Towards an Islamic liberalism?: The Nurcu movement and Fethullah Gülen

Middle East Journal

Volumn 53, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 583-604

  Yavuz, M Hakan ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0000806023     PISSN: 00263141     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (84)

1. The Sèvres Treaty of 1920, which was signed in the French city Sèvres, divided much of what is now Turkey among European powers. The Turks were left only with Ankara and a swath of land around central Anatolia. This humiliating treaty raised Turkish political consciousness against the occupying European powers. Under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal, the Muslims of Anatolia defeated foreign armies. In 1923 the Treaty of Lausanne was signed recognizing Turkey's new borders and scrapping Sèvres. Although Sèvres is often forgotten in Europe, for Turks it became a major trauma and living evidence of European policies towards Turkey. This "chosen trauma" is today a powerful tool for delegitimizing European criticism of Turkey's human rights record. For an example of how the state uses the memory of the Sèvres Treaty, see Şahin Alpay, "Sevr' Bahanesi" ("The Sèvres Excuse"), Milliyet (Istanbul), 10 December 1998. For more on the current political situation in Turkey, see Nicole and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: Atatürk and After (London: John Murray, 1997); and M. Hakan Yavuz, "The Abrading of the Turkish Republican Myth," JIME Review 12, No.41 (1998), pp. 18-34.
2. The Sèvres Treaty of 1920, which was signed in the French city Sèvres, divided much of what is now Turkey among European powers. The Turks were left only with Ankara and a swath of land around central Anatolia. This humiliating treaty raised Turkish political consciousness against the occupying European powers. Under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal, the Muslims of Anatolia defeated foreign armies. In 1923 the Treaty of Lausanne was signed recognizing Turkey's new borders and scrapping Sèvres. Although Sèvres is often forgotten in Europe, for Turks it became a major trauma and living evidence of European policies towards Turkey. This "chosen trauma" is today a powerful tool for delegitimizing European criticism of Turkey's human rights record. For an example of how the state uses the memory of the Sèvres Treaty, see Şahin Alpay, "Sevr' Bahanesi" ("The Sèvres Excuse"), Milliyet (Istanbul), 10 December 1998. For more on the current political situation in Turkey, see Nicole and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: Atatürk and After (London: John Murray, 1997); and M. Hakan Yavuz, "The Abrading of the Turkish Republican Myth," JIME Review 12, No.41 (1998), pp. 18-34.
3. The Sèvres Treaty of 1920, which was signed in the French city Sèvres, divided much of what is now Turkey among European powers. The Turks were left only with Ankara and a swath of land around central Anatolia. This humiliating treaty raised Turkish political consciousness against the occupying European powers. Under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal, the Muslims of Anatolia defeated foreign armies. In 1923 the Treaty of Lausanne was signed recognizing Turkey's new borders and scrapping Sèvres. Although Sèvres is often forgotten in Europe, for Turks it became a major trauma and living evidence of European policies towards Turkey. This "chosen trauma" is today a powerful tool for delegitimizing European criticism of Turkey's human rights record. For an example of how the state uses the memory of the Sèvres Treaty, see Şahin Alpay, "Sevr' Bahanesi" ("The Sèvres Excuse"), Milliyet (Istanbul), 10 December 1998. For more on the current political situation in Turkey, see Nicole and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: Atatürk and After (London: John Murray, 1997); and M. Hakan Yavuz, "The Abrading of the Turkish Republican Myth," JIME Review 12, No.41 (1998), pp. 18-34.
4. MÜSIAD was formed by those economically excluded from TUSIAD (Turkish Industrialists; and Businessmen's Association), a powerful and pro-state business association. Some secular groups claim that the "M" of MÜSIAD stands for Muslim rather than müstakil (independent). Indeed, many MÜSIAD members do not hesitate to present their organization as an association of Muslim businessmen.
5. For the full Turkish and English collection of Said Nursi, see Risale-i Nur Külliyati I-II (RNK) (Istanbul: Nesil, 1996). These two volumes include all Nursi's writings. The first volume has Sözler (Words), Mektubat (Writings), Lem'alar (Flashes), Şualar (Rays). The second volume incorporates Işaratül l'caz (Sign of the Inimitable), Mesnevi-i Nuriye (The Seeds of the Epistles of Light), Kastamonu Laikasi (Kastamon Appendix), Emirdaǧ Laikasi I-II (Emirdaǧ Appendix I-II), Divan-i Harb-i Örfi (Testimony of the Military Court), Münazarat (Debates), Hutbe-i Şamiye (Damascus Sermon), Muhakemet, Sünuhat (Manifestations), Sikke-i Tasdik-i Gaybi (Proving the Existence of the Unseen), Tarihçe-i Hayat (Autobiography). Most of Nursi's writings are accessible at http://www.nesil.com.tr. The Nesil is one of the most intellectually activist independent Nurcu circles in Istanbul with several radio stations throughout the country. The Nesil circle includes prominent Nurcu intellectuals, such as Bahadir Yavuz, a popular novelist, Sefa Mürsel, a leading lawyer and writer, Faris Kaya, professor of Yildiz University, and Ihsan Atasoy, a radio talk-show host. This group split from the Yeni Asya of Mehmet Kutlular in 1991. The Nesil circle is closer to Fethullah Gülen than any other Nurcu group in the country. Şerif Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (Albany: State University of New York, 1989).
6. For the full Turkish and English collection of Said Nursi, see Risale-i Nur Külliyati I-II (RNK) (Istanbul: Nesil, 1996). These two volumes include all Nursi's writings. The first volume has Sözler (Words), Mektubat (Writings), Lem'alar (Flashes), Şualar (Rays). The second volume incorporates Işaratül l'caz (Sign of the Inimitable), Mesnevi-i Nuriye (The Seeds of the Epistles of Light), Kastamonu Laikasi (Kastamon Appendix), Emirdaǧ Laikasi I-II (Emirdaǧ Appendix I-II), Divan-i Harb-i Örfi (Testimony of the Military Court), Münazarat (Debates), Hutbe-i Şamiye (Damascus Sermon), Muhakemet, Sünuhat (Manifestations), Sikke-i Tasdik-i Gaybi (Proving the Existence of the Unseen), Tarihçe-i Hayat (Autobiography). Most of Nursi's writings are accessible at http://www.nesil.com.tr. The Nesil is one of the most intellectually activist independent Nurcu circles in Istanbul with several radio stations throughout the country. The Nesil circle includes prominent Nurcu intellectuals, such as Bahadir Yavuz, a popular novelist, Sefa Mürsel, a leading lawyer and writer, Faris Kaya, professor of Yildiz University, and Ihsan Atasoy, a radio talk-show host. This group split from the Yeni Asya of Mehmet Kutlular in 1991. The Nesil circle is closer to Fethullah Gülen than any other Nurcu group in the country. Şerif Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (Albany: State University of New York, 1989).
7. Most Kurds in Turkey belong to the Shaf'i school of Sunni Islam, whereas most Turks belong to the Hanafi school. Some Hanafi Turkish Nurcus follow the Shaf'i rites during their daily prayers due to their loyalty to Said Nursi. Said Nursi was consciously Kurdish, yet he always rejected Kurdish nationalism and considered Turkey the common homeland of the Ottoman nation. Due to the prevailing political situation since the establishment of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), many Turkish Nurcus react strongly to any mention of Nursi's ethnic origin. Some Kurdish nationalists seek to nationalize the personality and writings of Said Nursi as "Kurdish." See Said Nursi ve Kürt Sorunu (Said Nursi and the Kurdish Question) (Istanbul: Doz, 1991). This book is banned in Turkey.
8. For Nursi's official biography, see "Tarihçe-i Hayat", RNK II, pp. 2109-2242.
9. Said Nursi, "Münazarat," (The Debates) In RNK II, p. 1956. In this essay, Nursi also examines minority (Armenian) rights and offers an argument about the politicized Armenian identity.
10. His speech at the Ottoman Martial Court was published under the title of Divan-i Harb-I Örfi in 1911, see RNK II, pp. 1917-1936.
11. Said Nursi, "Münazarat," RNK II, pp. 1937-1959.
12. For one of the best analyses of the political philosophy of Said Nursi, see Safa Mürsel, Bediüzzaman Said Nursi ve Devlet Felsefesi (Bediüzzeman Said Nursi and State Philosophy), (Istanbul: Yeni Asya Yayinlari, 1995).
13. For more on Nursi's ideas on democracy, see Said Nursi, RNK I-II.
14. His speeches were published in Arabic; Nursi translated this work in 1950 from Arabic to Turkish and he made some minor changes; see "Hutbe-i Şamiye," (The Damascus Sermon) RNK II, pp. 1959-1896.
15. This is his first and only traditional Qur'anic commentary; see "Işaratül I'caz," in RNK II, pp. 1155-1272.
16. Some scholars still insist on the State version of the story; for example, Heper sloppily confuses Said Nursi with Shaykh Said. He further says of Said Nursi, "A Kurd, he led the Kurdish rebellions in Turkey." Metin Heper, "Islam and Democracy in Turkey: Toward a Reconciliation?," The Middle East Journal 51, No. 1 (Winter 1997), p.39.
17. For a more accurate and balanced view see, Şerif Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey, p. 95:
18. For more on this rebellion see Robert Olson The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989).
19. He wrote some of his best work in jail. For instance, El-Hüccet 'tüzzehra and Ism-i Azarn were written in Eskişehir jail in 1935.
20. Since Said Nursi wrote all his commentaries in Arabic script, his followers insisted on copying the writing by hand in order to perpetuate Arabic-alphabet education in Turkey.
21. Nurcu literally means the followers of Said Nursi. The Eskişehir Court named those who were arrested for possessing the books of Said Nursi as Nurcus.
22. During the Republican period, Nursi wrote Emirdaǧ, Kastamonu, and Barla Lohikalari. These works were collected by his students and include Nursi's communications with his students and followers. They are in conversational form: including questions and Nursi's responses.
23. Said Nursi, "Mektubat," RNK I, p. 447.
24. This book was written between 1918 and 1922 and marked the transition from the Old Said to New Said, who is more Sufi oriented, see "Mesnev-i Nuriye," RNK II, pp. 1277-1278.
25. S. Nursi, "Emirdaǧ Lahikasi," RNK II, p. 1753.
26. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Yayma Dayah Islami Söylem ve Modernlik: Nur Hareketi," (Print-Based Islamic Discourse: The Case of the Nurcu Movement) Uluslarasi Bediüzzaman Sempozyumu III (Third International Bediüzzaman Conference) (Istanbul: Yeni Asya, 1996), p. 641-666.
27. The first book on Said Nursi in the Serbo-Croatian language of Bosnia is Azra Godzo, Bediüzzaman Said Nursi: Svjetlost u Poslanicama o svjetlosti (Sarajevo: Mega, 1998).
28. S. Nursi, "Mesnevi-i Nuriye," In RNK II, pp. 1277-1407.
29. Ibrahim Canan, "Bediuzzaman Said Nursi'de Sahabe Telakkisi," In Uluslarasi Bediüzzaman Sempozyumu (Bediüzzaman's Views on the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad), (Istanbul: Yeni Asya, 1996), pp. 416-451.
30. Metin Karabaşoǧlu, "Bilime Nasil Bakmali" (How to Approach Science) KÖprü 53 (1996) pp.3-14.
31. S. Nursi, "Kastamonu Laikasi," RNK II, p. 1641.
32. S. Nursi, "Mektubat," RNK I. p. 477.
33. S. Nursi, "Lem'alar," RNK I, p. 643.
34. M. Hakan Yavuz, The Construction of Islamic Identity in Turkey, 1960-1997, (Unpublished Dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1998,) pp. 347-364.
35. This section of the paper is derived from an earlier work, see M.H. Yavuz, "Societal Search for a New Social Contract in Turkey: Fethullah Gülen, The Virtue Party and the Kurds," SAIS Review (Washington) 29, no. 1 (Winter 1999), pp. 114-43.
36. For more on Gülen's life, see Latif Erdoǧan, Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi:"Küçük Dünyam" (Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi: My Little World) (Istanbul: Ad, 1995). See also, Rainer Herman, "Fethullah Gülen-eine muslimische Alternative zur Refah-Partei" (Fethullah Gülen: a Muslim Alternative to the Refah Party), Orient 37, No. 4 (1994) pp. 619-646.
37. For more on Gülen's life, see Latif Erdoǧan, Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi:"Küçük Dünyam" (Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi: My Little World) (Istanbul: Ad, 1995). See also, Rainer Herman, "Fethullah Gülen-eine muslimische Alternative zur Refah-Partei" (Fethullah Gülen: a Muslim Alternative to the Refah Party), Orient 37, No. 4 (1994) pp. 619-646.
38. Fethullah Gülen, Criteria or the Lights of the Way I (London: Truestar, 1996) pp. 43-48. Some titles of his other works include Asrin Getirdiǧi Tereddütler I-IV, (The Questions of Our Age I-IV), Çag ve Nesil (Century and Generation), Sonsuz Nur (Infinite Light), Zamanin Altin Dilimi, (Golden Unit of Our Time) and Yitirilmiş Cennete Doǧru (Towards a Lost Heaven). Some of his works have been translated into English. For one of the most succinct analyses on modern Muslim intellectuals, including Gülen, see Dale F. Eickelman, "Inside the Islamic Reformation," Woodrow Wilson Quarterly (Washington) 22, no. 1 (Winter 1998), pp. 80-89.
39. Fethullah Gülen, Criteria or the Lights of the Way I (London: Truestar, 1996) pp. 43-48. Some titles of his other works include Asrin Getirdiǧi Tereddütler I-IV, (The Questions of Our Age I-IV), Çag ve Nesil (Century and Generation), Sonsuz Nur (Infinite Light), Zamanin Altin Dilimi, (Golden Unit of Our Time) and Yitirilmiş Cennete Doǧru (Towards a Lost Heaven). Some of his works have been translated into English. For one of the most succinct analyses on modern Muslim intellectuals, including Gülen, see Dale F. Eickelman, "Inside the Islamic Reformation," Woodrow Wilson Quarterly (Washington) 22, no. 1 (Winter 1998), pp. 80-89.
40. For Gülen's intellectual evaluation, see Erdoǧan, Fethullah; and his interviews in Ufuk Turu (Horizon and Voyage) (Istanbul: Ad, 1996).
41. For a more critical treatment of Gülen's community, see M. Hakan Yavuz, "Nasil bir Türkiye" (What Type of Turkey?), Milliyet (Istanbul), 11 August 1997.
42. For more on the debate on "the Islam of Turkey", see Nur Vergin, "Türkiye Müslümanliǧi ve Sözde Türk Islami" (Islam of Turkey and So-called Turkish Islam) Yeni Yüzyil (Istanbul), 6 September 1998; Ismail Kara, "Ha Türk Müslümanliǧi, ha Türk-Islam Sentezi" (Either Turkish Islam or Turkish-Islamic Synthesis), Milliyet, 1 September 1997.
43. For more on the debate on "the Islam of Turkey", see Nur Vergin, "Türkiye Müslümanliǧi ve Sözde Türk Islami" (Islam of Turkey and So-called Turkish Islam) Yeni Yüzyil (Istanbul), 6 September 1998; Ismail Kara, "Ha Türk Müslümanliǧi, ha Türk-Islam Sentezi" (Either Turkish Islam or Turkish-Islamic Synthesis), Milliyet, 1 September 1997.
44. Said Nursi fought against the Russian occupation and spent several years in a Russian jail in Siberia.
45. Mehmet Kirkinci, Irsad Sahasinda Bediüzzaman (Bediüzzaman and the Propagation of Islam), (Istanbul: Zafer, 1993); Kirkinci, Bediüzzaman't Nasil Tanidim (How did I meet with Bedüzzaman?), (Istanbul: Zafer, 1994).
46. Mehmet Kirkinci, Irsad Sahasinda Bediüzzaman (Bediüzzaman and the Propagation of Islam), (Istanbul: Zafer, 1993); Kirkinci, Bediüzzaman't Nasil Tanidim (How did I meet with Bedüzzaman?), (Istanbul: Zafer, 1994).
47. In an earlier work, this author named the ethno-religious culture of the region Dadaş Islam, i.e. an Islam which is security-conscious and nationalist. For more, see M. Hakan Yavuz, "Nasi bir Türkiye,"; and Yavuz, "Nurculuk Millileşiyor" (Nationalization of the Nurcu Movement), Milliyet, 18 September 1996.
48. Fethullah Gülen, "Orta Asya Eǧitim Hizmetleri" (Education in Central Asia), Yeni Türkiye, (Istanbul) No. 15 (1997), pp. 685-695.
49. On 23 July 1919, the Congress in Erzurum decided to protect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all lands in which non-Arab Muslims constituted a majority. It also decided to mobilize all forces for the liberation of the homeland.
50. For one of the best critiques of Fethullah Gülen's movement, see Ahmet Insel, "Yeni Muhafazarlik ve Fethullah Gülen" (Neo-Conservatism and Fethullah Gülen), Yeni Yüzyil, (Istanbul) 25 April 1997. This op-ed essay examines the conservative impact of the Fethullah Gülen movement on political life. For one of the best analyses, see Can Kozanoǧlu, Internet, Dolunay, Cemaat (Internet, Moon and Community), (Istanbul: Iletişim, 1997), pp. 57-89.
51. For one of the best critiques of Fethullah Gülen's movement, see Ahmet Insel, "Yeni Muhafazarlik ve Fethullah Gülen" (Neo-Conservatism and Fethullah Gülen), Yeni Yüzyil, (Istanbul) 25 April 1997. This op-ed essay examines the conservative impact of the Fethullah Gülen movement on political life. For one of the best analyses, see Can Kozanoǧlu, Internet, Dolunay, Cemaat (Internet, Moon and Community), (Istanbul: Iletişim, 1997), pp. 57-89.
52. For more on Gülen's views on Iran, Arabs, and Turkish Islam, see the interview with Gülen in Yeni Yüzyil, 19-28 July 1997.
53. Resat Kasaba, "Cohabitation? Islamist and Secular Groups in Modern Turkey," in Robert W. Hefner, ed., Democratic Civility: The History and Cross-Cultural Possibility of a Modern Political Ideal (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1998) pp. 265-282.
54. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Efsanevi Islam: Atalar Dini ve Modern Baḡlantilar" (Legendary Islam: Tradition and Modern Connections), Türk Dünyasinin Dini Meseleleri (Ankara: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfi Yayinlari, 1998), pp. 11-24; Yavuz, "Turkistan'da halkin manevi dünyasi: Efsanevi Islam" (The Spiritual World of Turkistani Islam: Legendary Islam), Dergah 62 (April 1995), pp. 12-13; Yavuz, "Efsanevi Islam-Folk Islam: Alexandre Benningsen" (Legendary Islam-Folk Islam; Alexandre Benningsen), Nehir (Istanbul) (May 1995), pp. 58-60.
55. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Efsanevi Islam: Atalar Dini ve Modern Baḡlantilar" (Legendary Islam: Tradition and Modern Connections), Türk Dünyasinin Dini Meseleleri (Ankara: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfi Yayinlari, 1998), pp. 11-24; Yavuz, "Turkistan'da halkin manevi dünyasi: Efsanevi Islam" (The Spiritual World of Turkistani Islam: Legendary Islam), Dergah 62 (April 1995), pp. 12-13; Yavuz, "Efsanevi Islam-Folk Islam: Alexandre Benningsen" (Legendary Islam-Folk Islam; Alexandre Benningsen), Nehir (Istanbul) (May 1995), pp. 58-60.
56. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Efsanevi Islam: Atalar Dini ve Modern Baḡlantilar" (Legendary Islam: Tradition and Modern Connections), Türk Dünyasinin Dini Meseleleri (Ankara: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfi Yayinlari, 1998), pp. 11-24; Yavuz, "Turkistan'da halkin manevi dünyasi: Efsanevi Islam" (The Spiritual World of Turkistani Islam: Legendary Islam), Dergah 62 (April 1995), pp. 12-13; Yavuz, "Efsanevi Islam-Folk Islam: Alexandre Benningsen" (Legendary Islam-Folk Islam; Alexandre Benningsen), Nehir (Istanbul) (May 1995), pp. 58-60.
57. "Zaman" literally means "time" and is also the name of an international neo-Nurcu daily newspaper, Zaman.
58. Malik Muratoĝlu, a professor in Medeniyet University in Tashkent, 24 January 1995 interview; see Dergah 62 (April 1995), p. 13.
59. Not only Muslims but also non-Muslims such as Ishak Alaton and Uzeyir Garih, two influential Jewish businessmen, are among the supporters.
60. For more on Gülen's education networks, see "Fethullah'in hocalari türban atti" (The Teachers of Fethullah Gülen Give Up the Headscarf), Yeni Yüzyil, (Istanbul) 16 September 1998.
61. For more debate on these schools, see Yurt Dişinnda Açilan Özel O̧ǧretim Kurumlari Temsilcileri: Ikinci Toplantisi (The Representatives of the Turkish Schools Outside Turkey: Second Meeting), (Ankara: Milli Eǧitim Bakanliǧu, 1997).
62. For the first field work note on the schools of Fethullah Gülen, see M. Hakan Yavuz, "Orta Asya'daki Kimlik Oluşumu: Yeni Kolonizatör Dervisler: Nurcula'" (New Turkish Colonizers: Nurcus), Türkiye Günlüǧü (Ankara) 33 (March-April 1995), pp. 160-164. This essay examines the micro-dynamics of the neo-Nurcu movement in the Fergana Valley, Uzbekistan.
63. The role of women in these schools is confined to being a secretary. There are no women teachers in all-male schools. This segregation is based on religious ideas. Moreover, during the evening sohbet (conversation), where tea is served and various social issues such as history, hygiene, and morality are discussed, students are taught to respect authority. Moreover, whenever there was a scene of kissing on television, they would turn the TV off right away.
64. In the writings of Nursi, service to the country is as important as service to the Qur'an. Gülen stresses the state more than country or nation. For more on Nursi's emphasis on homeland, see Emirdaǧ Lahikasi (Istanbul: Yeni Asya Yayunlari, 1993).
65. See Bülent Aras, "Turkish Islam's Moderate Face," Middle East Quarterly (Philadelphia) 5, No. 3 (1998) pp. 23-30.
66. Fethullah Gülen, Hoşgörü ve Diyalog Iklimi (Tolerance and Dialogue), (Istanbul: Merkur Yayincilik, 1998).
67. "Diyalog için cesur adim." Aksiyon (Istanbul) (13-19 April, 1996).
68. "Fethullah Gülen Met with Pope John Paul II," The Turkish Times (Istanbul), 1 March 1998.
69. For more on the debate over the Abant Declaration, see Kerem Çaliskan, "Fethullah Hoca ve Laiklik," (Fetullah Hoca and Laicism) Yeni Yüzyil, 21 July 1998. Some scholars criticized the Declaration as a sign of the politicization of Islam, see Yakup Kepenek, "Abant Bildirgesi," (The Abant Declaration) Cumhuriyet (Istanbul), 27 July 1998. Some Islamists sharply criticized the Abant Declaration. For example, Ahmet Tasgetiren, a prominent Islamist writer, argues that "Gülen is seeking to facilitate the task of the secularist military establishment by distorting Islam." See Tasgetiren, "Abant'in Cözemediǧi Sorun," (The Question the Abant Declaration Fails to Address) Yeni Safak, (Istanbul) 27 July 1998.
70. For the full text of the Abant Decleration and debate, see Mehmet Gündem, Abant Toplantilari 1: Islam ve Laiklik (Abant Meetings I: Islam and Secularism), (Istanbul: Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Vakfi, 1998), pp. 269-272.
71. For Gülen's statement and its implementation in his schools, see Yeni Yüzyil, 16 September 1998. In a group interview with Richard Norton, Dale Eickelman, Vali Nasr and the author on 20 September 1998 in Istanbul, Gülen told us, "I prefer education over everything. If headscarves become an obstacle for the education of the female students, they should prefer education." See also Ali Ünal, "Başörtüsü Meselesi" (The Headscarf Question) Zaman, (Istanbul) 30 September 1998.
72. Gülen gave an interview with Yalçin Dogan on Kanal D TV and sharply criticized Welfare Party Leader Necmettin Erbakan and political Islam. See "Hocaefendi'den güncel yorumlar" (Political Analysis from Hocaefendi), Zaman, (16 April 1997).
73. Gülay Göktürk, "Devletin inayetiyle" (With the Permission of the State), Sabah (Istanbul), 25 June 1999.
74. For Ecevit's defense of Gülen, see Zaman, 14 March 1998; Nazli Ilicak, "Fethullah Gülen'in Gönül Penceresinden" (From Fethullah Gülen's Perspective), Akşam, 13 March 1998.
75. For Ecevit's defense of Gülen, see Zaman, 14 March 1998; Nazli Ilicak, "Fethullah Gülen'in Gönül Penceresinden" (From Fethullah Gülen's Perspective), Akşam, 13 March 1998.
76. On the media attack, see Milliyet, 21-28 June 1999; Sabah, 21-29 June 1999; Turkish Daily News, 21 June 1999.
77. On the media attack, see Milliyet, 21-28 June 1999; Sabah, 21-29 June 1999; Turkish Daily News, 21 June 1999.
78. On the media attack, see Milliyet, 21-28 June 1999; Sabah, 21-29 June 1999; Turkish Daily News, 21 June 1999.
79. Zaman, 21-27 June 1999.
80. For more on the West Working Group, see Jeremy Salt, "Turkey's Military 'Democracy'," Current History (February 1999), pp. 72-78.
81. Mujeeb R. Khan, "Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Crisis of the Post-Cold War International System," East European Politics and Societies 9, no. 3 (Fall 1995), pp. 459-498.
82. Author's interview with state security officers in Ankara, 15 June 1999.
83. Ruşen Cakir, "Fethullah'i Kullanip Attilar," Milliyet, 26 June 1999.
84. For more on the dominant materialist view in the last decade of the Ottoman state, see Sükrü Hanioǧlu, Bir Siyasal Düşünür Olarak Dr. Abdullah Cevdet ve Dönemi (Istanbul: Iietişim, 1981), p. 130-135.