Europe and the concept of enlargement

Survival

Volumn 43, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 155-165

  Cecchini, Paolo ^a   Jones, Erik ^b   Lorentzen, Jochen ^c  

^a Former Commission official   (United Kingdom)

^b UNIVERSITY OF NOTTINGHAM   (United Kingdom)

^c Department of International Economics and Management   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0001345263     PISSN: 00396338     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/survival/43.1.155     Document Type: Article

References (25)

1. Transition Report 1999 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1999).
2. See Joel Hellman, et al., ’Measuring Governance and State Capture: The Role of Bureaucrats and Firms in Shaping the Business Environment’, Working Paper No. 51 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, June 2000);
3. and Joel Hellman and Mark Schankerman, ’Intervention, Corruption, and Capture: The Nexus between Enterprises and the State’, Working Paper No. 58 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, October 2000).
4. The electoral parties are coalitions formed in order to comply with the relatively high minimum threshold requirements for parliamentary representation legislated by the (outgoing) Meciar government just prior to elections. See John Fitzmaurice, ’The Slovak Elections of 25th and 26th September 1998’, Electoral Studies 18 (1999) pp. 290-296.
5. This argument is suggested (and yet not fully developed) in Jacques Rupnik, ’Eastern Europe: The International Context,’ Journal of Democracy 11:2 (April 2000) pp. 123-124. The same argument is also used to explain the difference between success and failure in the transition process. See Stanley Fischer and Ratna Sahay, ’The Transition Economies after Ten Years’, IMF Working Paper (Washington DC: IMF, WP/00/30, February 2000) p. 22.
6. This argument is suggested (and yet not fully developed) in Jacques Rupnik, ’Eastern Europe: The International Context,’ Journal of Democracy 11:2 (April 2000) pp. 123-124. The same argument is also used to explain the difference between success and failure in the transition process. See Stanley Fischer and Ratna Sahay, ’The Transition Economies after Ten Years’, IMF Working Paper (Washington DC: IMF, WP/00/30, February 2000) p. 22.
7. These data are based on fieldwork done in April-May 2000 and can be found in Eurobarometer, Report Number 53 (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, October 2000).
8. For a general form of this argument, see John Peterson and Erik Jones, ’Decision Making in an Enlarging European Union,’ in James Sperling (ed.), Europe in Change: Two Tiers or Two Speeds? (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), pp. 25-45.
9. Bartlomiej Kaminski and Francis Ng, Trade and Production Fragmentation: Central European Economies in EU Networks of Production and Marketing, unpublished manuscript (Washington DC: DECRG-Trade, World Bank, 1999); Jochen Lorentzen (ed.), Foreign Direct Investment and Industrial Modernization in Central Europe, a special issue of the Journal of International Relations and Development vol. 1 nos.1-2 (published jointly, 1998); Transition Report 1999 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1999).
10. Bartlomiej Kaminski and Francis Ng, Trade and Production Fragmentation: Central European Economies in EU Networks of Production and Marketing, unpublished manuscript (Washington DC: DECRG-Trade, World Bank, 1999); Jochen Lorentzen (ed.), Foreign Direct Investment and Industrial Modernization in Central Europe, a special issue of the Journal of International Relations and Development vol. 1 nos.1-2 (published jointly, 1998); Transition Report 1999 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1999).
11. Bartlomiej Kaminski and Francis Ng, Trade and Production Fragmentation: Central European Economies in EU Networks of Production and Marketing, unpublished manuscript (Washington DC: DECRG-Trade, World Bank, 1999); Jochen Lorentzen (ed.), Foreign Direct Investment and Industrial Modernization in Central Europe, a special issue of the Journal of International Relations and Development vol. 1 nos.1-2 (published jointly, 1998); Transition Report 1999 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1999).
12. The East-West Win-Win Business Experience (Brussels: European Roundtable of Industrialists, 1998).
13. Transition Report 1999 (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1999).
14. John Micklewright and Kitty Stewart, ’Child Well-Being in the EU - and Enlargement in the East’, Innocenti Working Papers, Economic and Social Policy Series No. 75 (Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2000).
15. freedoms. According to the Group of 99, it was signed by 1,000 ’intellectuals’ from all over the country. See ArabicNews.com, September 28, 2000, (’Syrian intellectuals call for freedom, release of detainees, end of emergency law’).
16. However, the main task -administrative reform - assigned to this minister, Hassan al-Nouri, is formidable.
17. In this they are simply more realistic than those Western scholars or journalistic observers who nuture exaggerated liberal hopes that the spread of new communication technologies in the Arab world would contribute to ’weakening hierarchical systems, reducing the power of the state, and redistributing power downwards’ (Edmund Ghareeb, ’New Media and the Information Revolution in the Arab World: An Assessment’, Middle East Journal, vol. 54, Summer 2000, pp. 395-418 [398]). There is also little evidence that the spread of satellite dishes, which was the object of conservative fears and liberal hopes in Syria, in very much in the way Internet access is today, has had any subversive effects. The permissive attitude which Hafiz al-Assad’s regime eventually adopted after trying to fight the ’dish’ for some years was generally welcomed and served to enhance the public image of Bashar al-Assad, whose influence purportedly was behind the decision to lift the ban on the dishes. Satellite programmes, including the widely watched political shows of al-Jazeera, are, after all, good entertainment. And people may have begun to believe TV news again, after decades of ’critical distance’ forced upon them by propagandistic state-run programmes.
18. See for example, Sukkar, al-Islah al-Iqtisadi, pp. 67-69.
19. See Riad Seif (Member of People’s Assembly), Mudakhala hawl Mashru’ Muwazanat 2001 (Intervention on the 2001 Draft Budget), mimeographed typescript, 7 November 2000.
20. This is not to say that a market economy would not allow for corruption. Privatisation certainly does, as shown by the experience of Eastern European countries making that transition.
21. His intention to fight corruption was a main feature of the image Bashar al-Assad built up in the years before his accession. The theme was also part of his inaugural speech of 17 July 2000, published in English, Syria Times, 18 July 2000.
22. Reportedly, oil began to flow through the pipeline in January 2001; however, this has yet to be confirmed. See International Herald Tribune, 24 January 2001.
23. Among the ’Front’ parries, only the Syrian Communist Party has a functioning party structure. It is split into two official wings, one led by Yusuf Faisal, the other by Wisal Farha, the widow of the historic party leader Khalid B-akdash. The (bigger) Faisal wing is said to have about 12,000 members.
24. ’Winds of change in Syria’, Jane’s Foreign Report, 21 December 2000, pp. 5-7.
25. See particularly Daniel Pipes, ’Syrie: l’après-Assad’, Politique Internationale, no. 59, Springl993, pp. 97-110.