Green gold: The riches of baron ferdinand von mueller

Historical Records of Australian Science

Volumn 11, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 371-388

  Moore, James ^a  

^a OPEN UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 0000425023     PISSN: 07273061     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1071/HR9971130371     Document Type: Article

References (186)

1. Ferdinand von Mueller, On the Advancement of the Natural Sciences through Ministers of the Christian Church: A Lecture Delivered at the Presbyterian Church of West Melbourne, on the 6th of August 1877 (Melbourne, 1877), p. 16.
2. Frederick Burkhardt et al., eds, The Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Vol. 4 (Cambridge, 1985-96), p. 369.
3. Burkhardt, Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Vol. 5, pp. 83, 85-86, 163-64, 174;
4. Robert Hughes, The Fatal Shore: A History of the Transportation of Convicts to Australia, 1787-1868 (London, 1988), pp. 564-65.
5. Burkhardt, Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Vol. 5, p. 265;
6. Adrian Desmond and James Moore, Darwin (London, 1991), pp. 396, 655.
7. David Philip Miller, 'Joseph Banks, Empire, and "Centers of Calculation" in Late Hanoverian London', in Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany, and Representations of Nature, ed. David Philip Miller and Peter Hanns Reill (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 21-37;
8. Simon Schaffer, 'Babbage's Dancer and the Impresarios of Mechanism', in Cultural Babbage: Technology, Time and Invention, ed. Francis Spufford and Jenny Uglow (London, 1996), pp. 52-80;
9. William J. Ashworth, 'Memory, Foresight and Production: The Work of Analysis in Early Nineteenth-Century England' (PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1996) on Babbage and Herschel;
10. Robert A. Stafford, 'The Long Arm of London: Sir Roderick Murchison and Imperial Science in Australia', in Australian Science in the Making, ed. R. W. Home (New York, 1988), pp. 69-101.
11. Iwan Morus, Simon Schaffer, and Jim Secord, 'Scientific London', in London - World City, 1800-1840, ed. Celina Fox (New Haven, 1992), pp. 129-42 is the best survey.
12. Morris Berman, Social Change and Scientific Organization: The Royal Institution, 1799-1844 (London, 1978), p. 71;
13. Geoffrey Cantor, Michael Faraday, Sandemanian and Scientist: A Study of Science and Religion in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1991);
14. Nicolaas A. Rupke, Richard Owen, Victorian Naturalist (New Haven, 1994);
15. Ann Mozley Moyal, 'Sir Richard Owen and His Influence on Australian Zoological and Palaeontological Science', Records of the Australian Academy of Sciences, 3 (1975), 41-56;
16. Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine, and Reform in Radical London (Chicago, 1989);
17. Richard Yeo, Defining Science: William Whewell, Natural Knowledge, and Public Debate in Early Victorian Britain (Cambridge, 1993);
18. Menachem Fisch and Simon Schaffer, eds., William Whewell: A Composite Portrait (Oxford, 1991).
19. Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 180-81.
20. On credit, see Simon Schaffer, 'Defoe's Natural Philosophy and the Worlds of Credit', in Nature Transfigured: Science and Literature, 1700-1900, ed. John Christie and Sally Shuttleworth (Manchester, 1989), pp. 13-44
21. and Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England (Chicago, 1994), pp. 92-95. For essential background on the creation and circulation of symbolic capital in nineteenth-century British science,
22. see Jack Morrell and Arnold Thackray, Gentlemen of Science: Early Years of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (Oxford, 1981).
23. Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, pp. 178, 180, 194-95;
24. idem, The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature (New York, 1993), p. 75.
25. Bourdieu's analysis of symbolic capital in anthropology and the arts is extended to science by Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, 'The Cycle of Credibility', in Science in Context: Readings in the Sociology of Science, ed. Barry Barnes and David Edge (Milton Keynes, 1982), pp. 35-43.
26. F.W. and J.M. Nicholas, Charles Darwin in Australia . . . (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 121-22;
27. Janet Garber, 'Darwin's Correspondents in the Pacific: Through the Looking Glass to the Antipodes', in Darwin's Laboratory: Evolutionary Theory and Natural History in the Pacific, ed. Roy MacLeod and Philip F. Rehbock (Honolulu, 1994), pp. 169-211, pp. 174-76.
28. For the latest (and possibly the last) word on Darwin's barnacle work, see William A. Newman, 'Darwin and Cirripedology,' Crustacean Issues, 7 (1993), 349-434.
29. Desmond and Moore, Darwin, p. 408;
30. Burkhardt, Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Vol. 6, p. 55.
31. On form and function in museums, see Sophie Forgan, 'Bricks and Bones: Architecture and Science in Victorian Britain', in The Architecture of Science, ed. Peter Galison and Emily Thompson (Cambridge, Mass., forthcoming).
32. In 1995 the 'vaults' of the Museum of Victoria were found to hold two birds, one a finch, with labels suggesting that they had been collected by Darwin in South America. The news was announced in the Melbourne Age (4 Jan. 1996) under the banner headline, 'Treasured clues that unlocked Darwin's secret of the species found in city trove'. The curator of ornithology, Les Christidis, declared the birds 'extremely valuable' and the find of 'international significance': 'No other Australian museum has a Darwin bird, and there have been no reports for a very long time of any Darwin specimens . . . We are very fortunate'. Thanks to Barry Butcher for calling this story to my attention.
33. Bourdieu, Field of Cultural Production, p. 121;
34. Miller, 'Joseph Banks', p. 25.
35. On cycles of accumulation, see Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Milton Keynes, 1987), pp. 220ff.
36. For my purposes, 'capital' is the appropriate object of accumulation. Latour admits that it 'would not be a bad word' but, for his own purposes, prefers to 'get rid of' divisive categories.
37. Hector Charles Cameron, Sir Joseph Banks (Sydney, 1952), p. 63,
38. quoted in Alan Frost, 'The Antipodean Exchange: European Horticulture and Imperial Designs', in Visions of Empire, pp. 58-79, p. 75;
39. Mea Allan, The Hookers of Kew, 1785-1911 (London, 1967);
40. David Elliston Allen, The Naturalist in Britain: A Social History (London, 1976), pp. 90-91.
41. Simon Schaffer, 'Visions of Empire: Afterword', in Visions of Empire, pp. 335-52, p. 341;
42. Lucile H. Brockway, Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of the British Royal Botanic Gardens (New York, 1979);
43. Ray Desmond, Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (London, 1995).
44. Leonard Huxley, Life and Letters of Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker . . ., Vol. 1 (London, 1918), pp. 377-78, 381;
45. Vol. 2, p. 48.
46. Huxley, Life and Letters, Vol. 2, pp. 48, 174;
47. Roy MacLeod, 'The Ayrton Incident: A Commentary on the Relations of Science and Government in England, 1870-1873',
48. in Science and Values: Patterns of Tradition and Change, ed. Arnold Thackray and Everett Mendelsohn (New York, 1974), pp. 45-78.
49. Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, p. 181.
50. Frederick Burkhardt et al., eds, A Calendar of the Correspondence of Charles Darwin, 1821-1882 (New York, 1985), letters 11234, 11238, 13570;
51. J.D. Hooker, quoted in Francis Darwin, ed., The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, including an Autobiographical Chapter, Vol. 3 (London, 1887), pp. 352-53;
52. Ralph Colp, Jr, ' "I Will Gladly Do My Best": How Charles Darwin Obtained a Civil List Pension for Alfred Russel Wallace', Isis, 83 (1992), 3-26, p. 26 for the context of the generosity, Darwin also left Hooker £ 1,000 in his will (Desmond and Moore, Darwin, p. 655). On precision and imperial progress,
53. see Crosbie Smith and M. Norton Wise, Energy and Empire: A Biographical Study of Lord Kelvin (Cambridge, 1989), chaps 19-20;
54. Bruce J. Hunt, 'The Ohm is Where the Art Is: British Telegraph Engineers and the Development of Electrical Standards', Osiris, 9 (1994), 48-63;
55. idem, 'Scientists, Engineers and Wildman Whitehouse: Measurement and Credibility in Early Cable Telegraphy', British Journal for the History of Science, 29 (1996), 155-69;
56. and Simon Schaffer, 'Metrology, Metrication and Victorian Values', in Victorian Science in Context, ed. Bernard V. Lightman (Chicago, 1997), in press.
57. W.B. Turrill, Joseph Dalton Hooker (London, 1963), pp. 115, 138-40;
58. William T. Stearn, 'Bentham and Hooker's Genera Plantarum: Its History and Dates of Publication', Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural History, 3 (1956), 127-32;
59. F.O. Bower, in Huxley, Life and Letters, Vol. 2, pp. 416-17.
60. Huxley, Life and Letters, Vol. 2, pp. 312-14;
61. J.D. H[ooker], '[Obituary Notice]', Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, 68 (1898), xxxii-xxxvi.
62. The Times (12 Oct. 1896, p. 11c) echoed Hooker - 'somewhat vain perhaps, but of a vanity that was never offensive' - as did the editor's words 'harmless egotism', commenting on the notice by W.B. Spencer, 'Ferdinand von Mueller', Journal of Botany, British and Foreign, 35 (1897), 272-78, p. 273.
63. W. Botting Hemsley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand von Mueller', Nature, 54 (22 Oct. 1896), 596;
64. Anon., 'Baron von Mueller', Gardeners' Chronicle, 20 (17 Oct. 1896), 464-66.
65. Charles Daley, 'The History of Flora Australiensis', Victorian Naturalist, 43 (July 1927), 63-74, pp. 70-71;
66. Vol. 44 (Aug. 1927), 91-100, p. 99;
67. Vol. 44 (Sept. 1927), 127-38, p. 135;
68. Vol. 44 (Dec. 1927), 213-21, p. 217;
69. R. Desmond, Kew, p. 216. Mueller's resentment of Bentham was expressed in both real and symbolic economic terms. In an undated letter, possibly of May or June 1881, he complained to Kew's assistant director, Thistleton-Dyer: How could you for a moment compare my position with Bentham's! He is independent as a rich man, while I must from year to year earn my salary, which is not safe, if I cannot do substantial good for the colonies. Bentham need not keep up official correspondence of 2000 or 3000 letters a year, nor has he any responsibilities whatsoever. But more! What has made Bentham great? Kew! princely endowed Kew! Without Kew garden there would have been no Kew Herbarium; without Kew Herbarium there would not be a Bentham of such a high fame.
70. See. J.M. Powell, 'Exiled from the Garden: Von Mueller's Correspondence with Kew, 1871-1881', Victorian Historical Journal, 48 (1977), 312-20, p. 319.
71. G. Bentham to Mueller, 25 April 1883, in B. Daydon Jackson, George Bentham (London, 1906), pp. 253-54;
72. Ferdinand von Mueller, Systematic Census of Australian Plants, with Chronologic, Literary and Geographic Annotations (Melbourne, 1882), p. v. For Hooker's preemptive effort to mollify Mueller over the Index Kewensis, see Daley, 'History of Flora Australiensis', p. 273.
73. Alfred Russel Wallace may have found the Second Systematic Census (Melbourne, 1889) useful. His copy in the Linnean Society Library, London, bears notes and calculations on plant ranges in northern and eastern Australia.
74. Daley, 'History of Flora Australiensis', p. 73;
75. A.M. Lucas, 'Letters, Shipwrecks and Taxonomic Confusion: Establishing a Reputation from Australia', Historical Records of Australian Science, 10 (1995), 207-21;
76. J.M. Powell, 'A Baron under Siege: Von Mueller and the Press in the 1870s', Victorian Historical Journal, 50 (1979), 18-35;
77. A.M. Lucas, 'Baron von Mueller: Proté gé turned Patron', in Australian Science in the Making, pp. 133-52.
78. 'A Mueller Diary', typescript by courtesy of Arthur Lucas;
79. Vance Palmer, 'The Botanist', National Portraits (Melbourne, 1940), pp. 92-100, pp. 98-99;
80. Charles Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller, K.C.M.G., M.D., F.R.S., Botanist, Explorer, and Geographer', Victorian Historical Magazine, 10 (1924), 23-75, p. 72;
81. Siegfried p. Hebart, 'Australia and Oceania, Lutheranism in', in The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, ed. Julius Bodensieck, Vol. 1 (Minneapolis, 1965), pp. 144-54, pp. 145-46, 149;
82. A.D. Hardy, 'Excerpts from Letters of Baron Sir Ferdinand von Mueller', Victorian Historical Magazine, 21 (1945), 1-23, pp. 3, 5-6, 19;
83. Mueller to E.p. Ramsey, 11 Aug. 1877, quoted in Alec H. Chisholm, Ferdinand von Mueller (Melbourne, 1962), p. 21;
84. Spencer, 'Ferdinand von Mueller', p. 278;
85. Renee Erdos, 'Mueller, Baron Sir Ferdinand Jakob Heinrich von', in Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 5 (Melbourne, 1974), pp. 102-104 on Leichhardt;
86. Mueller, 'The Search for Leichardt [sic]', Adelaide Observer, 17 Oct. 1896,
87. cited in D.M. Churchill, T.B. Muir, and D.M. Sinkora, 'The Published Works of Ferdinand J.H. Mueller (1825-1896): Supplement', Muelleria, 5 (1984), 229-48, p. 245;
88. Glen McLaren, Beyond Leichhardt: Bushcraft and the Exploration of Australia (Fremantle, W.A., 1996);
89. Jü rgen Tampke and Colin Doxford, Australia, 'Willkommen': A History of the Germans in Australia (Kensington, N.S.W., 1990), chap. 3.
90. J.M. Powell, 'National Identity and the Gifted Immigrant: Baron von Mueller, Scientist and Public Servant, 1825-96', Journal of Intercultural Studies, 3 (1982), 56-61, p. 59;
91. Johannes H. Voigt and Doris M. Sinkora, 'Ferdinand (von) Mueller in Schleswig-Holstein, or: The Making of a Scientist and of a Migrant', Historical Records of Australian Science, 11 (1996), 13-33, pp. 24-28.
92. See the relevant sections of Julius von Sachs, History of Botany (1530-1860, trans. Henry E.F. Garnsey, rev. Isaac Bayley Balfour (Oxford, 1890) and Frederick Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth Century Germany (Dordrecht, 1977), as well as William M. Montgomery, 'Germany', in The Comparative Reception of Darwinism, ed. Thomas F. Glick (Austin, 1974), pp. 81-116;
93. Paul Weindling, 'Ernst Haeckel, Darwinismus and the Secularization of Nature', in History, Humanity and Evolution: Essays for John C. Greene, ed. James Moore (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 311-27;
94. Michael Dettelbach, 'Global Physics and Aesthetic Empire: Humboldt's Physical Portrait of the Tropics', in Visions of Empire, pp. 258-92;
95. and R.W. Home, 'Humboldtian Science Revisited: An Australian Case Study', History of Science, 33 (1995), 1-22.
96. Lucas, 'Baron von Mueller', p. 143;
97. Burkhardt, Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Vol. 6, p. 501;
98. Vol. 7, pp. 236, 242;
99. Vol. 8, pp. 210, 554-56;
100. Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (London, 1859), p. 379;
101. Ferdinand von Mueller, The Plants Indigenous to the Colony of Victoria, Vol. 1 (Melbourne, 1860-65), p. 45;
102. W.J. Parsons, 'The History of Introduced Weeds', in Plants and Man in Australia, ed. D.J. and S.G.M. Carr (Sydney, 1981), pp. 179-93;
103. Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge, 1986), chap 7.
104. L.A. Gilbert, 'Plants and Parsons in Nineteenth Century New South Wales', Historical Records of Australian Science, 5 (1982), 17-32;
105. Hardy, 'Excerpts from Letters', pp. 13, 18;
106. Barry W. Butcher, 'Gorilla Warfare in Melbourne: Halford, Huxley and "Man's Place in Nature" ', in Australian Science in the Making, pp. 153-69;
107. idem, 'Darwin's Australian Correspondents: Deference and Collaboration in Colonial Science', in Nature in Its Greatest Extent: Western Science in the Pacific, ed. Roy MacLeod and Philip F. Rehbock (Honolulu, 1988), pp. 139-57.
108. Ferdinand von Mueller, The Vegetation of the Chatham Islands (Melbourne, 1864), pp. 1, 7-8;
109. idem, On the Advancement of the Natural Sciences, pp. 32, 34,
110. paraphrasing Isaiah 51:6. For one of Mueller's earliest verdicts on Darwin and the 'immensely overrated . . . number' of plant species, see his letter to Richard Owen, 24 Aug. 1861, transcribed in A.M. Lucas, 'Retrieving Biology's Past: The Mueller Correspondence Project', Biologist, 36 (1989), 126-28, p. 127.
111. Mueller, On the Advancement of the Natural Sciences, p. 34;
112. idem, 'Inaugural Address by the President, Baron Ferdinand von Mueller . . .', Reports of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, 2 (1890), 1-26, p. 15;
113. Ferdinand von Mueller, Introduction to Botanic Teachings in the Schools of Victorian, through References to Leading Native Plants (Melbourne, 1877). On Christian Baconianism in Mueller's age,
114. see Theodore Dwight Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science: The Baconian Ideal and Antebellum American Religious Thought (Chapel Hill, 1977).
115. Owen Chadwick, The Reformation (Harmondsworth, Middx, 1964), pp. 74, 137. The study of Mueller's early religious milieu has just begun;
116. see Voigt and Sinkora, 'Ferdinand (von) Mueller in Schleswig-Holstein', pp. 15-18.
117. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York, 1958), pp. 121, 133, 136, 155-83.
118. Under pietism, efficient child-rearing was a special parental virtue. Mueller grew up the only son of a military officer and civil servant in an age when the Bildungsbü rgertum knew this only too well. Pedagogical handbooks urged them to instil absolute self-control, thus ensuring the moral impossibility of a child's behaving other than as taught. Lessons in strict obedience, pain-fully enforced, were to be supplemented with instruction in orderliness, self-denial, vigorous exercise, sexual continence, and mastery of bodily functions, including posture, gesture, and speech. According to the physician-pedagogue Daniel Paul Schreber, a contemporary of Mueller's father and the inventor of 'callisthenics', the child was a disorderly plot needing intensive cultivation: The noble seeds of human nature sprout upwards in their purity almost on their own if the ignoble ones, the weeds, are sought out and destroyed in time. This must be done ruthlessly and vigorously. It is a dangerous error to believe that flaws in a child's character will disappear by themselves. The blunt edges may disappear, but the root remains, shows itself in poisoned impulses, and has a damaging effect on the noble tree of life. 'Suppress everything in the child', Schreber insisted; 'keep everything away from him that he should not make his own'. The results were of course catastrophic. Historians and psychiatrists have shown that pedagogical regimes created in children feelings of anxiety, shame, insecurity, helplessness, or rage; these then were turned inward and transformed in the adult into personal rigidity, obsessive or compulsive behaviour, and narcissistic arrogance. Or worse. Both of Schreber's sons went mad; the elder killed himself.
119. See Schreber, quoted extensively in Morton Schatzman, Soul Murder: Persecution in the Family (London, 1973), pp. 16, 17
120. and Alice Miller, For Your Own Good: Hidden Cruelty in Child-rearing and the Roots of Violence (New York, 1983) for the consequences and additional German evidence.
121. Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', p. 60;
122. Matthew 7:20 (KJV) and cognate passages in Luke 6 and John 15 for the redemptive context. For a charmingly insightful and aptly reflexive analysis of Mueller's romantic difficulties,
123. see Andrew Brown-May and Sara Maroske, 'Breaking into the Quietude: Re-reading the Personal Life of Ferdinand von Mueller', Public History Review, 3 (1994), 36-63.
124. 'A Mueller Diary'; M. Grieve, A Modern Herbal, ed. C.F. Leyel (London, 1977);
125. Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', pp. 23-24;
126. John 9:4 (KJV). Cf. Voigt and Sinkora, 'Ferdinand (von) Mueller in Schleswig-Holstein', pp. 18-19.
127. 'A Mueller Diary'; R. Grandison, 'The 1851 Botanical Excursion of Ferdinand Mueller to the Flinders Ranges, South Australia', in History of Systematic Botany in Australasia;
128. Proceedings of a Symposium Held at the University of Melbourne, 25-27 May 1988, ed. p.S. Short (South Yarra, Vic., 1990), pp. 109-13;
129. N. Gemmell, 'Some Notes on Ferdinand von Mueller and the Early Settlement of Bugle Ranges', South Australian Naturalist, 49 (1975), 51-64.
130. 'A Mueller Diary'; Hooker, 'Obituary Notice', p. xxxii;
131. Spencer, 'Ferdinand von Mueller', p. 273;
132. Hardy, 'Excerpts from Letters', pp. 18, 22;
133. Mueller, 'Inaugural Address', p. 25.
134. Sybil Jack, 'Cultural Transmission: Science and Society to 1850', in Australian Science in the Making, pp. 45-66;
135. Philip C. Candy and John Laurent, eds, Pioneering Culture: Mechanics' Institutes and Schools of Arts in Australia (Adelaide, 1994);
136. Ian Inkster and Jan Todd, 'Support for the Scientific Enterprise', in Australian Science in the Making, pp. 102-32;
137. Ann Moyal, 'A Bright and Savage Land' (Ringwood, Vic., 1986), chap. 5;
138. Colin Finney, Paradise Revealed: Natural History in Nineteenth-Century Australia (Melbourne, 1993), chaps 5-6;
139. M.E. Hoare, 'Learned Societies in Australia: The Foundation Years in Victoria, 1850-1860', Records of the Australian Academy of Science, 1 (1967), 7-29.
140. 'A Mueller Diary'; Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', p. 28.
141. Ferdinand von Mueller, Observations on New Vegetable Fossils of the Auriferous Drifts (Melbourne, 1874-83).
142. The Rev. William Kirby explained the economics in his 1825 presidential address to the Zoological Club of the Linnean Society: Names are the foundation of knowledge; and unless they have 'a name' as well as 'a local habitation' with us, the zoological treasures that we so highly prize might almost as well have been left to perish in their native deserts or forests, as have grown mouldy in our drawers or repositories. But when once an animal subject is named and described, it becomes . . . a possession for ever, and the value of every individual specimen of it, even in a mercantile view, is enhanced.
143. See Kirby, 'Introductory Address', Zoological Journal, 2 (1825), 1-8, p. 5
144. and the discussion in Adrian Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology in London, 1822-1836: Part I', History of Science, 23 (1985), 153-85, p. 168.
145. Mueller to W.J. Hooker, 3 Feb. 1853, quoted in Lucas, 'Letters, Shipwrecks and Taxonomic Confusion', p. 208;
146. J. Hooker to Mueller, 22 June 1858, quoted in Daley, 'History of Flora Australiensis', p. 74. The statistics are compiled from the systematic indexes to the 1853 and the 1854 General Report, and the 1854 Annual Report from the Government Botanist (Melbourne, 1855). For Mueller's publications, see D.M. Churchill, T.B. Muir, and D.M. Sinkora, 'The Published Works of Ferdinand J.H. Mueller (1825-1896)', Muelleria, 4 (1978), 1-120 and idem, 'Published Works . . . Supplement', ibid., 5(1984), 229-48.
147. Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, p. 182.
148. Mark 4:20 (KJV);
149. Churchill et al., 'Published Works';
150. idem., 'Published Works . . . Supplement', pp. 246-48;
151. T.B. Muir, 'An Index to the New Taxa, New Combinations and New Names Published by Ferdinand J.H. Mueller', Muelleria, 4 (1979), 123-68;
152. Lucas, 'Baron von Mueller', p. 135;
153. Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', pp. 57-58.
154. Lucas, 'Baron von Mueller', pp. 135, 141;
155. Chisholm, Ferdinand von Mueller, p. 26;
156. Hardy, 'Excerpts from Letters', pp. 5, 19.
157. p.S. Short, 'Politics and the Purchase of Private Herbaria by the National Herbarium of Victoria', in History of Systematic Botany, pp. 5-12;
158. J.H. Willis, 'Botanical Science in Victoria 100 Years Ago', Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, n.s., 73 (1961), 41-45;
159. idem, 'Melbourne: A Focal Point for Early Botanical Activity', in History of Systematic Botany, pp. 1-3.
160. Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', pp. 37, 44, 47-48, 50;
161. Crosbie Morrison, ed., Melbourne's Garden: A Descriptive and Pictorial Record of the Botanic Gardens, Melbourne (Melbourne, 1946), p. 28.
162. On the botanic garden as paradise and book, see John Prest, The Garden of Eden: The Botanic Garden and the Re-Creation of Paradise (New Haven, 1981)
163. and Andrew Cunningham, 'The Culture of Gardens', in Cultures of Natural History, ed. N. Jardine, J.A. Secord, and E.C. Spray (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 38-56.
164. For the ambiguities of Edenic and Arcadian images of Australasia, see Ross Gibson, The Diminishing Paradise: Changing Literary Perceptions of Australia (Sydney, 1984), chaps 3-4 and
165. Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 2d ed. (New Haven, 1985), chap. 9.
166. Mueller, On the Advancement of the Natural Sciences, p. 18;
167. Hooker, 'Obituary Notice', p.xxxv;
168. J. Hooker to Mueller, 10 Sept. 1869, in Daley, 'History of Flora Australiensis', p. 221;
169. K. Goebel, 'Vegetationsbilder aus Australien', Natur and Kultur (Munich), 12 (1905-06), 353-58, 392-95,
170. cited in D.J. and S.G.M. Carr, 'Karl Goebel in Australia and New Zealand', in People and Plants in Australia, ed. D.J. and S.G.M. Carr (Sydney, 1981), pp. 167-79, p. 177.
171. Cf. Victor Hantzsch, 'Mü ller, Ferdinand Jacob Heinrich Freiherr von', in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, Vol. 52 (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 498-500, p. 499.
172. Morrison, Melbourne's Garden, p. 37;
173. Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', p. 52;
174. Palmer, 'The Botanist', p. 100. Mueller saw the irony of his plight; he wrote to Darwin on 16 June 1874;
175. 'Imagine Dr Hooker as Gov. Botanist of England out of Kew and performing the duties only of his salary, leaving his family & old age unprovided. What a poor triumph of the proprietors of the Argus, who are well aware that with the scanty means granted no one could have done more for the bot garden than I did . . . It is strange that not one of all the men of science of England has taken the slightest notice of my having left no m[ean]s beyond £ 300 to work the important duties of my department' (Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library, 171.4). See also Powell, 'Exiled from the Garden', pp. 317-19.
176. Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 375-76;
177. Mueller, Forest Culture in Its Relation to Industrial Pursuits: A Lecture . . . (Melbourne, 1871); idem, Report on the Forest Resources of Western Australia (London, 1879), pp. 2, 26-27, 30;
178. idem, Address by Baron Ferd. von Mueller . . . on the Development of Rural Industries (Melbourne, [1880]), pp. 2-3.
179. Mueller, Address, p. 21;
180. idem, 'Inaugural Address', p. 8;
181. Revelation 22:2, in Mueller, Eucalyptographia: A Descriptive Atlas of the Eucalypts of Australia and the Adjoining Islands (Melbourne, 1879-84), dec. 10.
182. Matthew 6:19-21 (KJV);
183. Daley, 'Baron Sir Ferdinand Von Mueller', p. 55;
184. Chisholm, Ferdinand von Mueller, pp. 25, 30;
185. Arthur Lucas, 'von Mueller, Ferdinand Jacob Heinrich', New Dictionary of National Biography, forthcoming. Mueller actually solicited the Royal Medal, proposing that it should be conferred 'in the year of the first centenary jubilee here': see Mueller to p.S. Sclater, [before 14 Feb. 1888],
186. in J.M. Powell, 'A Letter from the Baron: Von Mueller's Royal Medal, 1888', Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 63 (1978), 270-74, p. 271.