; esas son extravagancies y engaño a sí mismas'. Elena Tortes, 'Aseo personal y aseo de la ropa', ibid., vol. III, no. 2 (1933), p. 35.
162. 'La Escuela Rural', ibid., vol. I, no. 5 (1932), p. 15.
163. Bassols, 'El Programa', p. 7.
164. [Jesús Silva Herzog], ' La base económica de la escuela rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 10 (1933), p. 6. The problem of the peones acasillados was solved, at least theoretically, with the introduction of the 'population centres' concept substituting the previous 'village' as the basis for the distribution; this extended the right to receive land - and to integrate into the postrevolutionary peasant model - to peones atasillados, aparceros, medieros and Others'. Cf. the report on the new legislation presented to the rural teachers in ' La publicación del Código Agrario', ibid., vol. IV, no. 8 (1934), p. 29. One must recall that Silva Herzog had recently returned from Moscow where, as representative of the Mexican government, he had witnessed the transformations the Stalinist regime promoted in the countryside and its social costs.
165. [Jesús Silva Herzog], ' La base económica de la escuela rural', El Maestro Rural, vol. II, no. 10 (1933), p. 6. The problem of the peones acasillados was solved, at least theoretically, with the introduction of the 'population centres' concept substituting the previous 'village' as the basis for the distribution; this extended the right to receive land - and to integrate into the postrevolutionary peasant model - to peones atasillados, aparceros, medieros and Others'. Cf. the report on the new legislation presented to the rural teachers in ' La publicación del Código Agrario', ibid., vol. IV, no. 8 (1934), p. 29. One must recall that Silva Herzog had recently returned from Moscow where, as representative of the Mexican government, he had witnessed the transformations the Stalinist regime promoted in the countryside and its social costs.
166. José Santos Valdés, Orientación social en la Escuela Rural', ibid., p. 12.