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Volumn 29, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 815-841

Taking religious and cultural pluralism seriously: The global resurgence of religion and the transformation of international society

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EID: 0001364552     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (119)

References (111)
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    • This is the view of theorists of modern liberalism, including John Rawls, Judith Shklar, and Jeffrey Stout, but the rise of toleration in the modern world is a more complicated story than the political mythology of liberalism wants to tell. See Carl J. Nederman and John Christian Laursen, eds., Difference and Dissent: Theories of Tolerance in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (London: Rowman and Littlefield, 1996).
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    • The provisions laid out in the Treaty of Münster are a striking example, given the contemporary examples of ethnic cleansing in the Balkans, of religious toleration. Not only were the princes and electors unable to impose religious faith in their domain, they had to allow freedom of movement to minorities who resisted the faith of the majority. For a recent review of the treaties see, Klaus Bussmann and Heinz Schilling, eds., 1648: War and Peace in Europe, vol. 1 (Munich: Bruckmann, 1998).
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    • This social definition of religion has increasingly been accepted by scholars of early modern Europe, and the transition to a 'modern' understanding of religion is now usually placed in the seventeenth century, see John Bossy, Christianity in the West, 1400-1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), esp. 170-71;
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    • For an anthropological perspective see, Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1993), 1-54. Asad criticises Clifford Geertz's notion of 'religion as a cultural system', because it assumes that religion can be examined as a symbolic system separate from religious practices and disciplines. According to Asad, this understanding of 'religion' is a construction of Western modernity rather than a universal concept, and it authorises the politics of a liberal modernity, which defines 'politicised religions' as a threat to both reason and liberty.
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    • Parts of this section are indebted to William T. Cavanaugh, 'A Fire Strong Enough to Consume the House: The Wars of Religion and the Rise of the State', Modern Theology 11, no. 4 (1995): 397-420.
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    • The focus on the relatively small number of weird and wild groups in Early Modern Europe, e.g., 'popular religion', heretics, witches, magic, superstitions, 'dissidents', and etc., has distorted our image of the time. See Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Alters: Traditional Religion in England, 1400-1580 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992).
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    • Unlike Bossy and Cavanaugh, Bull's brief discussion of the abovementioned book by Grotius does not recognise the change in the conception of religion which took place during this time. See Hedley Bull, 'The Importance of Grotius', in Hugo Grotius and International Relations, eds. Hedley Bull, Benedict Kingsbury, and Adam Roberts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990).
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    • According to MacIntryre, Durkheim described how the breakdown of traditional forms of social relationship increased the incidence of anomie, a form of deprivation, a loss of membership in those social institutions in which norms, including the norms of tradition-constituted rationality, are embodied. 'What Durkheim did not foresee', MacIntyre explains, 'was a time when the same condition of anomie would be assigned the status of achievement by and a reward for a self, which had, by separating itself from the social relationships of traditions, succeeded, so it believed, in emancipating itself...What Durkheim saw as social pathology is now presented wearing the masks of philosophical pretension'. See Whose Justice?, 368.
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    • Charles Taylor argues the political dimension of the shift from what he calls substantive to procedural notions of ethics was anticipated in Grotius' theory of legitimacy and is evident in the rising prominence of social contract theory. Instead of defining the legitimacy of the state in terms of regime type or some conception of the good society Grotius argued we should define it by the procedures which led to creation. Thus, Grotius thought regime type did not matter as long as it came about through consent. See Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 86-87.
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    • Cynthia Sampson, 'Religion and Peacebuilding', in Peacemaking in International Conflict: Methods and Techniques, eds. I. William Zartman and J. Lewis Rasmussen (Washington, DC: US Institute of Peace, 1995).
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    • This group includes Peter Kreeftr, Gilbert Meilander, Stanley Hauerwas, Robert C. Evans, Jonathan Wilson, David W. Gill, and Mary Ann Glendon, the law professor at Harvard who led the Vatican's delegation to the UN Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995). Of course theorists of virtue-ethics are not all the same. See Mary Ann Glendon and David Blankenhorn, eds., Seedbeds of Virtue (New York: Madison, 1995)
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    • (1998) Millennium: Journal of International Studies , vol.27 , Issue.2 , pp. 697-713
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